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THE. ^z-^--^':^-
LIBRARY MAGAZINE
IMERICAK AND FOREIGN THOUGHT.
voL'tf:Ntii„.yijl.
Kew Yobe:
AMEBIOAN BOOK EZGHAKGE,
764 Bboadway.
1881.
THE NEW YORK
1 PUBLIC LIBRARY!
64S.S.57
AftTOR, LENOX V»0
TILDEN FOUNDATIONS
19^3
PUBLISHER'S NOTICE.
n
-.1
•■ \
■1
The Library Magazine was originally started as a monthly,
ten cents a number, $i.oo a year, its contents being limited to choici
selections from English and continental magazines and reviews, thu
occupying a field similar to the old and excellent Littell's Living Ag
'and Eclectic Magazine, discarding, however, all fiction and distinctive! j
light literature, and supplying the very best that they contain, at ahov
one fourth their cost.
In consonance with the maxim, ** what is worth reading is wort
jpreserving," a form of publication was adopted with a special view t^
convenience for reference and binding, and beginning with September
l88o, each issue forms a complete bound volume. This innovation ij
recognized as being of very great value to real students of literature.
Beginning with the issue for December, i88o, American topics, trea^
ed by American thi^ikers and \;^it^r% of-est^bl'^fhed reputation in liter
ture, are introduced. Thr Ltbrahy MAGAZiJfE undertakes to occup^
so high a stand that it. shall be cojxsjd^ri^d an indispensable part of thJ
library of every American who asj^irc^-io the broadest culture, an^
desires to keep fully abreast With fhe^proi^ress of American and trans
atlantic thought. The contenrs of any yoltime will indicate how wel
it succeeds in this ambitious att&iiipt. -
CONTENTS.
/
Beyond . David Swing ', 1 1
A Vermont Ruskin. The Spectator xj
English Orthography. F. A. March, LL.D aa
Study of History. Edward A. Freeman 3a
Literary Profession in the South. Margaret J. Preston 60
Reminiscences of the High Church Revival. James Anthony Froude 74
The Esthetics in Parliament. Justin H. McCarthy 87
A Day with Liszt in 1880. H. R. Haweis 106
The Study of Shakespeare. Joseph Crosby 121
Genius AND Method. Temple Bar 136
"Who wrote " Gil Blas" ? Henri Van Laun 151
The Morality of the Profession of Leiters. Robert Louis Stevenson 176
Thoaias Carlylb. Mrs. Oliphant' 187
Political Differentiation. Herbert S^nj^cr, ,..^»j^... 215
Modern Italian Poets. Fr^ois JrlitGU^r ,... .\, ,..>.. c. 236
A Night os Mount WASHiM}1i«r?. Pi</f. G. W.'Blaikie,..*!.^ 257
Byron in Greece. Temple Bar. , -. 271
^^Carlyle's Lectures on the PERi^j^i'OF^SL'RdPEAN. Culture. Prof. Edward
Dowden .; ..^ . ! , . ^ ^ < . t . .-t 283
What Became of Cromwell ? Genth3?a;i*e Magaiine ^ ., 31 x
The United States as a Field for AxsKictjLTUkAt Se-Htlers. The • Earl of
Airl ie Im. "../>/.."..'. .•.:..'..: 327
On Novels and Novel-Makers. Good Words 342
How TO READ Books. John Dennis 356
William Prescott at Bunker Hill. Robert C. Winthrop 369
The First Printed Book Known. M. W. Conway 393
The Revised Version of- the English New Testament. Alexander Rob-
ert9,^.D 403
Sir David Brewster.and Sir John Herschhl. Alexander Strahan 424
CuAiiLEs DiCKEN's IN THE Editor's Chair. Gentleman's Magazine 436
Justice to Braconsfield. George M. Towle * 456
The Sword. Blackwood's Magazine 461.
Eakly Life of Thomas Carlyle. J. A. Froude 49*
Anecdotes of Bibles. Chambers's Journal 54»
Iv
COISTTENTS,
PAG
Thb First Englkh Post. William Allingham
BoNAPARTB. J. R. Seeley 553
Thb Origin of London. Cornhill Magazine 59
William Blake. Frederick Wedmore ; .- .. . 6ij
Francis Brbt Harte. M. S. V. de V 63I
Gossip of an Old Bookworm. W. J. Thorns 63J
Cuneiform Writing. W. O. Sproull, Ph.D 66^
Bngush and American English. Richard A. Proctor 674
Dogs of Litmrature. Temple Bar
Thb British Census of i88z. Chambers's Journal 7al
Thb Great Discovery in Egypt. The Saturday Review 7^
Amothbr World down Hbrx. W. Mattieu Williams 74J
\ . - S I, '
/
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
VOLUME 8, OCTOBER, 1881.
BEYOND.
Man's senses do not disclose the world to his mind : they only
suggest it. The eye is of amazing utility, and yet it sees only a
small part of the landscape. Standing on the shore of the deep,
man can make a survey of twelve miles of wave and sparkle.
The main ocean lies wholly out of reach of his eye and ear and
touch. Yet from such an outlook, from a coast, this sensitive
^creature turns away toward his cottage with his heart full of the
thought that it has seen immensity. Perhaps the heiart did: the
eye did not. This same mortal climbs a hill inland and sees a
valley outstretching in all directions, and he once more feels
that something awful has just come into his soul through his
sight. True enough, but that grand something was not that
valley. In both these instances the objects so viewed and
admired were greater than those dimensions taken in by the
sense. These' surveys by the eye only suggested a vast expanse
that was not seen. Sense, therefore, suggests rather than reveals.
Man is an animal wholly pervaded by the — Beyond. What his
sense perceives, he at once multiplies by thousands and millions,
and thinks not of the unit upon which he began his mathemat-
ical operation. His five senses are only the little seeds which,
by an instantaneous process, not known to gardeners, rise up
into trees and in a second pass to leaf and flower and fruit. In
music the ear becomes not a realization but a suggestion, for
12 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
no sooner does a performer awaken pleasure than a\^ ' - . n e n < ind
goes in pursuit of a larger orchestra and a more hea\ ■ / i^^^sic ;
and when this delighted soul is done with the actuf.. ,uv jg it
has been off in the clouds, it has been multiplying,^ i »p /s by
tens and its tens by hundreds. Its original penr. ^ urned
into a fortune.
We pity those women of India who pass life in housrs which
have no outer windows but have only windows that open into
an interior court, and who, when transferred from one house to
another, are conveyed in close carriages which have a window
only in the top. Of these women some reach old age without
ever having seen a field or a forest,^ or even trees and flowers ;
but these slaves of masculine jealousy are emblems of man were
he left to the exact report of only his five senses, for they oper-
ate in only a small area, they are windows opening into a
limited court. The perceptions of sense are only a basis of
subsequent mental action, and it is this subsequent action which
gives to man his breadth of knowledge and pojjrer of compre-
hension. Nature really lies beyond the human ken ; and whefi
man has eyes only, and no spiritual or mental^ vision, he is a
rather small specim^i of animal life. As seen in the science of
Darwin or in the account in Genesis, man was a creature of very-
narrow knowledge and mental power. To Adam's eyes Eve
was a greater personage than the Deity, for Eve was a visible,
audible object, and that fact gave her a wonderful advantage in
this local court. It was when man got away from his physical
standards and began to use that faculty which looks into the
" beyond," that the universe began to appear and the woman
and the apple and the whole Eden affair to assume small pro-
portions in the midst of the vast scene.
The conclusion is therefore gently forced upon us that man
possesses a separate faculty called "imagination," or "idealism,"
which is his real instructor and surveyor. Estimated by his
senses, man is remarkable for his poverty; estimated by the
treasures his iniagination brings he is remarkable for his riches.
BEYOND, 13
From the little visible he proceeds to the immense invisible.
" Borrowing from Castelar, we affirm that nature gives the toiler
only the plain girl Leah at the end of the first service, and then
by granting the more beautiful Rachel the toiler is enticed into
seven more years of industry. Leah comes as a reward of the
first outlook, Rachel as the prize of the imagination. This fac-
ulty is c^ie window throuo^'i which man gazes into eternity. It
is the real eye of man. In the physical senses the Creator made
only a moderate provision for his rational creature. Those out-
reachings answer the purpose of the Indian, who desires only
plenty of buffalo, and for the Esquimau, who need only seek
for the white bear and the walrus ; but the moment man would
cross the line of barbarism a demand springs up for some new
power of acquisition and of happiness. Providence relents, and
in the zenana houses and carriages of the imprisoned mortal he
cuts li.rge windows which look out upon the boundless. March-
ing up to these windows, the mind, rising in even rags from a
bed of straw, gazes sweetly out into all that is measureless.
To the common, prosy, sleeping eye only a few unimportant
things are visible. It stands so close to its candle that it is
oblivious of the sun. A few houses, a few feet of railway, a
piece of a street, and a few policemen a^e in sight, but before
the spiritual vision there lie empires, arts, governments, indus-
tries, wonderful men and women, gold for labor, and laurels for
poetry and learning and eloquence. When the physical senses
of a humble German cottager fell into a sweet sleep, suddenly
the inner faculties of his mind began to multiply the cottage by
millions. The thatched roof rose grandly into great slate-
covered rafters, the square holes through which a little light
had wandered became Gothic openings through which a great
flood of glory poured; the chimney widened its base and
became a spire in whose far-up height rang softly a chime of
bells, his fire-place became an altar, and the steam from his
boiling kettle rolled up as delicious incense. Thus the German
saw truly and grandly. His dream is a fragment of man's
X4 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
history, for when the coarse outer sense makes room for the
larger perception of the spiritual power the tangible realities
become only steps on which the soul ascends to the heights.
The ideal is the explanation of life. Man is an animal whose
world is not under his feet like the world of the elephant and
the ox. but it is far away in the front. The present and near
are not his ocean, but only the little water that is under his
ship. Hence in journeying man always sits looking forward.
Women o( gentle intellect and absorbed in fashion can ride
backward, for their sweet instinct is to keep. dust out of their
limited eyes. In the general man moves toward the bow of the
vessel, that he may look not at what is behind him, but out
toward the untried and unknown. The true human being
declines riding backward, not from reasons that are physical,
but spiritual. It makes man sick to have his soul reversed.
This strange imaginative property makes ideality the royal
faculty of the mind. Without this potency man retreats toward
the brute creation, with it he threatens to become angelic. The
" ideal '* is an advance portrait of destiny. The future partly
discounts itself and becomes the now. A curious writer in Eng-
land committed to the form of a small volume, thirty years ago,
his ingenious thought that the past scenes of our earth are still
visible somewhere to *some persons, to spirits or at least to
Deity, for if light journeys only two hundred thousand miles in
a second, there are fixed stars so remote that the light flung
back from the men building the pyramids, or from the waters
which rocked the " happy family " in the ark, is just now reach-
ing those beings gazing down from those orbs. Events present
here six thousand years ago are thus just transpiring elsewhere,
and from some much nearer star might now be seen the battle
of Salamis, or the death of Jesus Christ. From this little essay,
out of which Froude perhaps borrowed the fancy, without con-
fession, in his paper on *' History as a Science," it may be infer-
red that as the Creator has made a universe in which the by-
gone days are following the human race, to be seen again, per-
BEYOND. 15
haps, when the soul can fly from star to star, so it is possible
that what is called the idealis only a gentle smiting, upon the
spirit, of light from the infinite future^ — that other hemisphere
of the now. At least, the imagination is the one faculty that
binds humanity to the future, and which thus widens the little
stream of time into an ocean.
In its ardent work this creative energy will often make mis-
takes. In its childhood its blunders are many, and sometimes
serious. The rustle of its own footsteps will often be misunder-
stood by a child, and will seem the tread of an angry giant, as the
noise of one's own blood heard in a shell will seem the old roar-
ing of the sea. A tea-cup held to the ear will dispel the dream
forever. Not knowing the habit of the mind to throw itself
outward into the beyond, primitive man transformed his sensa-
tions into external entities, and out of his longings made incar-
nations. When the brave men before Homer felt the pulse beat
with courage, and their souls to be full of war, they mistook
this inner roaring for tde sound of a far-off sea, and soon be-
lieved in a Hercules catching a wild lion and performing other
tremendous labors without fatigue. They expected daily to
meet the strong man, or some one of his sons, in some gloomy
wood or mountain shadow. When the primitive woman be-
gan to believe in physical and spiritual beauty she innocently
began to suspect it was beyond and above her particular self and
race, and as little children cause their fears to become external,
and hear .them moving in closets or letting fall mysterious foot-
steps on the back-stairs, so the early woman created" an outer
form, and called it Diana, or Venus, and felt that the Tale of
Tempe was full of womanly beauty and dance and music far be-
yond all that was human. The swarm of larger and smaller
divinities which fill now the dead books of mythology camfe
from one of the blunders of this telescopic vision of the soul;
and after all this error was not very harmful, for it were better
for the human race to imagine greatness to be in a Hercules and
an Apollo and a Jupiter than not to be fully persuaded of £•
16 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
merit far beyond that already attained by itself; better for
woman to fabricate a Diana and 'a Venus and a Minerva than
not to have dreams of her oVn sweet and infinite possibilities.
Heroism grew as much by the help of Hercules as by the phi-
losophy of Socrates, as long as the man of ten labors was an as-
sumed reality. Mythology was a rather harmless mistake for the
times where it dwelt. Had the ancients possessed only one god,
he would have been a poor little god after all, for oneness does
not involve quality ; for were all the reptiles combined into one,
that one would not be a dove, nor a nightingale, but only a big
snake. It was not the unity of Deity that marked the necessary
reform of religion, but the improved quality of the thing uni-
fied. The Mohammedans had but one god, but the bones of
slaughtered millions remind us that better than that one was
that group of celestials which in the age of Pericles sipped am-
brosia on Olympus.
The gradual progress of the human mind has corrected many
of the errors of this stupendous spiritual vision. Colors are now
poured back upon the soul which were once poured out into
the woods to make a nymph or an Aphrodite. Society reclaims
its stolen goods, and makes a Beatrice or a DeStael or a Reca-
mier. The mythological world is plundered, and out of its mar-
bles we build up Madonnas and Evangel ines and Luciles. The
Hercules has thrown away his club to be simply a Prince of
Orange or a Wellington, and the beautiful Cytherea has come
in from the mirror-fountains to dwell henceforth in the spirit of
any cultivated and beautiful woman. Thus has the heart of to-
day really overtaken much of the " beyond " of yesterday.
From this inner and powerful sense of sight which has dis-
tinguished alwaj^s man from the kingdom of brutes, and which
throws man out of that animal world surveyed by Darwin's
school, we seem authorized to feel that there is indeed a beyond
for humanity. His development into greatness here so comes
from such a gazing far away from his feet, so much of all that is
good in his literature and art and personal character comes from
A VERMONT RUSK IN, 1/
this standing in the bow of the vessel and looking forward and
from his deep unwillingness to look back, that the heart with
difficulty rejects the conclusion that there must be a God in the
advance who is leading along His children by means of an ever-
increasing glory-track. As the slow and noiseless flow of deep
rivers point out to one far inland the reality of the ocean,- so this
long and deep flow of the ideal sentiment announces in advance
the reality of a Supreme One. The ideal is the wake of a great
ship that has gone before. So perfect, indeed, will be the uni-
verse if this is true, and so imperfect would it appear if all
human longings are to terminate in the grave, that in this
emergency, and having a perfect freedom of choice, those may
well be pardoned who shall believe that the imagination is a
prophet in the bosom, uttering in all times the one rhapsody
that man is a true child of destiny — a destiny amazing in its
quality and duration — a destiny not for the race only, but for
the individual heart.
David Swing.
A VERMONT RUSKIN.
There is a little exhibition of pictures now being held at No.
14 Grafton street, London, which should not be allowed to pass
away wholly unnoticed. It represents a portion of the life-
work of a man who may be called, with a fair approach to
accuracy, the first genuine oil-painter of whom America has
been able to boast. It speaks well for his countrymen that
they were able to recognize in him the artistic merit which is so
rare a gift, and that Mr. William Morris Hunt's art was univer-
sally appreciated throughout his native country during his life-
time. The brief record of his life given in the preface to the
catalogue of the present exhibition, presents us with a picture
of an artist's career as pleasant as it is rare, and while making
all allowances for the omission of the darker shades in the pic-
I8 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
ture, we acknowledge reluctantly that of few painters can it be
said that they were, at the same time, highly educated as youths,
highly experienced in the world as young men, highly successful
in the art they practiced and the friendships they gained, and
highly honored at the close of their career for their pictures,
their teachings, and their life. Something, we cannot say what,
that belongs to the artist temperament is generally found to
prevent either the success sought for or the respect that should
accompany it; or, if it makes shipwreck of neither fame nor
respect, yet forms the cause of disaster still more fatal to happi-
ness, and spreads over reputation and honor a shadow of mor-
bid sadness which admits of little or no alleviation. Healthy
genius may exist, we believe it has existed, but it is certainly
the rarest thing in the world, and all the conditions of modem
life seem to be against its development. But into this subject
we need not enter here. Suffice it to say that Mr. Hunt's genius
for art, such as it was, was indubitably healthy -and honest to
an unusual degree; judging from his pictures and his instrua-
tions to his pupils (the latter of which were reviewed two years
since in these columns, under the title of "Talks kbout Art"),
no man possessed a saner mind in a saner body, no man knew
more clearly that art was not rightly the offspring of diseased
imaginations and secluded lives, but a free, healthy growth from
the skill and knowledge of free and healthy men. One sen-
tence of his expresses this sentiment as clearly and as concisely
as heart could wish, for it could hardly be put into better and
clearer words than " Paint firm, and be joIlJ^" — an aphorism
which might be recommended with great advantage, not to the
preraphaelites alone, or indeed chiefly, but to that class of
young artists who have somehow succeeded the preraphael-
ites, and arrived on preraphaelite principles at a very unpre-
raphaelite conclusion. For assuredly, the "worship of sorrow"
was never one of the essential motives of the preraphaelitism,
which, indeed, consisted in affirming the healthiness and beauty
of all things, rather than the doctrine that beauty an(! disease.
A VERMONT RUSKIN. 19
joy and hysteria, were convertible terms. Fancy the result of
saying to one of the beardless apostles of this latest artistic cult,
"Paint firm, and be jolly;" can you not fancy the look of sad
surprise with which the words would be greeted, if, indeed, they
did not prove to be altogether too great a trial for the sham
enthusiast, and cause him to fade away slowly and silently, as if
in the presence of a veritable " Boojum ?"
The great interest that attaches to Mr. Hunt's pictures seems
to us to be chiefly due to the fact that they proceeded from one who
was practically the first American teacher of art principles, —
first, not only in reputation and merit, but absolutely in point
of timp; for speaking roughly, Mr. Hunt may be said to have
had no predecessors. To all intents and purposes, his talks
upon art stand in the same relation to American painting as did
Reynold's Criticisms to English art, and it would be a most
interesting thing to compare the refined and somewhat courtly
discourse of our own countryman, with the terse, vigorous sen-
tences, half Saxon-English and half New England slang, in which
Mr. Hunt expressed his ideas.
But we have to mention the pictures in this exhibition, and
to answer the great question which always presents itself in
speaking of transatlantic art, — is it original } First, let us say
that in all probability (j"^S^"S ^y ^^e photographs and the
charcoal drawings in this gallery), the finest pictures of Mr.
Hunt are not represented here. Ther^ are a few photographs
and about half-a-dozen charcoal studies of landscape, which
seem to show a delicacy of touch and a truth of atmospheric
effect which are only to be equalled by such men as Corot and
Daubigny. On the other hand, several of the lai^e oil land-
scapes in the gallery are coarsely and indolently painted, with
an amount of hurry and slovenliness very inconsistent with fine
art. The work is in many places that of a clever amateur, or, at
the best, of an artist who thought anything he did was *.*good
enough." There is (if we may use the expression) too much of
the "Paint firm, and be jolly"- feeiing about the works; and the
20 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
painter was too easily "jolly," too carelessly "firm." And for the
originality, — ^well, if truth be strictly told, probably none of the
work is original, but reflected from the work of the several
French masters whom Mr. Hunt most admired, and with whom
he for several years constantly associated. Corot, Dau bigny,
and Millet are chiefly Yesponsible for what ii good in the land-
scapes; Delacroix and Couture for the style of the figure and
genre pictures. Into Couture's studio Mr. Hunt entered about
1846, and he was already famous when the Revolution of 1848
broke out. His acquaintance with Millet dates from 1852, sub-
sequent to which time he worked with that painter at Fon-
tainebleau until his return to America. 'Without entering too
much into technical criticism of Mr. Hunt's landscapes, it may
be said broadly that both their faults and merits are due to the
influence of the great French artists amongst whom he practi-
cally learnt his art. Mr. Hunt's landscapes are painted for the
most part in low keys of color, give their c^ief attention to the
preservation of the general tone of the picture, and habitually
subordinate form to general effect. Positive color they can
hardly be said to deal with at all, their aim is to give truly
the relation of tone to tone, the truths of distance, light,
and shadow; they are not so much pictures of this or that
place, as they are delicate melodies suggested by the place and
its appearance at a certain hour, touched off by skillful fingers,
and possessing a truth of their own, though not the truth of
nature. The real diflSctilty of criticising them, and of the artists
from whose work they had their origin, lies in the fact that not
being real in the sense of accurate reproductions of nature, they
are still less ideal in the right sense of t^e word, but are mix-
tures of certain natural facts arbitrarily selected, and certain
dominant ways of regarding these facts. • That Mr. Hunt took
this method of work from the French artists with whom he
associated is only too certain, and so is the fact that he could by
no means decide which it was of those artists whom he would
make his master. In the landscapes exhibited here we have
A VERMONT RUSKIN, 21
now and then one m the style of Tioyon; now one in that of
Daubigny ; here a Corot, there a Millet, and so on to the end of
the chapter. It is by no means, therefore, to be understood
that the works are deliberate imitations of the -bove masters;
it is quite certain, indeed, that Mr. Hunt was quite unaware of
the similarity, and indeed would have denied it, as we may
gather from the following sentence from his " Talks :" " When I
left it, I thought, 'The first person who comes in will say, "Oh,
trying to paint like Corot!" ' I wasn't trying to paint like any
one; but 1 know when I look at nature I thinic of Millet, Corot
Delacroix, and sometimes of Daubigny." This sentence, in-
deed, lets us into another secret about Mr. Hunt — the secret,
namely, that he had no actual method of work; he says so
plainly enough, in other parts of the book, and it is pretty clear
from the work itself. The last word to apply to it correctly
would be " masterly." It is anything but that. Generally inter-
esting, often meritorious, sometimes (as in the large picture of
the " Falls of Niagara") simply false and bad, but never mas-
terly—never, that is, approaching a determined end, by perfectly
understood and unwasted means.
We have left ourselves scarcely any space to speak of Mr.
Hunt's figure-painting and portraiture, both of which are well
represented in this exhibition, though the examples are few in
number. The portraits are strongly, even roughly, painted,
full of vigor, and full of a certain kind of penetration, but
hardly satisfactory either as pictures or as puMings (we hope
our readers will observe the distinction). Flesh-painting proper,
as the old masters understood it (or even as it is understood
nowadays by Henner, Watts, and Millais), is scarcely attempted;
but there is a certain sobriety and even dignity of treatment
which is a rare quality in portraiture, and the flesh suffers but
little from the cold, gray shadows so common in modern
French art. Some of the smaller figures are very charmingly
executed, with a rough delicacy (like the way a strong man
touches a baby), and show- a kindly feeling for simple domes-
22 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
ticities, which does not d^enerate into twaddle about baby's
socks or Master Charles's pony.
In conclusion, we may sum up the exhibition by saying that
it perhaps interests us more in the painter who executed
the pictures than in the pictures themselves, for it seems to
show "genuine artistic genius struggling, despite much admira-
tion of other men's work, to beat out an individual path of its
own, and only failing because its possessor saw too clearly the
merits of too many people. Mr. Hunt wanted to be Couture,
Delacroix, and Millet rolled into one, and he ended by being —
and it was no small achievement — a Vermont Ruskin.
— The Spectator.
ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY.
WHAT CAN WE DO ABOUT IT?
It has often been said that the most important invention ever
made is that of alfabetic writing. Before that invention men
used to draw pictures for writing, or make other signs of objects
or thoughts, and there wer as many different signs as there wer
words in the writing. The lerned wer all their lives leming to
read. It is so now in Chinese. The invention of alfabetic wri-
ting consisted in writing signs for the sounds of spoken lan-
guage. The elementary sounds ar few in any language, thirty
to fifty at most, and may be lernd in a few hpurs. This saves
the labor of a lifetime. In Chinese there ar two languages, one
spoken and one written, with no helpful connection between
them ; each has to be lernd by itself. Where the writing is alfa-
betic there is but one language, the spoken language... Writing
is only a means of recording and transmitting it, and in a wel
spelt language spelling may be lernd in a few hours.
In a- perfect alfabet there is one sign and only one for each
ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY. 23
dementary sound. One who Icnows it can tel at once from
hearing a word exactly how to write it, and from seeing a word
exactly how to pronounce it.
Every one knows that the English spelling is not perfect.
What with having been mixt up by Saxon, Norman, and • the
Dane in the first place, and mixf in with Latin, Greek, Welsh,
Hebrew, French, and a sprinkling of words from all the rest of
mankind, what with having been put in print by Dutch print- •
ers, and having been the sport of pedagogs, and professors of
Latin and Greek, and printers* boys for generations, while great
changes of pronunciation wer taking place all thru it, upsetting
the whole gamut of vowel sounds, we hav reacht at last the
worst spelling in the world. One can never tel in English how
to write a word from hearing it, or how to pronounce a word
from seeing it written. The written language is in many respects
a diflferent language from the spoken. It represents the lan-
guage of some past generation, or some foren nation, and must
be lernd, each word by itself, with little help from the sounds.
We make a very fair approach in complexity and difficulty to
the Chinese.
Our people hav been fond of this spelling, or at least proud
of it. Is there not something that may wel stimulate honora-
ble pride in having a spelling that cannot be spelt without know-
ing Latin, Greek and French, and Anglo-Saxon, and a leash of
other tungs ? But since the science of language has cum into
being and the English language has really becum a subject oi
scientific study, and the lerned spelling is found to be mostly a
hubbub of blunders, the time spent in lerning it is seen to be
absurd waste for the literary class, and wicked robbery of the
scant school time of the people.
Within the last ten years this matter has been very fully
shown up. ' The lingMistic scholars in whose specialty our spell-
ing lies hav spoken out very freely in reprobation and objurga-
tion of it. It is in fact, among foren scholars as well as our
own, the opprobrium of English scholarship. Illiteracy is also
24 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
everywhere recognised as one of the most pressing clangers to
free institutions, and to Christian living.
But what can we do about it ? The apparatus which is famil-
iar to our generation when any great moral work is to be done
has been set in motion. Spelling-reform associations hav been
formd here and in England. ' Lecturers ar in the field. Con-
ventions, state, national, international, ar held. The press is
appeald to, and the government. Schemes of reform swarm.
But it is evident that if the world moves in the regular groovs
and we hav no cataclysm, an effectual reform, such as to giv
us a fairly spelt language like Gfjrman or Spanish, wil take seve-
ral generations.
When this is said, however, it is not implied that nothing can
be done at once. It is not necessary to wart till everybody who
reads English is agreed to a complete system before doing
anything.
From a publisher's point of view, in the first place, as soon as
there ar a sufficient number of persons altogether who wil buy
books in amended spelling, or take a periodical printed in it, to
make a substantial and profitabl bizness, the time has cum
to establish a publishing house to carry on this bizness, and to
establish reformd spelling among these buyers. This time has
already cum. Isaac Pitman of Bath, England, the famous
inventor of fonetic stenografy, publishes the Phonetic Journal,
a weekly paper with a circulation of over 1 2,000. His subscribers
ar scatterd all over the world, but the Journal has been publisht
since 1843, and- is steadily, if slowly, increasing its circulation.
Mr. Pitman also publishes various books, tracts, charts and the
like, and his bizness is one of the great ones in England. There
is also a great fonetic depot in London, kept by Mr. Fred Pit-
man, which doutless pays. A bizness-man will see at once
how this bizness is to spred. As soon as the buyers becum
numerous enuf, new publishing houses will be started, pushing
the use of this kind of printing with new vigor, making it famil*
iar to more persons, and so giving rise to s;til new publishers.
. ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY, 2$
There ar, in fact, alredy many smaller establishments, emulat-
ing Mr. Pitman in England, and there can be little dout that
the time is fully ripe for the starting of an American publishing
house, if any Pitman is redy to man it. Perhaps no town or
city would at once support it, but it would rapidly gather its
constituency from the whole country.
And one great bizncss coud hardly be bilt up before our
versatil publishers would all be puting out a book or two in
amended spelling.
And now what sort of spelling coud such a publishing house
use ? What sort of spelling does Mr. Pitman use ? The answer
to this question indicates that reform must be gradual. Such a
publishiug house would of course use, as Mi. Pitman does, differ-
ent kinds of spelling for different purposes ; matter intended for
enthusiastic reformers is o.ne thing, missionary matter to win
over opponents or interest the indifferent is quite another.
Looking at the printed matter from another point of view, it
may be seen to be of three kinds, for scientific use, for sch(5ol
use, for popular reading. Our dictionaries ar the most familiar
examples of the first kind. They undertake to giv the pronun-
ciation, and in order to do it they must hav a fonetic alfabet.
They make one by adding diacritical marks to a sufficient num-
ber of the letters. • Webster, for example, has forty letters markt
to indicate their exact pronunciation. These ar printed along
the bottom of each pair of pages in the unabrigd dictionary.
Many other works besides dictionaries need to giv the pronun-
ciation of occasional words or letters. Books of travel, geo-
grafical manuals, essays on language, and the like, ar full of
occasions of that kind. Our dictionaries now use different alfa-
bets, Worcester and Webster hav each to be lernt, and so with
other books. Taken all together they present such a compli-
cation that scholars who use a dictionary a dozen times a day
hav to look at the key every time to make out the sound in
doutful cases. It would be a very great immediate gain if
some complete fonetic alfabet wer agreed on for such uses.
26 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
The National Association of Great Britain for the promotion
of Social Science has had this matter before them, and taken
action in favor of an establisht scientific spelling as alternativ
with and explanatory of the common spelling. No one would
object to the use of perfect fonetic spelling for such uses as
these. And this spelling is also exactly what the radical reform-
ers want to see used at once in everything they read. Newspa-
pers and other works printed, specially for them may at once be
printed in this way. The number of readers is now small, but
most of them ar strong in faith, and believ the only mode of
progress is to hold up the perfect standard and rally all men to
it. We may be sure when the battle is won they will hav no
dout who won it. But perhaps the immediate value of this
kind of spelling is to be found in its being a guide and stimulus
to partial reform, rather than in its power of commending itself
directly to the majority for immediate adoption.
Our present spelling has departed so far from fonetic spelling
that very few readers recognize the words in fonetic spelling
fast enuf to read with plesure. The improvements of spelling
hav been gradual heretofore, and they ar likely to be so hereaf-
ter. The publisher of popular reading, newspapers, or books of
general interest must keep within the bounds of what is easily
intelligibl. In this field, therefore, reform must be gradual,
and it seems likely that here the redy reformers will most suc-
cessfully initiate improvements. The elders of the present genera-
tion remember the lively combats over the words ending in -£wr
and 'ick when Webster first gave his authority in favor of -or
and -ic, I remember when the spelling music first appeard in
the streets of Worcester, A new-cumer in that center of Mas-
sachusetts, which is the center of the universe, put out a sign .
letterd music-store. The school-boys used to stop and spel it
with derisiv shouts, and plaster the sign with mud-balls in
summer and snow-balls in winter. But musick has now gon
after Shakespeare's musigue, and the -our has gon too. Econ^
omy backt by etymology seemd to demand these changes. The
^ ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY, 2/
school-masters and the literary men, who control the spelling,
with the advice and consent of the printers, knew that the Latin
mmica had no k in it, and honor had no u in it.
This may teach us what words ar most likely to be changed
next. They ar words which hav useless letters which ar wrong
in etymology. The greater part of these ar Anglo-Saxon. The
familiar words from Latin ar fairly spelt. But fifty years ago
. the men who knew Anglo-Saxon coud be counted on the fingers.
It was studied nowhere in England or America. It was left to
our orators and essay-writers to dilate upon the glories of the
mother tung, or grandmother tung, of which they knew not
one word. The lexicografers and professors of language wer
worse stiL They gave currency to imaginary derivations of
Anglo-Saxon English words from Latin and Greek, and mis-
spelt them to perpetuate their blunders. Thus the old English
//<i«^/ (island), meaning /a5«^ in a/«/^r, was imagined to be from
Latin insula, and on that baseless fancy a silent s was inserted
to preserv the memory of the Latin. The old English rime
(rhyme) was supposed to be from Greek, like rhythm, and so
was misspelt into the semblance of a Greek derivativ. The old
sithe (scythe) was thought to be from the root of Latin scindo,
and was fixt irp accordingly, with its luckless companions in blun-
dering, scissors and scimitar or scymetar, or however they choose
to spell the old English cimeter. Twig was a good old English
word, but our Latin ists thought it was a form of the Latin ////-
gtia, French langue, and they turnd it into tongue. An Anglo-
Saxon scholar cannot write such words as these without a pro-
test. And the Anglo-Saxon scholars ar becoming numerous.
No branch of study has so grown in favor within the last ten
years. There ar few, if any, of our well-mand colleges without
a course in it, and it is fast spreding in our high-schools and
academies. These etymologies ar- becoming part of the com-
monplaces of the school-room. They hav alredy reacht the
popular dictionaries. The new edition of Worcester, our great
conservativ authority in pronunciation and spelling, has them
28 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. f
faithfully recorded. Hand, for example, is down in its proper
place, and we ar told that it is the correct spelling of island;
and under island the same statement is repeated, with the expla-
nation that the s has been ignorantly inserted thru confusing it
with isle, from insula. So with rime and sithe and others. It
seems impossibl that these blunders can hold their ground
much longer.
The same may be said of similar words, the disguise of which
is not to be traced to the Latin etymologist. Thus the / of could
is a modern insertion under the influence of W(mld Sind should,
the /'s of which come from will and shalL The iv in whole is a
pure blunder, void of malice aforethought; but it separates its
victim from the kindred hale, heal, health, holy, and weakens the
significance of the hole family. There is a class of words in
which an unfonetic and unetymologic a has been inserted;
feather, from the old f ether, leather, from lether, and the like.
Webster drew attention to these and spelt them correctly, but-
there wer not ten Anglo-Saxons in America to stand by him.
There ar some seventy common words in which ^« has the sound
of short e, and the spelling reformers might as well reform them
all at once. Readers of old English whose eyes ar made glad by
the pages of Chaucer and Spen'feer and Shakespeare ar now
numerous enuf to make a fashion. There is another habit of
the erly writing which may well be more extensivly used, that
of spelling the past tense and participle of verbs as they ar pro-
nounct, writing / final when that is the sound. It has always
been in use, was once universal, and is nowagen becoming com-*
mon ; wisht, mixt, kist, shriekt, and the like, can be used by any
author without embarrassing his readers. The revival of good
old spellings commends itself indeed to literary artists and critics
of English literature as an attractiv trait. There can be no stu-
dent of Shakespeare who does not find that Mr. Furnivars Intro-
duction to the " Leopold Shakspere" has a peculiar piquancy and
keeping from his frequent happy use of these forms. They ar a
saiice to his good wit, nor can they be caviare to the general.
ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY. 29
The interest in this kind of reform is so great that the Philo-
logical Society of London has been induced by many appeals to
take up the matter in ernest and appoint a committee to report
upon it. Mr. Sweet, the well-known leader of Anglo-Saxon
scholarship in England, has lately made the report. The pam-
flet containing it is entitled " Partial Corrections of English
Spellings recommended by the Philological Society for imme-
diate adoption." There ar thirty-three pages of it, made up
largely of lists of words to be amended. The great body of the
amendments proceed on historical or etymological grounds, such
as hav been illustrated in this articl. Most of them consist in
the dropping of silent letters. Silent < is the greatest offender.
There ar something like twenty counts in the indictment against
it, twenty lists of specifications, some of them long. The first
ar words in which e is fonetically misleading, as being used after
a short vowel and singl consonant. It is regularly an ortho-
grafic expedient in such a position to denote a long vowel ; have^
for example, ought by good right to rime with slave, rave, brave,
grave, and the like; so give should rime with hive, strive, alive^
The verb live is wrong too. There ar hosts of such words:
fnedicrn, doctrin, genuin, definit, infinit, granit,2XiA so on. Then
there ar lists in which an e is simply useless, as the length of the
preceding syllable is plain without it, as in belieite, grieve, where
the d if thong shows the length ; or in carve, nerve, where the
consonants ar a sufficient guide. It is advized to change -re to
-er, centre to center, theatre to theater^(><W\t.\i suCh backing this
improvement wil no longer figure as an Americanism or a Web-
sterism. We ar to drop the e of -le in many words, assembl, axl^
coupl, beadl, and the like, and in the terminations -able, -ible, and
'tele, as in probabl, credibl, articL It wil take us a long time to
get rid of all these ^'s.
Meantime we can b2 going on with other improvements. The
filologists, or at least Mr. Sweet, wil hav it that for leopard and
jeopardy the older spellings lepard, jepardy shall be restored :
yeoman should be yoman. The unhistorical / of parliament
30 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
should be dropt. The old English ind old French u should be
restord in guvern (gubernator), munkey, tung, wundgr, wurm,
and a long list of words now spelt with o. The original /should
be restored in wimen (women). A long list of words with a
modern ou should go back to their historic u : jurny (journey),
dubl (double), cuntry, nurtsh, and the like ; enough, rough, and
tough ought to be enuf, ruf, titf\ and through, ihruh, or better
thru.
After ^, u is wrong in nativ English words 1 ike ^^r^T (guard),
gardian, garaniee^ and so -ue in catalog (catalogue), demagogs
dialog, harang (harangue), and the like. The report also informs
us that words ending in dubl b, d, g, n, r, t, ar wrong ; we
should write eb (not ebb^, so ad (not add), eg and pur for egg and
purr, A great many words derived from old French and Anglo-
Saxon ar spelt incorrectly with dubl consonants to make them
look like Latin : a front is spelt into affront, a fair e into affair^
a-forthian into afford, a-cursod into accursed, as tho they wer
compounded with Latin ad- ; and the list is long. A silent b has
been added without rime or reason to many words : crumb, limb,
nunb, thumb ; and for a very bad reason to a good many more ;
those, namely, in which the Latinists hav in modem times in-
serted it as a reminder of the Latin word from which it origi-
nally came; dout (doubt) and det (debt), for exampl, had lost
the b of the Latin dubit-o and debit- in the French from which
the old English came; doubt and debt icr unhistoric, since they
would teach that we tbok^them from the Latin insted of the
French. Many times ch is wrong thru the blundering of the
Greeklings : ahe is the tru old spelling of ache, as Worcester
takes care to inform us ; anher has forgotten its Greek. And
maskerades as anchor; c for s is common : in cinder, old English
sinder, fancied to be from French cendre ; pence, where c is Jfor
the plural sign j / once, where c is for the genitiv s, and the like.
Sovereign is another blunder of the Latinists, who imagindiit
to be a compound of regn-o, to reign, insted of the adjeclti?
superan-us, . Milton's sovran has plesant associations, but JWIr.
ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY. 3 1
Sweet brands it as " a hybrid Italian spelling." He givs us sovretn,
but that is an anachronism. The >yords which in erly English
wer spelt -azn and -ein from French -ain hav either taken am
exclusively, which is the common fact, or -^;?. as citizen^ denizen,
dozen, sudden, or -an, as human. The best historical spelling is
soveren. So faren (foreign). Another trublsum intruder is
gh ; it is thrust in by pure blunder in sprightly, delight, and
haughty, in old times spritely, delite, and hauty; and it is a mod-
em variation of h in many words where both ar now useless ;
plough, for example, though, through, and thorough, as well as
daughter, straight, weight, 2Si^\h^X\\i^, Why should not receit
be written as it used to be, like conceit, deceit, and the like? So
far as the/ of recept-us is concernd, it is needed in one no more
than in the others. In tch,t is of no use; which is as plain as
pitch, and the / is unetymolo'gical in all such words.
These ar specimens of the reform demanded if we ar to hav
our language accurate in its etymology. Word by word these
corrections may all be made in popular print without making it
unintelligibl or even embarrassing. It is quite as likely that
the next generation will see them generally made as it was that
our generation should see so many of Webster's corrections
adopted.
But if they wer all adopted, there would stil remain the radi-
cal and pervading inconsistencies and complexities which neces-
sarily spring from our imperfect alfabet. Our spelling would stil
be a great hindrance to easy lerning to read and write. The
English-speaking peopls would stil be hevily handicapt in the
race with the Germans and most other nations.
The general adjustment of the alfabet must be made in the
schools. It cannot be expected that any generation who hav
lernd the present spelling wil adopt a radically refomid one for
their own use. But they n^ay be willing to hav it taught to their
children.
In this direction also great progress has been made, and more
is at hand. The old methods of teaching beginners to read
32 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
hav givn place in all our better schools to others, which in one
form or another make use of fonetic spelling. Text-books ar
prepared with modified letters which complete the aJabet and
serv as go-betweens for the new and the old. Words ar spelt
by sounds. Reading matter is prepared in which only those
words ar used whose spelling is regular. By these and other
helps, half the time is saved which used to be givn to the begin-
nings of reading and spelling. The generation taught in this
way wil be redy to urge the next to go further. And so, by and
by, the good time wil be here when reading and writing English
wil almost come by nature.
Prof. F. A. March, LL.D.
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY.*
I look upon the establishment of this society as a sign that
there is in this great town, just as there might be ip a capital or
a university, a body of historical students in the higher sense,
who feel that it will be a help toward their common objects to
work in some measure in common, and from time to time to
exchange their ideas on their common subjects of study. Now
it is no small matter to supply another proof, one among many,
that the pursuit of business and the pursuit of knowledge are
not inconsistent. In this last union I have never seen the won-
der or paradox which some people seem t6 see in it. It seems
to me that we may fairly expect more and better intellectual
work from those who have something else to do than from
those who have nothing to do. Intellectual work, like all other
work, needs effort; it needs self-discipline; it ^metimes calls
on a man to do one thing when he feels more inclined to do
* This was read at Birmingham, November i8, 1880, as the opemng address of
he president of the newly formed Historical Society.
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 33
another. But surely the man who, in the practice of other
work, has gained the habit of doing all these things, must be
better able to do them for the sake of a new object than the
man who is not in the habit of doing any of them at all. The
man who is used to map out his time according to rule, as I
suppose every man engaged in active business must do, will be
better able to find some time in each day for int-ellectual employ-
ments than the man who has no thought of mapping out his
time at all, except according to the frivolous demands of fashicn.
You may have indeed to overcome a certain temptation to neg-
lect studies which do not at once bring a return in money. That
temptation indeed is so low a one that I should hardly have
affronted you by speaking of it, if the temptation had not some-
times taken the shape of a kind of philosophical dogma. Men
of some reputation in the world have gone about preaching the
doctrine that all studies are useless except those which directly
tend to fill the pocket. And from this premise they draw the
inference — an inference that I must allow follows most logically
from the premise — that no studies can be less' useful than those
which deal with the events and the languages of past times. You
have all heard the doctrine that it is loss of time to concern
ourselves with such trifling events as the fight of Marathdn, a
fight which happened so long ago and in which so few people
were killed, when modern science can at a moment's notice pro-
vide a good accident in the coal-pit or on the railway which
shall slay a much greater number. That doctrine can hardly
have an agreeable sound to the votaries of physical science,
whom we historical students are not in the habit of looking on
as votaries of destruction. Still the doctrine is there, a doctrine
put forth in the honor of science by one of no small account in
other subjects J)esides science. I think that your presence here
shows that you do not accept that doctrine. It shows, I think,
that you cast aside the philosophy which teaches that the vari-
ous branches of knowledge are to be followed, either according
to the number of guineas that they can bring in or according
L. M. 8.--2,
34 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
to the number of men that they can slay. You will, I thiirk,
on the other hand, agree with me that it is some comfort
that, if our studies are not specially wealth-bringing, they are
at least not specially bloodthirsty. We have unluckily a good
deaj to do with recording death and suffering; but we our-
selves, in the course of our own studies, are never tempted to do
hurt to man or beast. The accidents of the present time lie
as much cut of our control as the battles of past times which
are so scornfully compared with them. In serious truth, I look
on the formation of this society in such a place as Birmingham
as one of the best witnesses that historical study, though it may
not immediately fill the pocket, is not an unpractical but a prac-
tical study, not a dead but a living thing. Your presence here
is, I think, a witness that our pursuits are no mere groping into
things of distant times which have no reference to present affairs
or present duties, but that they are rather a marshaling of events
in their due order and relation, an unfolding of effects accord-
ing to their causes, which at once brings the past to explain the
present and the present to explain the past. Your presence is,
I think, a witness that you accept what is surely a highly practi-
cal truth, that history is simply past politics and that politics are
simply present history.
Another thing I think I may take for granted, that we feel
sure enough of the intellectual dignity and the practical useful-
ness of our own subject to feel no need to disparage or to forbid
any other subject, or to put on an attitude of the slightest hos-
tility toward any other subject. Our subject is History ; but we
will not write over our door that no natural science shall be
allowed within it. I think we know too well the way in which
one branch of knowledge constantly stands in need of some
other branch. We venture to think that the ^tudy of natural
science may sometimes be glad of help from the studies of his-
tory, language, and literature. And we know that the studies
of history, language, and literature are often glad of help
'rom the study of natural science. I do not think so meanly of
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 35
any department of genuine knowledge as to believe that it really
cannot set forth its own merits without depreciating the merits
of some other department. I cannot believe that it is really
impossible to hold up the usefulness of one kind of institution
without running down the usefulness of some other. I cannot
believe that such an invidious necessity is really involved in the
pursuit of any branch of knowledge. If any branch of knowl-
edge can flourish only by depreciating other branches, that would
at once prove a weakness, an inferiority, on the part of that
branch whicTh I am unwilling to believe on the part of any genu-
ine intellectual pursuit of any kind. The fault must surely lie,
not in the cause, but in the champion. The votary of any branch
of knowledge who thinks it needful to depreciate any other
branch can surely not have grasped the dignity of his own
branch. He must think, mistakenly, I doubt not, that his own
pursuit has not strength enough, not dignity enough, to stand
by itself on Its own merits, but that it can flourish only if it
Bears, like the Turk, no brother near its throne.
We, on the other hand, believe in the true brotherhood of sci-
ences. We believe that he who depreciates any one among them
does no real honor to the other which he tries to exalt. We
believe that there is room for all, side by side, in an equal con-
federation which admits nefther tyrant nor ruling state, a union
in which there is no need for Ephraim to envy Judah, nor for
Judah to vex Ephraim. As the range of man's knowledge
widens, new forms of study will always be arising. Let the old
be ready to welcome the new ; let the new be ready to respect
the old. All men will never ha^« the same tastes, the same kind
of intellectual gifts ; one will be always drawn to one pursuit, ,
another to another. To each man's mind his own pursuit must
seem in some way better, — more attractive, more useful, more
strengthening to the mind, — in some way or other better, than
any other. To him doubtless it is better; he will do better work
by following the pursuit to which he is called than by attempt-
30 THE. LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
ing any other. But let hinj remember that it is only to himself
Xhat it is better; some other pursuit may, in the same sense, be
as clearly better for some other man. Let us demand equality,
but not assert superiority. We may be tempted to boast that
our study is the study of man, while some other studies deal
only with dead matter. But we shall remember that the study
of man constantly needs the study of matter as an equal friend
and companion. We whose study is political history, the his-
tory of mankind as members of civil communities, feel no slight
tie of brotherhood toward those who teach us the history of
man's home the earth before man arose to take possession. We
feel that tie toward those who teach us the history of those
earlier forms of animal life which came before man, and against
which man had often to struggle. We feel it toward those who
teach us the history of the lower forms of man himself, and who
put us in the way of tracing the steps by which, out of such rude
beginnings, civil society could shape itself into the democracy
of Athens, the kingdom of England, the federal commonwealth
of America. We will draw no public comparisons between our-
selves and any others. We may cherish among ourselves the
belief that in the stud}'^ of man, in his highest form, as the citi-
zen of a free commonwealth, there is something more bracing,
more elevating, than in the study of the material universe itself.
But we will sa}' so only among ou^'selves; we will not blurt out
the doctrine in any company where an astronomer might be
pained by hearing us. And we must never forget that^e have
our thorn in the flesh, that we have certain difficulties to strug-
gle against which, as far as I can see, do not stand in the way of
the votaries of other branche^of knowledge. Of course I may
mistake our position ; I may think that we are persecuted when
we are not. I remember some years back how a man eminent
in one of the natural sciences described himself and his brethren
as an afflicted race, suffering like the Jews in tlie middle ages.
To me the description sounded a little amazing. I had always
fancied every professor of any form of natural science as flour-
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 3/
isbing like a green bay-tree. I wondered where the persecution
could lie, till I considered the real position of the Jew of the middle
ages. He who compared the professors of natural science to the
Jews of the middle ages had clearly risen above the popular
view of the Jews of the middle ages. He had gone to original
sources, not to romance-writers or romantic historians. He had
read the annals of Saint Albans abbey in the Latin text, and
he knew that when Aaron the Jew went to the abbey gate it
was he who proudly threatened the abbot, not the abbot who
proudly threatened him. The professor meant the mediaeval
Jew as the mediaeval Jew is described in the writers of his own
time, rich, proud, feared of all, dwelling in houses like the pal-
aces of kings. To be sure these advantages had their draw-
backs ; a sudden caprice of the king, a sudden outbreak of the
people, might break down th^ir palaces, might empty their'
money-bags, might even drive them homeless out of the land.
But all this is no more than the nations of south-eastern Europe
have to put up with under that paternal government which Brit-
ish interests call upon us to maintain. One could not therefore
decently speak of it as persecution. I was surely right in think-
ing that the likeness between the natural-science professor and
the Jew of the middle ages was to be found in the normal pros-
perity of the Jew, not in the occasional interferences with that
prosperity. But the professors, rich and prosperous as medi-
aeval Jews, still complained of being persecuted. They could
hardly mean that they were in disfavor on theological grounds.
For a persecution on theological grounds, if it does not go the
full length of stake, bonds, or banishment, is surely what every
man would wish for. Surely nothing makes a man so run after
as to call him a heretic. In our studies we have not that advan-
tage. It can hardly be said that historical study, as such, is of
any theological color. This or that historian may, in his own
person, be orthodox, or heretical, or anything else, and he may
flourish or suffer accordingly. And the man whose convictions
lead him to no extreme views in any direction, but who is con-
,38 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
strained to jog on in a kind of moderate, passive, tolerant ortho-
doxy, is the most unlucky of all, for he cannot persuade anybody
on any side to make a victim of him. Natural science, on the
other hand, as such, has sometimes drawn on itself theological
censure and even theological persecution. Still I cannot think
that it was of censure or persecution of that kind that the pros-
perous professor complained. For that in our times would doubt-
less have been matter not of complaint, but of rejoicing. The
persecution, as far as I could make out, consisted in the fact that a
" vulgar public" insisted on forming its opinion of their doings, and
of judging them by the laws by which it judged those who were not
professors. Then, at last, I could not keep down a rising feeling
of envy, envy perhaps unjust, but certainly natural. I too began
to feel persecuted ; I began to understand the feelings of a mar-
tyr on behalf of myself and of my suffering brethren of my own
studiesi I began to think that, if me " vulgar public" was a Tra-
jan to our natural-science friends, he was a very Decius to us.
I did not feel at all like the Jew of the middle ages, dwelling in
palaces and threatening lordly prelates. It seemed to me as if,
while our scientific brethren lived a life of alternate prosperity
and persecution, it was our lot to share deeply with them in
their persecutions, but to have no share in their prosperity.
Now certainly, if the public be vulgar, and if to be subjected
to the judgment of a vulgar public be persecution, the votaries
of historical knowledge are a sadly persecuted race. It was not
I — it was not any historical scholar — who gave the public the
epithet of " vulgar ;" but, vulgar or not vulgar, the public cer-
tainly insists on judging us. And I, for my part, do not repine
at our fate. I do not refuse the authority of the judge. I only
ask him not to give judgment till he has fairly heard counsel
on both sides. I only appeal, I do not say from Philip drunk
to Philip sober, biit, according to another story of the same
king, from Philip in a hurry to Philip when he has really thought
matters over. Whether we like it or not, we cannot get rid of
the "vulgar public" as the final judge in all matters. We may
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 39
repine, under his judgments, we may do what we can to lead
him to reverse them ; but we cannot depose him from his judg-
ment-seat. Whether we deem him a " strong court " or a weak
one, we cannot hinder his sentences from being carried out.
And this is far more true of us, students jDf history and of sub-
jects closely connected with history, than it is of the students of
most other branches of knowledge. The inevitable judge has a
higher sense of his own qualifications in this case than he has
in the other. The vulgar public — remember again that the epi-
thet is not of my giving — is ready to believe that the astrono-
mer or the chemist knows more than he does himself about as-
tronomy or chemistry ; he is not so ready to believe that the
historian or the philologer knows more than he does of history
or philology. Now I will not say that this assumption on the
part of the vulgar public is true ; but I do say that it is really
plausible. I believe that the truth lies the other way. I be-
lieve that, if we walk out into the road, the first man that we
meet is far more likely to have some rudimentary notion, very
rudimentary, very inadequate, but still right as far as it goes, of
astronomy or some other branch of natural science, than he is
to have the same kind of rudimentary knowledge of history or
philology. If he has any rudimentary notion of history or phi-
lology, it is very likely indeed to be a wrong notion ; the chances
are not only that he has much to learn, but that he has a good
deal to unlearn. But this very fact helps to prove my position.
The fact that so many people have some notions, but false no-
tions, on historical and philological matters is itself a proof that
the general public — I will drop the unpleasant epithet — does
think itself qualified to form judgments in history and philol-
ogy somewhat more decidedly, perhaps somewhat more rashly,
less perhaps under the guidance of competent teachers, than
when it forms its judgment in natural science. We see this
every day in the fact that while any very wild notion in natural
science is laughed to scorn, not only by men of special knowl-
edge but by the public at large, notions equally wild in histori-
40 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. .
cal and philological matters are treated quite gravely, and are
called matters of controversy. Those who believe that the sun
is only three miles from tha earth are a class which may be
counted on our, fingers, and when they put forth their doctrine
they are laughed at, not only by aistronomers but by the general
public. That is to say, the general public has learned astronomy
enough to see the folly of the doctrine that the sun is only three
miles from the earth. But there is a large body, which puts
forth a large literature, whose members gravely believe the doc-
trine of Anglo-Israel, the doctrine that the English nation is of
Hebrew descent. This doctrine. stands exactly on the same
scientific level as the doctrine that the sun is three miles from
the earth ; it is just as little entitled to a serious answer as the
other doctrine is. But the doctrine of Anglo-Israel is treated '
quite gravely; it is looked on as a matter of controversy, a dif-
ference of opinion ; an attempt to treat the ethnological folly as
the astronomical folly is treated would by many be thought
cruelly unfair. Has not the Anglo-Israelite as much *' right to
his own opinion** as a Kemble, a Stubbs, or a Waitz? Thus the
general public judges of our subjects, judges often, we think,
wrongfully, but still judges, and judges with a fuller conviction
of its own fitness to judge than it shows in the case of the natu-
ral sciences.
The truth is that he who gives himself to souftd historical
study, and who tries to make the results of his studies profitable
to others, will most likely have to go through a good deal of
something which it would be too strong a word to call persecu-
tion, but something which is never exactly agreeable, and which,
till one gets used to it, is really annoyimg. To any one here
present who is beginning to give himself to real historical work
I would say, as the first precept — dare to be accurate. You will
be called a pedant for being so ; but dare to be accurate all the
same. Remember that what he who calls you a pedant really
means is this. He feels that you know something which he
^oes not know; he is ashamed of himself for not knowing it.
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY, 4 1
and he relieves himself by giving you a hard name. To be
pedantic in matters of historical research is like being sentimen-
tal in matters of politics ; it means that you have really gone to
the root of the matter, and have not merely skimmed its surface.
You must look forward to be perhaps overlooked altogether,
perliaps to be criticised, laughed at, made subjects of unfair com-
parison, by men who have no more claim to judge of your work
than I have to judge of the work of the chemist or the astrono-
mer. You will have to grapple with a state of things in which
ever3'body thinks himself qualified to write history, to criticise
history, and where there is no security that the competent scholar
will win the public ear rather than the empty pretender. You
will have to grapple with a state of things in which not a few
will deem themselves wronged if you make a single statement
which is new to them, or if you utter a word of which they do
not in a moment grasp the meaning. You must be prepared for
criticism in which your main subjects, your main discoveries,
shall be wholly passed by, and in which some trifling peculiarity
of which you are perhaps yourself unconscious, to which you are
perhaps wholly indifferent, or to which perhaps you are not
wholly indifferent, but for which you can give a perfectly good
reason, is picked out as if it were your main characteristic^ or
even your main object. I am here among friends, and I may
make confessions. I once saw it said of myself that all that I
had ever done was to alter the spelling of the names of the
Anglo-Saxon kings. I thought that I had done something
else, and I did not think that I had done that. I had always
fancied that, in so trifling a matter as spelling, I had taken the
safe course of following the scholars who had gone before me.
But from this piece of criticism I learned the fact that it was pos-
sible that I — that it was possible, therefore, that any other man
— might be criticised by one who had neither read the writings
which he sat in judgment upon nor the writings of earlier
scholars to whom their author looked up as his masters. Now
I really think that in all this we have something to go through
42 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
which our brethren in other branches of knowledge have not to
go through. I have seen it openly said that accuracy in his-
torical statements does riot matter, provided only the story is
prettily told. I do not think that any one would speak in this
way of the truth of statements in geometry. I do not think
that a chemist who is careful as to the nomenclature of his sci-
ence is cailed a pedant for his pains. In other branches of
knowledge it seems to me that the experts judge, and that the
unlearned accept their' judgment. In history it seems to me
that the unlearned insist on judging fc5r themselves. And mind.
I dp not wholly blame them for so insisting. Personally I might
wish that they would let it alone. But I fully admit that they
have a plausible excuse for so doing in our case which they have
not in the case of our scientific fellows.
Now here I have got on a subject which has been lately dealt
with by an eminent historical professor. I read lately in one c f
our chief periodicals much the same complaint that I make.
The professor complained that the general public will judge of
historical matters without the knowledge which is needed to
qualify it to judge. The general public, he said, has a way of
accepting the pretty view rather than the true view. I fully
accept his general complaint. Perhaps I might not accept all
his particular instances ; I certainly cannot accept what he seems
to propose as the remedy. I hope I am not misrepresenting the
professor; he used several words which I did not understand,
and I have perhaps not fully taken in his meaning. But the
general conclusion that I drew from his paper was that we ought
to defend ourselves against the inroads of the general public in
a way which would certainly be self-denying, but which, I could
not help fearing, might also prove self-destructive. I took the
professor's counsel to be that, in order to make sure of beinS^
judged by competent judges only, we ought to make history i
dull and unattractive that the general public will not wish
meddle with it. Now this counsel I cannot accept. Certainl
*f accuracy and brilliancy are inconsistent, let us have the acd
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY, 43
*racy and not the brilliancy. Let us by all means be dull and
accurate rather than brilliant and inaccurate. But surely no
such hard necessity is laid upon us. Surely a tale may be viv-
idly told, and at the same time accurately told. Surely the
inferences drawn frqm the tale may be sound in point of argu^
ment, and may yet be set forth in language which is pure, clear,
and vigorous. Now the general public will come and sit in
judgment upon us, whether we wish for him or no. But if we
try to drive him away by designed dullness, he will judge us only
from without, and not judge us favorably. If we can lead him
rather to judge us from within, and to judge us favorably, we
shall surely have gained a double point. If we can combine
brilliancy with accuracy, we can at once attract him by our bril-
liancy and instruct him by our accuracy. We shall thus have
won over the mind of the judge to our cause, and that without
in any way corruptly leading him to swerve at all from the
straight course of justice.
We must then submit to be judged by the general public in a
way in which the votary of natural science is not judged. The
general public will* not humbly take things at our hands, as he
takes them at the hands of the votaries of natural science. He
accepts, in the teeth of what seems to be tTie evidence of his
senses, the teaching of the astronomer which teaches him that
the earth goes round the sun. But he will not with the like
humility accept the teaching of the historian, even when the
evidence of his senses supports it. He is loath to accept the
simple truth that Englishmen are Englishmen ; every man has
a right to his opinion, and he prefers the opinion that we are
Romans, that we are Britons, that we are Jews. It is a craze, a
whim, a fad, something to be pitied or laughed at, to maintain
the plain and obvious doctrine that we are ourselves and not
somebody else. It is not a craze, a whim, or a fad, it is an asser-
tion of the gravest scientific truth, to maintain the certainly
much less plain and obvious doctrine that the earth goes round
the sun. Now the general public does right in listening to the
44 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
astronomer; he does wrong in not listening to the historian.
He is right in believing that astronomy is a science which a man
cannot learn without study ; and in which therefore those who
have not studied must be satisfied to listen to those who have.
He does wrong in his evident belief that history is not a science,
and that one man has as much right to be listened to about it
as another. But the wrong, though a wrong, is natural and, I
think, pardonable. I think that things should be other than
they are. I think that the fact that a man, after years of dili-
gent study, has come to a certain conclusion, that he deems it
to be an important conclusion, and tries to impress it upon
others, should be thought to be at least a passumption in favor
of that conclusion. I think it should not be taken for granted,
as it often is, that the conclusion is a craze, and he who forms
it a dreamer. But I do not ask for the same implicit acceptance
of what we say which the astronomer may fairly ask for what he
says. The nature of our subject forbids it. Our subject lies
open to men in general in a way in which it seems to me that
few of the natural sciences lie open. We cannot draw the same
sharp line between the learned and the unlearned. Every man
knows some history, even if he knows it all wrong ; he cannot
help, even without any formal study or teaching, knowing a
little of something that passes for history. And from such a
one up to a Waitz or a Stubbs the degrees are endless ; the
shading off from ignorance to knowledge, from false knowledge
to true knowledge, is gentle and imperceptible. Then the guides
are so many and so diverse; the seeming oracles speak with
such different voices. It is so hard to tell the true voice from
the false. The wolves put on their sheep's clothing so very
skillfully that the sheep themselves are sometimes tempted to
mistake an enemy for a brother. We can hardly blame the
general public if, when those who profess to be experts say such
different things, it thinks it can judge as well as the experts
about a matter which is as much its own as theirs. For the
study of history is in truth the study of ourselves ; it is the study
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY, 45
of man. And it is the study of the whole man ; it is the study
of man in his highest character, as an actor in the moral world.
It surely appeals to sympathies more open to the world at large
than any that can be awakened by the motions of the moon and
the planets, or by the combination of sucl; and such gases and
fluids. I fight for a democratic equality among all the sciences ;
but I do say that our study is more directly human, more
directly open to all mankind, than the other studies. Men can-
not help wishing to know something, they cannot help knowing
or fancying that they know something, about the land in which
they live, about the nation to which they belong, about other
lands and nations of whose affairs they are getting accustomed
to hear more and more constantly every day. The last telegram
from Dulcigno, the last telegram from Ireland, are alike parts
of history. They^are parts of present history, and, as such, they
are parts of past history. For Ihe phenomena of the present
are the results of causes in the past> and without understanding
the causes we cannot understand the results. Now about things
like these men will think, they will judge ; and, what is more,
we wish them to think, we wish them to judge. We do not wish
to shut ourselves up in any learned exclusiveness, and we can-
not do so if we would. All that we can do is to ask a public
that will think and will judge not to be hasty, not to be unfair,
in its thinking and judging. We do not ask that public to
accept any man as an infallible oracle, but we do ask that a con-
viction is not to be set down as a craze or a whim merely because,
it is the result of the devotion of a life to a subject ; we do ask
that it shall not be looked on as a deadly wrong if things are
sometimes said or written on which a sound judgment cannot
be passed ofT-hand, if things are sometimes said which need to
be turned over more than once in the mind, which may some-
times even involve the labor of opening more than one book,
perhaps of turning to some book written in another land, in a
strange tongue, and in a distant age.
That the general public will have some kind of history is
46 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
shown, if by nothing else, by the fact that the immediate ser-
vant of the general public, the special correspondent, always
thinks it his duty to purvey some kind of history. That the
history which he purveys is often of a very wonderful kind is
another matter. The point is that whenev-er" he goes to any
place he must send home the history of the place, and not only
that, that he must throw his history into a learned and confident
shape, as if he had known it all his life. The historical student
smiles grimly, and wonders why a man should go out of his way
to proclaim his ignorance when, if he had simply held his
tongue, no one would have found it out. If a man sails down
the Hadriatic, he must write the history of every island he
comes to ; if he jumbles together Curzola and Corfu, it does not
greatly matter; who will know the difference? So, if he goes
to a church congress at Leicester, he must needs write the
early history of Leicester ; if, instead of this, he gives his read-
ers the early history of Chester, what does it matter ? Who
will know the difference ? Not many perhaps in either case ;
not so many as there should be, at all events in the second case.
Now it is not wonderful if a man who is perhaps as qualified to
write the hfstory of either Curzola or Leicester as I am to write
a treatise on the properties of nitrogen gives a very strange shape
to the history either of the Illyrian island or of the English
borough. The thing to be noticed is that he does it at all, that
he seems to be expected to do it somehow. It is plain that the
general public does expect to have some kind of history served
up to it ; but it is equally plain that it is not as yet very particu-
lar what kind of history it gets. The general public will have
some taste in the matter: it will have some voice in the matter.
Our business is to improve its taste, to guide its voice, and to
teach it to speak the right way. In such a work a society like
ours may do much ; only we must be prepared to undergo a
little persecution in the work. Something of course must be
said about Curzola, something about Leicester. But if any man
hints that it makes some little difference whether the long his-
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY, 4/
tory of Korkyra went on at Curzola or at Corfu, whether the
victory of ^thelfrith and the slaughter of the Bangor monks
took place at Leicester or at Chester, he must bear the penalty
of his rashness. No man need fear to be called a pedant because
he distinguishes hydrogen from oxygen, because he distinguishes
Saturn's ring from Jupiter's belts. But he who shall venture to
distinguish between two English boroughs, between two Hadrf-
atic islands, when the authorized caterer for the public informa-
tion thinks good to confound them, must be content to bear the
terrible name of pedant, even if no worse fate still is in store for
him.-
I said earlier in this discourse that history was the study of
man; I said also that history was past politics, and that politics
were present history. We thus claim for our pursuit that it is
specially human, specially practical. We claim for it to be
looked on as a study by which we learn what are the workings
of man's nature as carried out in political society. We study
the experience of past times in order to draw from them practi-
cal lessons for the present and for the future. We see that the
course of human affairs goes on according to general laws — I
must use the word lawSy though the word is both vague and
ambiguous, till somebody gives me a better. Hut we see that
those general laws do not act with all the precision and -cer-
tainty of physical laws. We see that men in certam circum-
stances have a tendency to act in certain ways ; but we see that
they do not act in those ways with quite the same regularity
with which objects in the physical universe gravitate to their
center. We see that those general tendencies are sometimes
thwarted, sometimes guided, sometimes turned aside. And we
see that these exceptions to the general course come about in
more than one v/ay. Sometimes they are what we may call
mere physical hindrances, like the coming of some other object
in the way which hinders an object from gravitating to its cen-
ter.' Thus we may set it down as an axiom that a young state,
a liberated state, a people buoyant with all the energy of a new
48 ^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
life, will seek to extend their borders and to find a wider field
for the exercise of the strength which they feel within them.
And happy we might deem the state of things in which a young
, and liberated state can carry out- this irresistible tendency of
growth without doing wrong to others. Happy we might deem
it when such a state has on its border a new and untrodden
world, within which each stage of the growth of the new power
wins new realms for the higher life of man. Happy, too, we
might deem it when, though the growth of the new state is
driven to take a less peaceful form, yet every step of its advance
carries with it the deliverance of brethren who still remain in
bondage. The working of this rule stands forth in the history
of states far removed from one another in time and place^ but in
all of which the same eternal law of human nature is obeyed.
When the European Greek had driven back the Persian, he
carried deliverance to the Greek of Asia. Liberated Achaia
grew into liberated Peloponnesos. The Three Lands grew into
the Eight Cantons ; the Eight Cantons grew into the Thirteen.
The Seven Provinces had not the same field for territorial exten-
sion as the earlier federations ; but they too grew and waxed
mighty in other ways, mighty perhaps l^yond their strength,
too mighty for a while to keep a lasting place as a great Euro-
pean power. So we may now see with our own eyes a people
set free from bondage, eager to extend their boundaries in the
best of ways, by receiving enslaved brethren within the area of
freedom. But we now see them thwarted, checked, stopped in
their natural course, bidden to wait — to wait perhaps till the
nature of man shall be other than it is. Here is the natural
course of things checked artificially by an external power. A
greater force stops for awhile the force of nature, like a mill-
wheel or a dam in the natural world. It has often struck me
that a great deal of our high diplomacy is very much in the
nature of mill-wheels and dams ; it is art working against nature.
Now art may be stronger than nature; it maybe wiser than
nature; still it is not nature, but something idiffferent. And-art
ON' THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 49
will not be wise if it forgets that, though it may check nature,
it cannot destroy nature, and that nature may some day prove
itself the stronger. The course of human events, the feelings
and the actions of nations, are not changed forever because a
dozen Excellencies round a table have set tbeir names to a
diplomatic paper.
Thus the natural tendencies of human events may sometimes
be artificially thwarted from without. They may also be in
some sort either thwarted or led, we might almost say naturally,
from within. A sound view of history will keep us on the one
hand from what is called hero-worship; it will keep us on the
other hand from undervaluing the real effect which a single
great man may have on the course of human events. The
course of history is not a mere game played by a few great men ;
nor yet does it run in an inflexible groove which no single man
can turn aside. The great man influences his age ; but at the
same time he is influenced by his age. Some of the greatest of
men, as far as their natural gifts went, have been useless or mis-
chievous, because they have been out of gear with their own
age. Their own age could not receive them, and they could not
make their age other than what it was. The most useful kind
of great man is he who is just so far in advance of his age that
his age can accept him as its leader and teacher. Men of this
kind are themselves part of the course of events ; they guide it ;
they make it go quicker or slower: but they do not thwart it.
Can we, for instance, overrate the ^ain which came to the new-
bom federation of America by finding such a man as Washing-
ton ready made to its hand? Or take men of quite another
stamp from the Virginian deliverer. The course of our history
for the last eight hundred years has been largely affected by the
fact not only that we underwent a foreign conquest, but that
we underwent a foreign conquest of a particular kind, such as
could be wrought only by a man of a particular kind. The
course of our history for the last three hundred years has been
largely affeaed by Uie faa that, when English free^m was it)
50 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, :,
the greatest danger, England fell into the hands of a tyrant"
whose special humor it was to carry on his tyranny under the
forms of law. English history could not have been what it has
been if William the Conqueror and Henry VIII. had been men
other than what they we?re. One blushes to put the two names
together. William was great in himself, and must have been
great in anytime or place. Henry, a man not without great
gifts, but surely not a great man, was made important by circum-
stances in the time and place in which he lived. But each
influenced the course of events by his personal character. But
they influenced events only in the sense of guiding, strengthen-
ing, and quickening some tendencies, and keeping others back
for awhile. Neither of them, nor Washington either, belong to
that class of men who, for good or for evil, turn the world up-
side down, the great destroyers and the great creators of history.
Now when w^e look in this way on the influence of the man
upon his age and of his age upon the man, we shall, I think, be
led to be cautious, I might say to be charitable, in our judg-
ment of past men and past generations. There is no such sure
sign of ignorance, or rather of something far worse than mtere
ignorance, of utter shallowness of thought, than that contemp-
tuous sneering at past times which is sometimes thought clever.
No rational man will wish to go back to any past time, and it is
quite certain that if he wishes to go back he cannot do so. But
we should remember that we have received the inheritance of
past times and of the men of past times; that if we have ad-
vanced beyond them, it is because they had already advanced
somewhat ; if we see further than they did, it is because we have
the advantage of standing on their shoulders. So we hope that
future generations may advance further than we have advanced,
that they may see further than we see, and yet that they m^iy
look back upon us with a remembrance not altogether scorn fiil.
Blame any age, blame any man in. any age, if it can be show^
that such age or such man really and willfully went backwan
But blame :Jio- age, no man, that really went forward, metj
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 5 1
because we are tempted to think that the forward course might
have been speedier. Blame no age, no man, that really reformed
something, merely because something was left for later ages and
later men to reform. Such judgments are unfair to the age or
the man so judged; for every age must be judged according to
its own light and its own opportunities. And such judgments
are also shallow in themselves ; for the work which is done bit
by bit, as each bit is specially needed to be done, will be really
stronger and more lasting than the work which is turned out
spick and span, according to some preconceived theory. A few
anomalies here and there, a few signs that the work was done
faster in one part and slower in another, will do no practical
harm. The house will not thereby be the worse to live in, and
it will better tell the tale of its own building. Here in England,
at least, we ought to believe that freedom, civilization, tolera-
tion, anything else that we prize, is really all the better and
stronger because it has not been cut out all at once, but has
gll^wn bit by bit by the struggles of generation after generation.
And if our use of the two guides of our studies, reason and
experience, leads us to gentler judgments of the past among our
own and other old-standing nations, it may also lead us to gen-
tler judgments of the fresh-born and still struggling nations of
our own time. There are those who seem to think that slavery
is the best school for freedom, who seem to think that a nation
which is just set free may be reasonably expected to show itself
not behind, but rather in advance of, those nations which h^ve
been working out their freedom for ages. Those who have stud-
ied the nature of man in his acts will perhaps judge less harshly
if a nation for which the gates of the house of bondage have
just been opened does not at once spring to this lofty standard.
Those who stop to think before they speak will perhaps see
that when a nation which was enslaved in the fourteenth cen-
tury has been set free in the nineteenth — when a nation has for
five hundred years had everything to send it backward, while we
have Ijad everything to send us forward —it is really to the credit
52 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
of that nation if it comes forth on the level of England five hun-
dred years back. We cannot fairly expect it to come forth on the
level of the England of our own day. It is .a homely and an
obvious doctrine, but one which some minds seem to find it
hard to take in, that no man can learn to swim without going
into the water. In the like sort, a nation cannot learn the vir-
tues of freedom while it remains in bondage. Set it free, and it
may at least begin to try to practice them, and it is not to be harshly
judged if it fails to practice them perfectly at first. And even in
cases where bondage and slavery would be words far too harsh^
our wider experience of mankind will perhaps teach us thaf men
are often better pleased, and that it is often better for them, to
manage their own affairs, even if they manage somewhat clum-
sily, rather than to have them managed for them by others in
some far more clever way.
In all these ways we claim that history is a practical science —
a science that teaches us lessons which are of constant practical
application in the affairs of the present. It is curious to see hotv
this doctrine is practically received. I have often noticed the
different ways in which, according to different circumstances,
men receive any argument, illustration, or allusion drawn from
past history. Such arguments, illustrations, or allusions may
be of widely different kinds. , One may be of theclassof which we
have just been speaking ; it may be a sound and grave argument,
from cause and effect. Under given circumstances a certain
result has hitherto commonly happened ; it is therefore likely,
under like circumstances, to happen again. Another reference
maybe a n&ere sportive application of a word or a name, fairly
enough brought in to raise a passing smile, but which, on the
face of it, proves nothing any way. Now the mere jest is sure
to be received with delight by the side for which it tells ; the
gravest argument is scorned by the side against which it tells.
The argument from experience is grandly tossed aside as "sen-
timentalism" or " antiquarian rubbish." It is not that any par-
ticular fault is found with the argument ; it is enotigh that it is
OiV THE STUDY OF HIStORY. 53
an argument from fact and experience, ^f fact and experience
happen to tell the wrong way. But an argument of exactly the
same kind is cried up to the skies if it happens to tell the right
way. The practical argument from experience is, of all argu-
ments, that which is most applauded when it tells on our own
side, that which is most scorned when it tells on the other side,
i think that this fact, on the whole, tells in favor of arguments
from experience and analogy. But it also supplies some warn-
ings. It may teach us not to be too hasty either in catching at
an example or at an analogy which seems at first sight to tell for
us, or in rejecting one which seems to tell against us. Let us
not trumpet forth the argument which seems to tell for us till
we have weighed it to see whether it be sound or not. And let
us not hastily cast aside as " antiquarian rubbish" every argu-
ment which seems to tell against us. Let us rather weigh them
too, and see what they too are worth. I have sometimes been
able to make good use on my own side of sayings which were
hurled at me as arguments for the other side.^ There are true
analagles and false ones, analogies which are of the highest
practical ^^alue and analogies which may lead us utterly astray.
There is often real likeness, instructive, practical likeness, amidst
much seeming unlikei^ss; there is often a seeming likeness
where the real state of the two cases is altogether different, and
where no practical lesson can be drawn. One who has been
deep in controversy for the last five years has seen a good many
real analogies scorned, and a good many false analogies blazed
abroad as practical arguments. And he may perhaps have been
led to the conclusion that those who specially call themselves
practical men— that is, those who refuse to hearken to reason
and experience; those whose wisdom consists in living from hand
to mouth, and refusing to look either behind or before ; those
who put names and formulae in the place of facts ; those who
see in the world only courts and diplomatists, and whoshuttheir
eyes to the existence of nations — are exactly the men whose wisest
forebodings have the strongest gift of remaining unfulfilled.
54 V THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
And now it may be asked. If we wish to give our studies this
practical turn, if we wish our examination of the past to supply
us with a real teaching of experience for the present and the
future, over what range of time are our researches to be spread ?
I answer, over the whole range of the history of man as a political
being. In other words, we can acknowledge no limit which
would shut out any period of the history of Aryan man on Euro- 1
pean soil. Let Birmingham set the example which is so deeply
needed in older seats of historical study. Let there be one spot
where history shall be studied, but Where the delusive words
" ancient" and ** modern" shall never be heard. You are not far
from Rugby; some echoes of the voice of Arnold may have
reached you. You may have picked up some fragments of the
teaching which that great master put fdrth with so clear a voice,
but in which he has found so few disciples. To some he lives
in his personal memory; to me he lives only in his writings.'
But it was from those writings that I first learned that history
was one, that it could be rightly learned only by casting aside
artificial and unnatural distinctions, and by grasping the great
though simple truth that the history of European man is one
unbroken tale. That history is one unbroken series of cause
and effect, no part of which can be cightly understood if any
other part is wholly shut out from the survey. Let there be one
spot where the vain formulae of "ancient" and "modern" his-
tory, of "dead" and "living" languages, shall be forever un-
known. Take in the simple fact that the so-called " ancients"
were not beings of some other order — perhaps demi-gods sur-
rounded by superhuman mystery, perhaps benighted savap;es
who knew not the art of getting up good colliery accidents, per-
haps mere names which seem to lie beyond the range of human
interest of any kind — but that they were men, men of like pas-
sions with ourselves, capable of the same faults and the same
virtues ; men, too, of kindred speech, of kindred blood ; kins-
men simply further removed in time and place than some other
kinsmen, but whose deeds and sayings and writings iare as full
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY, , 55
of practical teaching for us as the deeds and sayings and writ-
ings of the men vfho trod our own soil. Before the great
discoveries of modern science — before that greatest of all its
discoveries which has revealed to us the unity of Aryan speech,
Aryan religion, and Aryan political life — ^the worn-out supersti-
tions about "ancient" and "modern" ought to pass by like the
specters of darkness. Does any of you specially give his mind
to so-called "-ancient" studies, to the study of old Greece or of
old Italy ? Does any man reproach such a one with wasting his
time on studies which are unpractical because they are "an-
cient" } Let him answer, in the spirit of Arnold, that his studies
are pre-eminently practical because they are pre-eminently mod-
ern. Does any man give his mind specially to the tongues of
old Greece and of old Italy? Does any man reproach him with
devoting himself to the study of tongues which are dead } Let
him answer in the same spirit, but with a depth of life and
knowledge on which men in Arnold's day had hardly entered,
that he gives his mind to those tongues because they are of all
tongues the most truly living. Grasp well the truth that the
history of old Greece, of old Italy, is simply an earlier part of
the same tale as the history of our own island. Grasp well the
truth that the worthies of those older times, the men who strove
for freedom at Athens, in Achaia, and at Rome, were forerun-
ners and fellow-workers of the men who have fought, and who
are still fighting, the same battle among ourselves. The Acta
' Sanctorum of political progress is imperfect if we leave out its
earliest chapters. We must remember PeriklSs and Titmole6n,
Aratos and Philopoimen, Caius Licinius and Tiberius Gracchus,
alongside of our Godwines and our Simons, our Hampdens
and our Chathams, our Washingtons and our Hamiitons. and
their compeers of our own day whom I will not name. But
some one will say. What can great kingdoms, great confed-
erations, under a northern sky, learn from small city common-
wealths under a southern sky ? Much every, way ; if only this,
that we may learn how many different shapes that which is
56 ■ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
essentially the same may take under varying circumstances of
time and place. No fact, no period, in history can exactly repro-
duce any earlier fact or period, if only because that fact or period
' has already gone before it. Between a great kingdom under a
northern sky and a small commonwealth under a southern sky
there are many and important differences. But there may be
none the less much essential likeness, and it is the business of
historical science at once to note the differences, and to dig
through to the likeness that underlies them. The range of our
political vision becomes wider when the application of the com-
parative method sets before us the ekkl^sia of Athens, the comitia
of Rome, as institutions not merely analogous, but absolutely
the same thing, parts of the same common Aryan heritage, as
the ancient assemblies of our own land. We carry on the tale
as we see that it is out of those assemblies that our modern par-
liaments, our modern courts of justice, our modern public gath- .
erings of every kind have grown. And we feel, yet more the
unbroken tie when we mark that they have all grown by con-
stant and endless changes of detail, but with no break in the
long succession, no moment when, as in some other lands, one
kind of assembly was consciously set aside and another kind of
assembly consciously established in its pl^e. Our very local
nomenclature puts on a new life if here in Birmingham, the
home of the Beormingas, a spot of conquered British soil bear-
ing the name of the Teutonic gens which won it, we remember
that we brought with us from our old homes a system of politi-
cal and family life essentially the same as that of Athens and of
Rome. We had our gentes, our curiae, our tribes ; and they
have, like those of the elder nations, left their names on the soil
which we made our own. As a portion of old Roman soil took
the name of the great gens of the Claudii, so a portion of Ang-
lian, of Mercian, soil took the name of the gens of the Beormin-
gas. Only, while the Claudian gens, as a gens, remained far more
famous than the local division which. bore the Claudian name»
ON THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 57
the home of the Beormingas has certainly become far more
femous .than the Beormingas themselves.
But some will say, Can a man learn all history, from the first
glimmerings of political history in old Greece to the last politi-
cal question in our own day ? I trow not, if by learning is meant
mastering thoroughly in detail from original sources. Life is too
short for any such unirersal mastery, even if a man gives his .
whole life to studying history and nothing els6. Still less can
those do so who have many other things to do besides studying
history. But, on the other hand, when I speak of learning, I do
not mean the getting up a mere smattering of the whole story
and knowing no part thoroughly in detail. I say this : Let each
historical student choose for minute study some period or peri-
ods, according as his taste or his objects may lead him. Let
those periods be late, let them be early ; let them be the very
earliest or the very latest ; best of all, perhaps, let there be one
early and one late. Let him master such period or periods thor-
oughly, minutely, from original sources. But let him, besides
this special knowledge of a part, know well the general outline
of the whole. Let him learn enough of those parts of his-
tory which lie outside his own special subject to put periods
and events in their true relation to one another. By learning
some periods of history thoroughly, minutely, from original
sources, he will gain a power which will stand him in good
stead even in those periods which he is driven to learn more
slightly from secondary sources. He will gain a kind of tact
which will enable him to judge which secondary sources may
be trusted and which may not.
Let us for a moment apply these doctrines to the great
question of the day, the question of the fate of south-eastern
Europe, the question whfether the New Rome shall be European
or Asiatic, whether the church of Justinian shall be a temple of
Christendom or of Islam. It is not my business here to decide
for either side. Those are questions on which it would be
58 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
unbecoming in the president of your Historical Society to do
more than point out facts, and to leave others to draw infer-
ences. I say only that, in order to form an opinion either way,
a man must have some general notion of the fact^ of the case,
and that the facts of the case go back a good many centuries.
I do not set much store by the opinion of the man who asked
whether there were any Christians in south-eastern Europe,
besides " a few nomad tribes." I do not set much store by the
opinion of the man who wrote in a book that in the ninth cen-
tury the Russians attacked Constantinople, but found the Turks
too strong for them. Nor do I greatly value his judgment who
held it for certain that every British ship that sailed to India
must pass under the walls of Constantinople. To understand
these matters we must go a little further than this. Nor will it
do to go back to times two thousand years ago, and then to leap
from two thousand years ago to our own time. The nations of
south-eastern Europe are, for good and for evil, what the long
intermediate time has made them. The greatest of all witnesses
to the unity of history is the long-abiding drama of the Eastern
power of Rome. I counseled you just now not to neglect the
study of the early commonwealths of Greece; but from the
early commonwealths of Greece we must go on. The great
work of Greece, in the general history of the world, was to make
the eastern half of the Roman world practically Greek. The
throne of the old Rome was moved to a Greek city, and the new
Rome, the city of Constantine, became the center at once of
Roman dominion and of Greek intellectual life. Bear in mind,
how, for age after age, Constantinople stood as the bulwark of
Europe and of Christendom, bearing up on one side against the
Persian, the Saracen, and the Turk, on the other side against
the Slave, the Avar, and the Bulgarian. Her Asiatic rivals
could only remain as abiding enemies, to be driven back from
her walls and her empire, till in the end one of them was to .
force in his way as a conqueror from without. The Persian and
the Saracen strove in vain for the prize; the Ottoman won it at
ON THE STUDY OE HISTORY. 59
last, to rule as an Asiatic in Europe, to remain five hundred
years after his landing, as much a stranger as oh the day when
he first came in. But the European rivals could be more or less
thoroughly changed into disciples ; they could accept the faith,
they could imitate tjie models, they couid in some cases adopt
the language, of the power which, even in attacking, they rever-
enced. In the long and stirring tale of the battle which Con-
stantinople waged for Europe, we see the Roman power become
Greek ; as it becomes more definitely Greek, we see the other
older nations of the peninsula, the Albanians and Roumans, long
merged with the Greeks in the general mass of subjects of the
empire, stand forth again as distinct nations, playing their part
among the nations from the eleventh century to the nineteenth.
Long before this we have seen the Slavonic invaders of the
empire, half its conquerors, half its disciples, spread themselves
over the inland regions of the Balkan peninsula, while the Greek
keeps the coasts and the islands. At last, step by step, the.
empire and its European neighbors come under the power of
the Asiatic invader. The European invader came to conquer,
to settle, but at the same time to learn and to imitate. The
Asiatic invader came simply to destroy. He came neither to
merge himself in the nationality of the conquered nor to win
over the conquered to his nationality, but to abide for ages as a
stranger, holding the nations of the land in bondage in their
own land. At last a time comes when the enslaved nations fee
a new strength, a new call to freedom. This and that part of
those nations, here and there, throw off the foreign yoke ; they
set up free and national governments on their own soil, and they
seek to extend the freedom which they themselves have won to
their brethren who remain in bondage. Here are the facts, facts
which cannot be grasped except by taking a somewhat wider
view of history than is implied in the well-worn course of old
Greece, old Rome, modern England, modern France. But, I
state the facts only this evening. I leave otheis to draw the
inferences. Some deem that it is for the general good of man-
66 "^HE LIBRARY MAGAZIlStE.
kindj for the special interest of this island, that the Mussulmffn
Asiatic should reign over the Christian European, that nations
struggling to be free should be kept down as bondmen on their
own soil. Many deem that it is a specially honorable and
patriotic course, specially agreeable to the feelings and duties of
a free people, to help to keep them in their bondage. Some
think otherwise. They think, as the old Greek thought, that ^
freedom is a brave thing ; they are led to sympathize with na-
tions striving for freedom rather than with the foreign oppres-
sor who holds them under his yoke. They think that to give
help to the cause of those struggling nations is in itself a worthy
work, that it is a work specially becoming a free people, that it
is a work, above all, becoming a free people, who, as they hold,
have promised to do it. Here are two ways of looking at a
great question, neither of which ways is of much value unless
it is grounded on knowledge of the facts. It is not for me to
say here which inference is th'* right one. I can say only, study
the facts and judge for yourselves.
Edward A. Freeman, in The Fortnightly Review.
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH.
Literature, from the earliest periods, has always centered
itself about great cities, great institutions of learning, great libra-
ries, and powerful religious organizations. The sacred books
of the Hebrews could only be fitly studied at Jerusalem. .The
ancient Greek, for whom the culture of Athens was insufficient
in his day, went to Alexandria, where he had access to the most .
world-renowned philosophers and to the parchments of the
schools. The youths of Achaia and the outlying regions of
Greece must needs resort to the Academy and the Porch.
*.mbitious Ciceros found in Athens that fostering influence not
I
THE LITERARY FROJFESSION IN THE SOUIi.. 6v-
afforded by the city of the Caesars. Horace, Virgil. Ovid, and
Tibullus could only flourish under the genial patronage of a
Macaenas in the imperial center. And, to come down to later
periods, the mediaeval scholars sought Salerno and Pisa and
Padua ; the Gascon boy went up to Paris ; Roger Ascham could
only find the learning he needed at Cambridge ; Chaucer must
live in the light of London ; the German must leave his Swabia
and go to Leipsic or Gottingen.
When we look at the outcome of literature, therefore, we find
little accomplishment anywhere but in the great centers of
wealth and power and population. Sophocles cannot find stim-
ulus enough to incite him to the production of his immortal
tragedies in his native Colonus. Petrarch must come to Rome
if he would receive the poet's crown. Edmund Spenser cannot
please himself with his " Faerie Queen" at his isolated Irish Kil-
colman Castle. Shakespeare must be in the neighborhood of
the Mitre Tavern, the Globe Theater, and his friend "rare Ben"
in order to do his work aright. Dr. Johnson must go up to
Grub street before he can write a book.
Since it is clear, then, that every worker, be he brain-toiler or
mere handicraftsman, must have his tools, and that those tools
must be within easy recch, we argue that for the cultivation of
letters, for the profession of literature as a trade, there must be
the coincidence of certain advantageous circumstances in order
to success. There must be the incentive of critical and sympa-
thetic minds ; there must be libraries, vicinage, the attrition of
society, booksellers, publishing houses, the visible consciousness
of literary demand anxiously awaiting literary supply. All these
tools are as necessary to the implantation and the cultivation
and the successful pursuit of the literary life as are the pigments
and canvas to the painter, the chisel and marble to the sculptor,
or the rule and plane to the carpenter. Therefore, there must be
close population, the neighborhood of cities, the spur of con-
tact, mental action and reaction, peaceful leisures, freedom from
petty exigencies — in short, the felt presence of throbbing human-
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, '
ity. " Cling to the city and live in her light, my friend !" writes
Cicero to his Coelius ; " for those who have abilities, Rome is the
place." •
This, of course, has special reference to the pursuit of litera-
ture as aprofession. What encouragement is there, even for the
artisan, if there is no patronage close at hand? Isolate him,
lejive him without any near him to appreciate his work, and he
will lack the stimulus that would make him a skillful workman.
Cellini must carry his metal carvings to the pope if he means
to have the approval of the great.
We do not forget that much of the world's grandest speci-
mens of literature were never produced as literature. St. Ber-
nard did not write his moving Latin hymns, that will endure to
the end of time, because he wanted to be called a poet. Lang-
dale produced '* Piers Plowman" for other reasons than to be
named the father of English verse. Dante used his splendid
poetic faculty, first of all, as a two-edged sword wherewith to
smite his enemies. In the great results of the Reformation, the
literature of it was a wholly secondary matter. The barons who
drew up Magna Charta did not study fine periods. The Solemn
League and Covenant, the Petition of Rights, the Declaration
of Independence, were not framed with the purpose of literary
effect. And when we remember how often in the world's his-
tory the literature that has had the least self-consciousness, tl^at
has had in view only some lofty end, has proved the most per-
fect, even when judged by the strict canons of literary art, it
would seem as if the modern test — art for art's sake — did not
hold good. The venerable Bede, the scholarly Alfred, the
intrepid Wycliffe, had little thought of the artistic quality of
their work when they were holding up their torches amid the
earlier Anglican darkness. The old masters painted for religion's
s^.ke. No moderns make such Madonnas as Fra Angelico's or
Raphael's. When Madame Rambouillet opened her salon in
Paris, and thereby took the initiative in the awakening of
French intellect, she did not do it for art's sake. She mourned
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH 63^-
over the frivolity and folly of French aristocratic life, and only
sought thus to erect some sort of breakwater against the deluge
of corruption around her — not to become the leader of that
Renaissance whose outcome we have in Corneille, Moliere, La
Rochefoucauld, Racine, and Bossuet.
Even in the Elizabethan age of letters, the great minds of
England were wrought up to magnificent effort by other than
art's impulse or the pursuit of literature purely for itself. The
wonderful events of those formative times stirred up all men's
souls to something like an unnatural state of mental activity.
Shakespeare, no doubt, would have poured forth the marvelous
treasures of his genius under any circumstances. But although,
as our most brilliant of American essayists says, " he built up
his character as instinctively as a bird does her nest," yet his
immediate surroundings had everything to do with his accom-
plished work, breathing as he did the same air with Sidney,
Spenser, Raleigh, and the heroes of the Armada's overthrow.
This was a pressure infinitely outweighing the fact that his wife
and children were to be provided for at Shottery, and that he
had an ambition for building " New Place."
After our too long exordium, which, however, we deemed
necessary to the furnishing of the deductions intended to be
drawn from it, we come now to consider the subject before us —
the lack, for it almost amounts to that, of a class devoted to the
profession of literature in our Southern States, and the reasons
thereof.
The two States of the South which have given tone and
character to the educated class above all the others are Vir-
ginia and South Carolina. They were the earliest settled,
and their after-prestige has been pre-eminent. Their first
colonists were the best sort of English and French emigrants.
The pet colony of the mother-country, the Old Dominion,
had almost always as governor some royal and titled favor-
ite, even down to Revolutionary times. We do not claim that
there was any advantage in that— the reverse, perhaps : we
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
only mention it as a fact that the status of affairs was overween-
ingly aristocratic from the beginning. The younger sons of
noble English families came over to the new possessions to bet-
ter their fortunes by scores and hundreds. Sorry enough colo-
nists some of them were, so far as real manly work was con-
cerned. But at this day to attempt to deny the fact that the
preponderating portion of the early settlers were not well-born
people is to fly in the face of all the records of history. It only
needs to turn Bancroft's pages and go back to colonial days to
observe how strong, and at times unmanageable, the aristocratic
element was. As we write, a leading journal in Richmond is
giving up its columns from week to week to the colonial record
of the genealogies that concern hundreds of Virginia families —
records verified by incontestable references given in profusion.
Therefore, it is not a matter for ridicule, as it has come to be
the fashion in some quarters to make it, that the early Virginia
colonists who prided themselves on their good blood should
have transmitted the feeling to their children : the absurdity is,
for their descendants to satisfy themselves with the fact, and be
content " to sup on past recollections."
So in South Carolina. The Huguenots of France, exiled by
the revocation of the Edict, found footing in the new State, and
early give its one important city that pronounced character for
high breeding, refinement, gentle manners, and chivalrous living
which obtained in Charleston in larger measure one hundred
years ago than to-day. There, also, the commingling of the
English element was large. These settlers brought habits, tra-
ditions, and prejudices with them that rule their descendants in
both these dominant States down to this hour. They were
largely drawn from classes to whom manual labor had never
been a necessity, nor the making of their own daily bread a
pressure and incentive. They found themselves in a land where
light exertion secured independence. The climate was genial,
and imposed no heavy burdens on them, as on the inhabitants
of the New England and Middle States, where one half the year
,.^^.-J
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH ^^
is taken up in providing for the other half, or, as a facetious
New Hampshire friend once expressed it, " where you prepare
your dinner six months before you eat it/' But a brief period
elapsed, too, before the system of African slavery was imposed
upon the South by the mother-country — ^a system whose influence
in liberating the best Classes of citizens from the necessity of work
has perhaps, in the long run, been far other than a benefit. We
have no reasonings to bring forward; we merely note the fact.
A spirit of distas*^e for work of any kind was the natural result of
this condition of things, and it too soon became an inheritance
which descended as surely to the children of the colonists as did
their estates won from the wilderness. We do not deny that a cer-
tain physical and mental indolence thus induced has had a hurt-
ful effect on the Southern character. When the goad of neces-
sity is removed, when the incentive that leads men to aspire to
the attainment of higher position is lacking, from the very fact
that they are as high as they care to be. communities are not
apt to trouble themselves with any sort of discipline that calls
for exertion, restraint, and self-denial.
The predominant tastes of the South were, from the begin-
ning, English ; and an Englishman is a rural animal to the very
marrow of his bones. He endures cities, but his greed is to live
on his own land ; and if by good luck the possession of his fields
can but date back (as it does in the case of multitudes of middle-
class men like Charles Kingsley) to the Norman thieves who
landed at Hastings — " whom." as Emerson says, *' it took a good
many generations to trim, comb, and perfume into gentlemen"—
so much greater the pride. What Englishman of means chooses
to live in Liverpool, or Birmingham, or Manchester, or Shef-
field ? With this engrained tradition and prejudice, the first
settlers of Virginia and Carolina paid little attention to the
building of towns and cities ; and to this day all out-and-out
Southerners have a smothered contempt for what they are pleased
to call the vulgarity of towns. We know multitudes of planters
who would feel stifled in a city, and who, as a mere matter of
L. M. 8.-3
THE LIBl^ARY MAGAZINE,
preference, would rather have their old wooden mansions, with
their too often rickety verandahs, than a four-story brown-stone
front. To own plantations so large that the daily morning ride
over them was a hearty day's exercise, was enough for the
masters of the old regime : to have scor^ oi- hundreds of black
retainers, like feudal dependents, around him, was sufficiently
flattering to his self-importance. To such men the narrow
limits of town and city life*were nothing but dwarfing.
This mode of life, so free, so independent, so allied to nature,
had disadvantages, from which the whole South suffers at this
moment. It separated influential families; it imposed sparse
population ; it engendered a spirit of overweening self-content ;
it tended to a sentiment of hurtful exclusiveness; it interfered
with public organizations for the general good; it kept large
schools from being established ; it discouraged the founding of
colleges and universities and hospitals and asylums; it made
against the creation of literary centers; it segregated the edu-
cated and literary men, and so rendered ineffective an influence
which, if massed, might have been powerful. **Why," the
planter of forty years ago would ask—" why take upon ourselves
the trouble and expense of founding universities when the North
has Harvard and Yale and Nassau Hall to which we can send
our sons, who are all the better for this experience abroad ?"
For, until the slavery agitation began to take hold of the public
mind, there was not the slightest objection to sending boys
North for their education. It was much commoner then than
it now is for our Northern academic youth to finish up with
Berlin and Bonn. Look over the old catalogues of various
Northern colleges, and the surprise will be to find how largely
their students were from the Southern States. The same argu-
ment applied to literature. Even had the disposition and abil-
ity not been wanting, why should the easy-going South Caro»
llnian, Georgian, or Virginian vex his ease by writing books, or
printing magazines, or editing on any large scale daily news-
napers ? The North had all the appliances at hand, and codld
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH, C>J
do it better, and would do it, anyhow ; and the idea of competi-
tion was a bother. He would not disturb his epicurean calm
by compiling even a spelling-book ; Noah Webster had done it.
That would suffice. William and Mary College could not be
manned like Harvard or Yale, so why not be content with the
former? Hampden-Sidney could not compete with Princeton,
so wbere*s the use of worry? Cui bono? And so they saun-
tered on.
As to the matter of teachers, the parents of Southern children
were wholly satisfied to look up the foreign product for their
girls and boys. Such a thing as Southern-born youths fitting
themselves for teachers would have seemed laughable in the
good old day. Large numbers of graduates of the English, Irish,
and Scotch universities made their way to the South, ready to
exchange the product of their brains for bread ; and a very con-
venient exchange it was thought to be. Hundreds of young
New England men and women came down seeking places as
tutors and governesses ; and no family of any standing could be
found that had not its tutor and governess for their rising scions.
Even yet the custom has not fallen into entire disuse.
This isolated plantation life, so universal long ago, was a
real hindrance to mental activity and stimulus in the way of
literary production. It is curious even yet to look over the
well-preserved, calf-bound volumes of an old plantation library.
Ther^ will be Clarendon's History, the old Dramatists, Milton,
Jeremy Taylor, Smith, Tillotson, Addison, Hume, with stray
copies of " Evelina," '* Pepys's Diary, ** Marmion," Miss Austen's
early novels, but rarely the modern historians or novelists, or
even poets. One is far more apt to find Pope than Tennyson.
But, whatever is absent, there will be sure to be books of gene-
alogy, and some coj>y of " The Peerage," though it be not Sir
Bernard Burke's. The reading of these books sufficed for the
elegant, courtly men they recall their grandfathers as being;
and for the stately women, who seem to put to shame the degen-
eracy of the dames of to-day ; and why not for^ them ? A pride
68 . THE LIBRARY MACAZINB,
and enthusiasm for libraries made up of the literature of the
last forty years is not common even among the educated men
of t'iie South, exclusive of specialists and professional men. We
would be unjust to the South if we intimated that there has not
existed, and does not now exist, among the educated classes an
acquaintance with current literature. It would be hard to find
a young lady who had not read George Eliot, or a young man
of education who does not know something of Darwin and
Huxley, not to speak of Dickens, Thackeray, William Plack, or
Thomas Hardy. But, as a general thing, modern books do not
fill up the shelves of well-to-do, old-fashioned pljwiters.
Along with other English characteristics pertinaciously clung
to, the love for out-door sports has always been one of the most
positive inheritances. To sit within the house and pore over
books, instead of being abroad on a fine horse, with a pack of
baying hounds at heel, has ever seemed to the bona-fide South-
ern man a sort of woman's work. He is apt to think, with Lord
Herbert of Cherbury, that " if there is a sight on earth that God
looks down upon with special pleasure it is a fine man on a fine
horse." Southerners are all bold riders. It would not be easy
to find a boy of ten who could not manage any animal you
would seat him upon. Hence, until the civil war altered the
whole face of things, fox hunts, deer hunts, bear hunts even,
and partridge shooting were the regular pastimes of the people.
In the region around us still the annual fox hunts come off as
regularly as October appears.
Nevertheless, throughout all our rural districts east of the
Appalachian chain, the sons of planters, as a rule, have been
classically educated. There never has been any lack of home-
born men wherewith to fill the learned professions among us ;
but, as we have said above, the spur of stimulus to active literary
labor has been greatly wanting. The thousands in the fJorth who
turn to letters as a means of livelihood ^ave heretofore had no
corresponding class in the South. We are instituting no invidi-
ous comparisons. Things have wholly changed in the laist
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH 69
twenty years ; and in the trial of new experiences there are many
no'v who would gladly be possessed of the capability and self-
reliance of the young men and women of New En^^land, who
not only can help themselves, but provide by their individual
labor for the sustenance of the home circle. A new South must
grow up before there can be such a state of things general
among us. ,
It may seem a damaging admission, and one that smacks of
nide old times, to say that it has been a widespread feeling
among Southern people that the following of literature as a pro-
fession has been considered just a trifle effeminate. But this
admission may as well be made, for it is true. Our youth have
been so brought up to hear political talk from their very cra-
dles; they have learned to be so on the defensive in regard to
the peculiar institution ; they have been more or less in the
exercise of a certain power, arising from the presence of a ser-
vile race; tlie temptation to live in the midst of and help to
control affairs has been so present to them,— that this vivid life
has had charms not found in any scholarly seclusion. Southern
literature has run in the line of state papers and national
speeches and senatorial debates and patriotic orations. In this
channel the South is not content to yield superiority to the North.
It has indeed become a taunt that the South aims to raise only
statesmen and public characters. This, without doubt, has been
one of the rocks on which our literary force has too much spent
and broken itself. And here again obtains too largely the Eng-
lish idea that the great proprietors and landholders have every-
thing to do with the government of the country. The English
country gentleman has his eye on the House of Commons ; the
career of legislator has had overweening attractions for the
Southern educated mind. The withdrawn life of letters has
seemed slow; its results were not immediate, nor were they
assured. Even those who might have distinguished themselves
with their pens have been turned aside. Jefferson would rather
have been the author of the Declaration of Independence than
70 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
, have written all Addison's essays. Marshall, though he pro-
duced the accepted biography of the first President, did it as a
labor of love, not a work of ambition — not as Motley wrote the
history of WilHim the Silent. But whatever literary power he
was possessed of was soon diverted to the far more important
work of giving shape to the jurisprudence of the United States —
a work equaling, perhaps, what has been done by Kent or
Story.
Madison and Monroe chose to spend their strength upon state
papers rather than upon the elegance of letters. Wirt, with his
charm of style, might have been almost a Geoffrey Crayon, but
politics overruled him. Kennedy could easily have disputed
laurels with Cooper had his native Maryland not found more
important work for him to do. Legare might have written
works on international law equal to others had not South Caro-
lina needed him for something else. There have been multi-
tudes of strangled poets who had the spirit of song choked out
by surrounding circumstances. Public Southern opinion de-
cided that there was something more virile to do than spend
one's days in polishing tropes. At all events, such a choice, if
there were nothing else to look to, was sure to condemn the
chooser to that res angusta domi which the comfort-loving,
physical nature of the Simon-pure Southerner does not find
agreeable. Mingling with affairs, or looking after his own cot-
ton, rice, or tobacco fields, would leave him far wider margins
for the cultivation of his strong social instincts, and add infi-
nitely more to his pecuniary importance. And, then, was it not,
in the eye of all around him, voted more manly? (Perhaps the
erratic and brief career of our Virginia poet, Edgar Poe, had a
damaging irtfluence on the literary life as viewed from the
standpoint of success.) We have no sympathy, not even the
remotest, with any such feeling as this to which we have
alluded, and only call attention to it as one of the singular
anomalies of opinion that may have had something to do in
deterring the youth of our Southern land from throwing them-
Ja
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH, 7 1
selves into the profession of literature. " Measure goods behind
a counter,"'the parents of some of them would certainly have
said, " if you must, but leave the spinning of verses to girls, and
the painting of pictures and carrying of marbles to those effemi-
nate people'who have not thew and sinew for man s work."
It has been undeniable that to be a poet only, to be an artist
and no more, to be a sculptor, a novelist, an essayist, a mere
producer of pleasure for other people, as a trade, has not seemed
the highest aim of manhood to the contracted vision of the
Southerner. When the Shah of Persia, on his visit, a few years
ago, to England, saw the duchesses and noble ladies dancing till
they wearied themselves, he innocently asked , '* Why do these
lovely ladies tire themselves so ? In my country we have people
to do this for us !"
We are not yet sufficiently freed from the traditions and preju-
dices of by-gone generations to feel that there is true nobility
in every kind of labor— to realize that
No earnest work
Of any honest creature, howbeit weak,
Imperfect, ill-adapted, fails so much
That ^tis not gathered as a grain of sand
Xo swell the sum of human action, used
For carrying out God's end.
Yet mixed up with our Saxon blood we have no little of the
nerve and activity of the old Norman elements of chivalry and
strength and manliness — elements which have saved the higher
classes of the South from the undue domination of soft climate,
easy living, and the too general exemption from the goads of
labor. For when the stress has come, the educated mind among
us has always roused itself to meet the emergency. When the
occasion demanded, Patrick Henry could flash his burning
words of patriotism like a Chatham. The wars of the Revolu-
tion, of 1812, of, Mexico, could summon forth as leaders Wash-
ington, Jackson, and Scott. The late unhappy war furnisheci
as many heroes to the world's eye from *he South as the North.
72 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
The comrnon soldier from the forests of ^aine could not out-
suffer the common soldier from the swiamps of Georgia.*
The slender finger of Randolph of Roanoke was able to make
senates stir at times. Calhoun could show himself a stern
Cato. Hayne was not afraid to cross swords with Webster."
Clay could prove himself a parliamentary leader like Fox. Pres-
ton of South Carolina could charm like Everett. But, then, the
underlying motive that goaded the performance was something
stronger than any thought of literature, or art, or perfection for
perfection's sake could ever have furnished. It was the sort of
stimulus that now and then made Napoleon in presence of his
armies an orator.
Another reason of the hitherto low condition of literary exe-
cution among us has been the fact that we have been tpo con-
tent with ourselves just as we are ; and the dead level of such
stagnant content has barred progress in the direction of letters,
as it has our material prosperity. Our critics and judges give a
harsher name to the characteristic, and call it superciliousness ;
and perhaps they have some reason for doing so. Just as we
have scorned to substitute for our old plantation homes, with
their broad spaces, their cosy ways of living, their old-fashioned
ease and refinement, the modern spruce villa, with its varied
appliances for comfort and its labor-saving mechanisms, so have
we clung to the wonted system of things. It was very well
under that system to insist upon the pitcher of water being
brought fresh from the gushing spring an eighth of a mile off
when anyone was athirst, since a bevy of little black runners
were glad to have something to do for a change ; but, now that
these same runners are studying Latin and calculus, it becomes
us to alter our base, and lay down the more convenient water-
pipes.
No doubt, too, our conservative South has been intensely pro-
vincial in many ways. Our people have lived to themselves,
and so have missed the mental attrition which mingling with the
world at large furnishes. They have not gone dbout as travel-
THE LITERARY PROFESSION IN THE SOUTH. 71
^rs to the extent that Northern people have. They have not
been familiarized with literary circles ; they have not in large
enough degree seen works of art or architecture ; they have not
sufficiently walked foreign galleries and studied the* master-
pieces of antiquity, and wandered over museums and stood in
the quadrangles of hoary universities, and grown enthusiastic
over the glorious achievements of the old world. They ^ave
not realized how all lands crown with their highest honore their
literary and artistic workers.
For the last fifteen years the South has been endeavoring to
right herself. Like a great vessel that has weathered the storm
with the loss of all her sails and masts, she is trimming herself
as bravely as she can to meet the emergencies before her. She
sees plainly enough now that
The old order changeth, giving place to new.
And God fulfills himself in many ways !
and there grows gradually over the Southern mind a spirit of
acquiescence -and acceptance.
Those who are observant of the signs of' the time see tokens
everywhere that pM-edict the passing away of the hindering tra-
ditions and prejudices that, sacred as they may have seemed to
the old generations, will now only prove trammels to the new.
On all hands the South is beginning to encourage the -upbuild-
ing of its towns and cities : the old plantation life has lost its
prestige, and never can be again what it was in the past. Neigh-
borhoods are trying to crowd more together. The impulse of
vicinage is being felt. Our schools and colleges are everywhere
coming into healthy operation. The weak idea of the servility
of labor is fast losing ground. Fresh life has been infused into
our daiJy and weekly press. Notwithstanding their greater pov-
erty, the Southern people go abroad far more than they did in
ante-bellum days, and thereby get the cobwebs of prejudice
swept from their brains. We have text-books now issuing from
our universities ; we have volumes of poems published of which
74 - THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
even The Saturday Review and The Academy of London con-
descend to take note ; we have begun to send forth essays and
travels and books of science that meet the commendation of the
best critics of the land. We might add instances and references
to verify what we have said, but it is outside of our purpose to
go into any individual detail.
A bright and attractive future, then, we believe is about to
open before those among us who may hereafter give themselves
to letters. With the possession of genius, which nature has not
made a matter of geography; with the full equipment which a
thorough culture demands; with the priceless inheritance of
the richest historic associations ; with a marvelously picturesque
past, whose local coloring is the fairest which this transatlan-
tic land affords ; with the material prosperity which in time
must come; with our noble rivers, our unopened mines, our
varied and delicious climates, our great world-staples — cotton,
tobacco, rice, and sugar ; with the influx of new populations ;
with the stir and march and thunder of the times filling our
ears ; with the wealth and prosperity that must give our South-
ern land its proper place among the great brotherhood of states,
— what is there to hinder this wide, vast South from taking its
position as a leader in the world of letters, as the equal and
peer of the North ? That in the nature of things this time will
speedily come, we surely do believe.
Margaret J. Preston.
Lexington, Va.
JOHN HENRY NEWMAN.
My dear : My present letter will be given to a single fig-
ure. When I entered at Oxford John Henry Newman was be.^in-
ning to be famous. The responsible authorities were watching
him with anxiety ; clever men were looking with interest and curi-
osity on the apparition among them of one of those persons of
JOHN HENRY NEWMAN. 7S
indisputable genius who was likely to make a mark upon his
time. His appearance was striking. He was above the middle
height, slight and spare. His head was large, his face remarka-
bly like that of Julius Caesar. The forehead, the shape of the
ears and nose, were almost the same. The lines of the mouth
were very peculiar, and I should say exactly the same. I have
often thought of the resemblance, and believed that it extended
to the temperament. In both there was an original force of
character which refused to be molded by circumstances, which
was to make its own way, and become a power in the world ; a
clearness of intellectual perception, a disdain for conventionali-
ties, a temper imperious ana willful, but along with it a most
attaching gentleness, sweetness, singleness of heart and purpose.
Both were formed by nature to command others, both had the
faculty of attracting to themselves the passionate devotion of
their friends and followers; and in both cases, too, perhaps the
devotion was rather due to the personal ascendency of the leader
than to the cause which he represented. It was Caesar, not the
principle of the empire, which overthrew Pompey and the consti-
tution. Credo in Newmannum was a common phrase at Oxford,
and is still unconsciously the faith of nine-tenths of the English
converts to Rome.
When I first saw him he had written his book upon the Arians.
An accidental application had set him upon it, at a time, I
believe, when he had half resolved to give himself to science and
mathematics, and had so determined him into a theological
career. He had published a volume or two of parochial ser-
mons. A few short poems of his had also appeared in the British
Magazine under the signature of •* Delta," which were reprinted
in the "Lyra Apostolica." They were unlike any other relig-
ious poetry which was then extant. It was hard to say why
they were so fascinating. They had none of the musical grace
of the " Christian Year." They were not harmonious ; the meter
halted, the rhymes were irregular, yet there was something in
them which seized the attention, and would not let it g-
76 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Keble's verses flowed in soft cadence over the mind, delightful,
as sweet sounds are delightful, but are forgotten as the vibrations
die away. Newman's had pierced into the heart and mind, and
there remained. The literary critics of the day were puzzled.
They saw that he was not an ordinary man ; what sort of an
extraordinary man he was they could not tell. "The eye of
Melpomene had been cast upon him," said the omniscient (I
think) Athenaeum ;* " but the glance was not fixed or steady."
The eye of Melpomene had extremely little to do in the matter.
Here were thoughts like no other man's thoughts, and emotions
like no other man's emotions. Here was a man who really
believed his creed, and let it follow him into all his observations
upon outward things. He had been traveling in Greece; he
had carried with him his recollections of Thucydides, and, while
his companions were sketching olive gardens and old castles
and picturesque harbors at Corfu, Newman was recalling the
scenes which those harbors had witnessed thousands of years
ago in the civil wars which the Greek historian has made immor-
tal. There was nothing in this that was unusual. Any one with
a well-stored memory is affected by historical scenery. But
Newman was oppressed with the sense that the men who had
fallen in that desperate strife were still alive, as much as he and
his friends were alive.
Their spirits live in awful singleness,
he says,
Each in its self-formed sphere of light or gloom.
We should all, perhaps, have acknowledged this in words. It is
happy for us that we do not all realize what the words mean.
The minds of most of us would break down under the strain.
Othe'r conventional beliefs, too, were quickened into startling
realities. We had been hearing much in those days about the
* Perhaps it was not the Athenseum. I quote from memory. I remember the
passage from the amusement which it gave me ; but it was between forty and fifty
years ago, and I have never seen it since.
John henry newman 77
benevolence of the Supreme Being, and our corresponding obli-
gation to charity and philanthropy. If the received creed was
true, benevolence was by no means the only characteristic of
that Being. What God loved we might love; but there were
things which God did not love; accordingly we found Newman
saying to us —
Christian, would*st thou learn to love ?
First learn thee how to hate.
* * * *
Hatred of sin and zeal and fear
Lead up the Holy Hill ;
Track them, till charity appear
A self-denial still.
It was not austerity that made him speak so. No one was more
essentially tender-hearted ; but he took the usually accepted
Christian account of man and his destiny to be literally true, and
the terrible character of it weighed upon him.
Sunt lacrym^e rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.
He could be gentle enough in other moods. " Lead, kindly
Light," is the most popular hymn in the language. All of us.
Catholic, Protestant, or such as can see their way to no positive
creed at all, can here meet on common ground and join in a
common prayer. Familiar as the lines are they may here be
written down once more :
Lead, kindly Light, amid the encircling gloom
Lead Thou me on.
The night is dark, and I am far from home,
Lead Thou me on.
Keep Thou my feet ; I do not ask to see
Far distant scenes— one step enough for me.
I was not ever thus, nor prayed that Thou
Should *st lead me on.
I loved to choose and see my path ; but now
Lead Thou me on. ,
I loved the garish day, and, spite of fears,
Pride ruled my will. Remember not past years.
78 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
So longr Thy power has blest us, sure it will
Still lead us on, . -
0*er moor and fen, o*er crag and torrent, till
•The night is gone.
And with the mom those angel faces smile
Which I have loved long since, and lost awhile.
It has been said that men of letters are either much less or
much grater than their writings. Cleverness and the skillful
use of other people's thoughts produce works which take us in
till we see the authors, and then we are disenchanted. A man
of genius, on the other hand, is a spring in which there is always
more behind than flows from it. The painting or the poem is
but a part of him inadequately realized, and his nature expresses
itself, with equal or fuller completeness, in his life, his conver-
sation, and personal presence. This was eminently true of New-
man. Greatly as his poetry had struck me, he was himself all
that the poetry was, and something far beyond. I had then
never seen so impressive a person. I met him now and then in
private; I attended his church and heard him preach Sunday
after Sunday ; he is supposed to have been insidious, to have
led his disciples on to conclusions to which he designed to bring
them, while his purpose was carefully veiled. He was, on the
contrary, the most transparent of men. He told us what he
believed to be true. He did not know where it would carry him.
No one who has ever risen to any great height in this world
refuses to move till he knows where he is going. He is impelled
in each step which he takes by a force within himself. He sat-
isfies himself only that the step is a right one, and he leaves the
rest to Providence. Newman's mind was world-wide. He was
interested in ever3rthing which was going on in science, in poli-
tics, in literature. Nothing was too large for him, nothing too
trivial, if it threw light upon the central question, what man
really was, and what was his destiny. He was careless about
his personal prospects. He had no ambition to make a career,
or to rise to rank and power. Still less had pleasure any seduc-
tions for him. His natural temperament was bright and light;
JOHN HENHY NEWMAN 79
his senses, even the commonest, were exceptionally delicate. I
was told that, though he rarely drank wine, he was trusted to
choose the vintages for the college cellar. He could admire
enthusiastically any greatness of action and character, however
remote the sphere of it from his own. Gurwood's " Dispatches
of the Duke of Wellington" cime out just then.' Newman had
been reading the book, and a friend asked him what he thought
of it. *• Think ?" he said, ** it makes one burn to have been a
soldier." But his own subject was the absorbing interest with
him. Where Christianity is a real belief, where there are dis-
tinct convictions that a man's own self and the millions of
human beings who are playing on the earth's surface are the
objects of a supernatural disjDensation, and are on the road to
heaven or hell, the most powerful mind may well be startled at
the aspect of things. If Christianity was true, since Christianity
was true (for Newman at no time doubted the reality of the
revelation), then modem England, modern Europe, with its
march of intellect and its useful knowledge and its material prog-
ress, was advancing with a light heart into ominous conditions.
Keble had looked into no lines of thought but his own. New-
man had read omnivorously; he had studied modern thought
and modern life in all its forms, and with all its many-colored
passions. ^He knew, of course, that many men of learning and
ability believed that Christianity was not a revelation at all, but
had been thrown out, like other creeds, in the growth of the
human mind. He knew that doubts of this kind were the inevi-
table results of free discussion and free toleration of differences
of opinion; and he was too candid to attribute such doubts, as
others did, to wickedness of heart. He could not, being what
he was, acquiesce in the established religion as he would acqui-
esce in the law of the land, because it was there, and because the
country had accepted it, and because good general reasons could
be given for assuming it to be right. The soundest arguments,
even the arguments of Bishop Butler himself, went ho further
than to establish a probability. But religion with Newman wa?
8o THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
a personal thing between himself and his Maker, and it was not
possible to feel love and devotion to a Being whose existence
was merely probable ; as Carlyle, says of himself when in a simi-
lar condition, a religion which was not a certainty was a mock-
ery and a horror ; and, unshaken and unshakable as his own con-
victions were, Newman evidently was early at a loss for the intel-
lectual grounds on which the claims of Christianity to abstract
belief could be based. The Protestant was satisfied with the
Bible, the original text of which, and perhaps the English trans-
lation, he regarded as inspired. But the inspiration itself was
an assumption, and had to be proved ; and Newman, though he
believed the inspiration, seems to have recognized earlier than
most of his contemporaries that the Bible was not a single book,
but a national literature, produced at intervals, during many
hundred years, and under endless varieties of circumstances.
Protestant and Catholic alike appealed to it; and they could
not both be right. Yet if the differences between them were
essential, there must be some authority capable of deciding
between them. The Anglican church had a special theology of its
own, professing to be based on the Bible. Yet to suppose that
each individual left to himself would gather out of the Bible, if
able and conscientious, exactly these opinions, and no others,
was absurd and contrary to experience. There were the creeds ;
but on what authority did the creeds rest ? On the "four coun-
cils ? or on other councils, and if other, on which ? Was it on
the Church, and if so, on what church ? The Church of the
Fathers? or the Church still present and alive and speaking?
If for living men, among whom new questions were perpetually
rising, a Clnirch which was also Jiving could not be dispensed
with ; then what was that Church, and to what conclusions would
such an admission lead us?
With us undergraduates, Newman, of course, did not enter on
such important questions, although they were in the air, and we
talked about them among ourselves. He. when we met him,
spoke to us about subjects of the day, of literature, of public per-
JOHN HENRY NEWMAN 8l
sons, and incidents, of everything which was generally interest-
ing. He seemed always to be better informed on common topics
of conversation than any one else who was present. He was
never condescending with us, never didactic or authoritative ; but
what he said carried conviction along with it. When we were
wrong he knew why we were wrong, and excused our mistakes
to ourselves while he set us right. Perhaps his supreme merit
as a talker was that he never tried to be witty or to say striking
things. Ironical he could b^, but not ill-natured. Not a mali-
cious anecdote was ever heard from him. Prosy he could not
be. He was lightness itself — the lightness of elastic strength —
and he was interesting because he never talked for talking s sake,
but because he had something real to say.
Thus it was that we, who had never seen such another man,
and-to whom he appeared, perhaps, at special advantage in con-
trast with the normal college don, came to regard Newman with
the affection of pupils (though pupils, strictly speaking, he had
none) for an idolized master. The simplest word which dropped
from him was treasured as if it had been an intellectual diamond.
For hundreds of young men Credo in Newmannum was the genu-
ine symbol of faith.
Personal admiration, of course, inclined us to look to him as
a guide in matters of religion. No one who heard his sermons
in those days can ever forget them. They were seldom directly
theological. We had theology enough and to spare from the
select preachers before the university. Newman, taking some
Scripture character for a text, spoke to us about ourselves, our
temptations, our experiences. His illustrations were inexhausti-
ble. He seemed to be addressing the most secret consciousness
of each of us — as the eyes of a portrait appear to look at every
person in a room. He never exaggerated ; he was never unreal.
A sermon from him was a poem, formed on a distinct idea, fas-
cinating by its subtlety, welcome — how welcome! — from its sin-
cerity, interesting from its originality, even to those who were
careless of religion ; and to others who wished to be religious
82 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
but had found religion dry and wearisome, it was like the spring-
ing of a fountain out of the rock.
The hearts of men vibrate in answer to one another like the
strings of musical instruments. These sermons were, I suppose,
the records of Newman's own mental experience. They appear
to me to be the outcome of continued meditation upon his fel-
low-creature^ and their position in this world ; their awful re-
sponsibilities; the mystefy of their nature, strangely mixed of
good and evil, of strength and weakness. A tone, not of fear,
but of infinite pity, runs through them all, and along with it a
resolution to look facts in the face; not to fly to evasive generali-
ties about infinice mercy and benevolence, but to examine what
revelation really has added to our knowledge, either of what we
are or of what lies before us. We were met on all sides with dif-
ficulties; for experience did not confirm, it rather contradicted,
what revelation appeared distinctly to assert. I recollect a ser-
mon from him — I think in the year 1839; I have never read
it since ; I may not now remember the exact words, but the
impression left is ineffaceable. It was on the trials of faith, of
which he gave different illustrations. He supposed, first, two
children to be educated together, of similar temperament and
under similar conditions, one of whom was baptized and the
other unbaptized. He represented them as growing up equally
amiable, equally upright, equally reverent and God-fearing, with
no outward evidence that one was in a different spiritual con dir
tion from the other; yet we were required to believe riot only
that their condition was totally different, but that one was a
child of God, and his companion was not.
Again, he drew a sketch of the average men and women who
made up society, whom we ourselves encountered in daily life,
or were connected with, or read about in newspapers. They
were neither special saints nor special sinners. Religious men
had faults, and often serious ones. Men careless of religion
were often amiable in private life, good husbands, good fathers,
ady friends ; in public honorable, brave, and patriotic. Even
JOHN HENRY NEWMAN, 83
in the worst and wickedest, in a witch of Endor, there was a
human heart and human tenderness. None seemed good enough
for heaven, none so bad as to deserve to be consigned to the
company of evil spirits, and to remain in pain and misery for-
ever. Yet all these people were, in fact, divided one from the
other by an invisible line of separation. If they were to die on
the spot as they- actually were, some would be saved, the rest
would be lost — the saved to have eternity of happiness, the lost
to be with the devils in hell.
Again, I am not sure whether it was on the same occasion,
but it was in following the same line of thought, Newman de-
scribed closely some of the incidents of our Lord's passion ; he
then paused. For a few moments there was a breathless silence.
Then, in a low. clear voice, of which the faintest vibration was
audible in the farthest corner of St. Mary's, he said, '* Now, I bid
you recollect that He to whom these things were done was
Almighty God." It was as if an electric stroke had gone through
the church, as if every person present understood for the first
time the meaning of what he had. all his life been saying. I sup-
pose it was an epoch in the mental history of more than one of
my Oxford contemporaries.
Another sermon left its mark upon me. It was upon evi-
dence. I had supposed up to that time that the chief events
related in the Gospels were as well authenticated as any other
facts of history. I had read Paley and Grotius at school, and
their arguments had been completely satisfactory to me. The
Gospels had been written by apostles or companions of apostles.
There was sufficient evidence, in Paley 's words, "that many pro-
fessing to be original witnesses of the Christian miracles had
passed their lives in labors, dangers, and sufferings in attesta-
tion of the accounts which they delivered." St. Paul was a
further and independent authority. It was not conceivable that
such men as St. Paul and the other apostles evidently were
should have conspired to impose a falsehood upon the world,
and should have succeeded in doing it undetected in an age
84 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
exceptionally cultivated and skeptical. Gibbon I had studied
also, and had thought about the five causes by which he ex-
plained how Christianity came to be believed; but they had
seemed to me totally inadequate. I was somethfng more
than surprised, therefore, when I heard Newman say that
Hume's argument against the credibility of miracles was logi-
cally sound. The laws of- nature, so i^t as could be observed,
were uniform ; and in any given instance it was more likely as a
mere matter of evidence that men should tieceive or be deceived,
than that those laws should have been deviated trom. Of course
he did not leave the matter in this position. Hume goes on to
say that he is speaking of evidence as addressed to the reason ;
the Christian religion addresses itself to faith, and the credibil-
ity of it is therefore unaffected by his objection. What Hume
said in irony. Newman accepted in earnest. Historically the
proofs were insufficient, or sufficient only to create a sense of
probability. Christianity was apprehended by a faculty essen-
tially different. It was called faith. But what was faith, and
on what did it rest? Was it as if mankind had been born with
but four senses, by which to form their notions of things exter-
nal to them, and that a fifth sense of sight was suddenly con-
ferred on favored individuals, Which converted conjecture into
certainty ? I could not tell. For myself this way of putting
the matter gave me ho new sense at all, and only taught me to
distrust my old ones.
I say at once that I think it was injudicious of Newman to
throw out before us thus abruptly an opinion so extremely agi-
tating. I explain it by supposing that here, as elsewhere, his
sermons contained simply the workings of his own mind, and
were a sort of public confession which he made as he went along.
I suppose that something of this kind had been passing through
him. He was in advance of his time. He had studied the early
fathers ; he had studied Church history, and the lives of the
saints and martyrs. He knew that the hard and fast line which
Protestants had drawn at which miracles had ceased was one
.JOHN HENRY NEWMAN 8$
whigh no historical canon could reasonably defend. Stories of
the exercise of supernatural power ran steadily from the begin-
ning to the latest period of the Church's existence : many of
them were as well'supported by evidence as the miracles of the
New Testament ; and if reason was to be the judge, no arbitrary
separation of the age of the apostles 'from the age of their suc-
cessors was possible. Some of these stories might be inven-
tions, or had no adequate authority for them ; but for others
there was authority of eye-witnesses ; and if these were to be set
aside by a peremptory act of will as unworthy of credit, the Gos-
pel miracles themselves might fall before the same methods.
The argument of Hume was already silently applied to the entire
post-apostolic period. It had been checked by the traditionary
reverence for the Bible. But this was not reason ; it was faith.
Perhaps, tok), he saw that the alternative did not lie as sharply
as Paley supposed, between authentic fact and deliberate fraud.
Legends might grow; they grew every day, about common
things and persons, without intention to deceive. Imagination,
emotion, affection, or, on the other side, fear and animosity, are
busy with the histories of men who have played a remarkable
part in the world. Great historic figures — a William Tell, for
instance — have probably had no historical existence at all. and
yet are fastened indelibly into national traditions. Such reflec-
tions as these would make it evident that if the Christian mira-
cles were to be believed, not as possibly or probably true, but as
indisputably true— true in such a sense that a man's life on earth,
and his hope for the future, could be securely based upon them
—the history must be guaranteed by authority different in kind
from the mere testimony to be gathered out of books. I sup-
pose every thinking person would now acknowledge this to be
true. And we see, in fact, that Christians of various persuasions
supplement the evidence in several ways. . Some assume the
verbal inspiration of the Bible ; others are conscious of personal
experiences which make doubt impossible. Others, again, appeal
justly to the existence of Christianity as a fact, and to the power
86 THE LIBRAR Y MAGAZINE.
which it has exerted in elevating and humanizing mankfnd.
Newman found what he wanted in the living authority of the
Church, in the existence of an organized body which had been
instituted by our Lord himself, and was still actively present
amon;^ us as a living witness of the truth. Thus the. imperfec-
tion of the outward evidence was itself an argument for the
CatboHc iheory. All religious people were agneed that the facts j
of the Gospel narrative really happened as they were said to'
hav« happened. Proof there must be somewhere to justify the
conviction ; and proof could only be found in the admission that
the Church, the organized Church with its bishops and priests,
was not a human institution, but was the living body through
which the Founder of Christianity himsflf was speaking to us.
" Such, evidently, was one use to which Hume's objection could
be applied ; and to those who, like Newman, were provided with
the antidote, there was no danger in admitting the force of it.
Nor wouifl the risk have been great with his hearers if they had
been playing with the question as a dialectical exercise. But he
had made them feel and think seriously about it by his own
intense earnestness ; and, brought up as most of them had been
to believe that Christianity had sufficient historical evidence for
it, to be suddenly told that the famous argument against mira-
cles was logically valid after all, was at least startling. The
Church theory, as making good a testimony otherwise defective,
was new to most of us, and not very readily taken in. To re-
move the foundation of a belief, and to substitute another, is
like putting new foundations to a house. The house itself may
easily be overthrown in the process. I have said before that in
a healthy state of things religion is considered too sacred to be
argued about. It is believed as a matter of duty, and the why
or the wherefore are not so much as thought about. Revolu-
tions are not far off when men begin to ask whence the sovereign
derives his authority. Skepticism is not far off when they ask
why ihey believe their creed. We had all been satisfied about
Se Gospel history; not a shadow of doubt had crossed the
THE JSiSTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT, 8/
minds of one of us ; and, though we might not have been able
to give a logical reason for our certitude, the certitude was in
us, and might well have been let alone. I for one began to read
Hume attentively, and though old associations prevented me
from recognizing the full force of what he had to say, no doubt
I was unconsciously affected by him. It must have been so,
lor I remember soon after insisting to a friend that the essential
part of religion was morality. My friend replied that morality
was only possible to persons who received power through faith
to keep the commandments. But this did not satisfy me, for
it seemed contrary to fact. There were persons of great excel-
lence whose spiritual beliefs were utterly different. I could not
bring myself to admit that the goodness, for instance, of a Uni-
tarian was only apparent. After all is said, the visible conduct of
men is the best test that we can have of their inward condition.
If not the best, where are we to find a better ?
JAMES Anthony Froude, in Good Words.
THE ^ESTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT.
It was matter of no small marvel to the world when it became
known that Jack Harris and Theocritus Marlowe were elected
to Parliament. The many people to whom the names of the
two distinguished poets were familiar asked themselves what
special knowledge of politics they had ever evidenced, that they
should be sent to represent any constituency at St. Stephen's.
Indeed, in the circles of higher culture, and in society generally,
the speculation was great as to the meaning of the mystery, the
real reason of which was known only to a very few.
The Duke of Magdiel had taken a fancy to the two poets. He
was always in want of new ideas to amuse himself with, and the
thoughts and theories of Jack and Theocritus opened up to him
a new world of which he had not dreamed before, and which
88 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
promised to offer him, if not endless amusement — he had out-
grown even wishing for that — at least entertainment for a con-
siderable period. So he asked them down to Magdiel Towers,
and listened with good-humored cynicism to their views of life
and their rhapsodies on the Beautiful, and paid a kindly atten-
tion while they read him their poems and other people's poems, •
and felt feebly thrilled at passages which recalled to him the""
wildness of his long-perished youth. One evening, in the smok-
ing-room, the talk fell upon politics, for a foreign ambassador,
an ex-colonial governor, and a bishop were among the newest
visitors to Magdiel Towers, and the duke, who had begun to be
a little weary of the arts as expounded by his two poets, had
turned the talk upon the policy of the Government. Jack Har-
ris had often expressed of late a lofty scorn of politics and its
professors. He had been heard to aver contemptuously that he
would not care if England were joined to America to-morrow,
so long as he were allowed to write his sonnets and read his
Baudelaire. But he did not remember this as he listened with
reverent attention to the duke's utterances on foreign affairs ;
and as he never allowed himself to be long silent upon any sub-
ject, he soon flung himself boldly into the conversation and
startled some of his hearers by a novel theory of politics. " The
politics of the day are all wrong," Jack declared. " They are
petty in their aims and ignoble in their purposes. What we
want are higher aims and loftier ideals. The questions on which
the chosen of the nation waste their strength — what are they ?
Pitiful matters of political economy and domestic detail. Peo-
ple rouse themselves to tears over a Turnpike Bill, and allow
the moments of precious life to perish in miserable speculations
of Land Reform. We should have something goodlier than all
this; something that answers more truly to the nobility within
us, that would feed more fully the hunger of the nation." He
paused for a moment. The duke's thin lips smiled satyr-like;
the ex-colonial governor stared ; the bishop looked bewildered ;
while the foreign ambassador seemed to be reflecting sadly to
\
THE ESTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT. 89
himself that, after all, his command of the English language
was not so extensive as he had fondly believed it to be. Theoc-
ritus broke the brief silence. "You are right/' he said; "very
right. These are miserable motives for politicians to squander
their strength upon. The true life of a nation lies in the ideal
to which it i>ays honor, not in the legislation it effects. What
is the value of a County Franchise compared with a refined
sense of the Beautiful ? Whether Hodge has a vote or not is
of the supremest indifference so long as we have among us men
who can do honor to those things of loveliness the world has
still to show. Every moment that passes may offer us some
new delight; there need not be an instant of our waking or
sleeping day without its gracious accompaniment of beauty.
He who wakes with the music of the brown bird in his ears,
and who wanders forth on the fair lawns in ecstasy of delight at
its strophes and anti-strophes of eternal passion and eternal
pain — what is it to him whether he happens to be a compound
householder or no? He has the wings of the morning, 4nd he
is indifferent to the ten-pound franchise. These are questions
for peddlers, not for statesmen."
Jack took up the theme. " Happier the man who sits staring
long hours into the love-worn eyes of our Lady Lisa, or goes
a-wandering in the wan flower-stained gardens of Sandro Botti-
ceUiv where the nymphs are whose limbs are lissom with love,
than the poor wretch who passes a degraded life in poring over
Blue Books, and whose only thoughts of woman are whether
she shall not have the ballot. What woman wants is worship
of her sovereign and supreme beauty, and not the miserable
privilege of thrusting a dirty piece of paper into a wooden
box."
V But all women are not beautiful," the duke dryly interposed.
• " •* All true women are," Theocritus interposed. " All real
women must, by very reason of their being, be beautiful. I
never admit that the others exist. Ugly women are but phan-
tasms. I shut my eyes and I see them no more."
90 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
The bishop had pretty daughters; the colonial governor had
a pretty^vife; so they both smiled good-humoredly. As for the
ambassador, he had given up all attempt at following the con-
versation, and was framing the basis of a new treaty between
the smoke-circles of his cigar.
" We want a new departure in politics," said Jack. " The
loveliness after which we dream should be m^de the possession
of the world. We should not waste our time in commercial
considerations — how true that remark of the Master about our
indifference as to whether all the Titians in Europe were fash-
ioned into sand-bags ! — we should rather teach those beneath
us the. immeasurable meaning of beauty. We would not give
the people freedom, for freedom is only a phflfee, and I do not
love, phrases; but m'c would give them beautiful songs, and
splendid pictures, and the praises of fair women, and set their
lives to very music." Jack paused for breath, and Theocritus
took up the strain after the fashion of the shepherds of his Sicil-
ian namesake.
'* We want this new creed," he said ; *' the old faiths are dead
and buried, and the world is weary of their unlaid ghosts. We
have outlived the religious symbols of our fathers, and can only
look with pain on pitiful squabbles about the establishment or
disestablishment of a State church. You might as well ask me
to take concern in the establishment or disestablishment of
Mumbo Jumbo, or to proclaim myself the apostle of any other
mid- African fetichry, as waste one thought on so poor a matter.
Had we, as of old, a grander faith, such as built abbeys, and
painted great pictures, in which men limned the women they
loved, to be adored by ignorant crowds as saints — a faith that
was tilled with music as with wine — the thing would be at least
worth keeping for the artistic value it had. But alL else is
absurd. We are the priests of a new faith, and we will preaclv
it even to martyrdom." He concluded as he lit another of the
duke's magnificent cigars, "If ever L go into the House of
Commons, when I have nothing better to do, I shall expound \
THE MSTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT. 9I
my meaning to the world, and show that the true principles of
the world lie in the combination of liberty and civilization."
The bishop, who had shown various signs of indignation dur-
ing the speech of Theocritus, and was about to interrupt him at
one time when he felt the restraining hand of the duke upon
his arm. here rose and said he would go to bed; which he did,
with the conviction in his mind that his grace was going too far
in bringing such extraordinary people to Magdiel Towers.
" Yes." said Jack, when the bishop had departed, "liberty and
civilization — these shall be my political watchwords. The two
now exist apart. It shall be ofirs to solder close these im()ossi-
bilities and make them kiss. The Liberal party represents lib-
erty, indeed, in its crude rough way, but it is a wholly uncivil-
ized liberty, a naked, shameless savage, as it were. The Tory
party, on the other hand, have civilization, but they lack the true
liberty without which even civilisation loses half its value. When
I enter political life it will be to combine these two great prin-
ciples."
The duke had been listening to the last part of the young
men's speeches with the closest attention and a curious smile
upon his wrinkled face. " So you shall," he said. *• Much that
you have said has impressed me, and it will not be my fault if
you have not the opportunity of fulfilling your mission. If I do
not mistake the signs of the times, there is a general election
close at hand. Be ready when I call upon you to represent
your noble ideas in the senate of your country."
The general election came sooner than was expected; within
a very few days of this conversation, while Jack and Theocritus
were still guests at the Towers, and before the duke had time
either to forget or repent of his resolution. The boroughs of
Magdiel and Iram were entirely in the duke's control, for they
both belonged to him, and he could have returned a gorilla for
cither of them if he had chosen. Jack and Theocritus were pro-
posed as candidates by the duke's agent, and as of course no one
dreamed of contesting, they were returned without opposition,
g2 .* T^S LIBRARY MAGAZIN'E.
and found themselves members of the great" new Parliament
before they had time to master thie first principles of the law of
elections as set forth in the shilling handbook whicl^ Theocritus
had purchased at the Magdiel railway station.
What was the reason the duke had in returning the two poets?
He had a grudge against the preceding Government, which was
likely to come in again, because it had not taken sufficient notice
of his young son. Lord Lotan. Lord Lotan had not been offered
a place in the Ministry that went out three years before, although
the Magdiels had been consistent supporters of the party from
the days of the Long Parliam^t, and his name had not been
talked of for the new Cabinet which had been so often discussed
and formed in fancy long before the threatened appeal to the
country became an actual fact. So the duke had conceived that
it would be exceedingly amusing to harass the government by
sending them two such strange supporters as Jack Harris and
Theocritus Marlowe. The idea had occurred to him that night
in the smoking-room, and he saw the opportunity of a new
amusement in the idea of listening from the peers' gallery to
such speeches as these in the chamber of St. Stephen's. The
duke had never denied himself any amusement in his life, and
he did not intend to on this occasion. He pictured to himself
the puzzle that the aesthetic ideas of his prot6g6s would be to the
Ministry, and he sent Jack and Thgbcritus into Parliament.
There was considerable flutter among the aesthetics when the
news of the return of two of their leaders to Parliament became
known, and many were the efforts which their friends made to
see the pair and learn the solution of the problem. But Jack
and Theocritus had assumed the airs of reserve and wisdom
which were becoming to statesmen, and the period that inter-
vened between the election and the meeting of Parliament was
passed by them in mysterious seclusion. Those of their allies
who happened to see them or hear from them were assured that
they were preparing themselves to fight for their cause. Jack
had bought a copy of Sir Erskine May's * Parliamentary Prac-
/
THE ^ESTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT. 93
tice," and he and Theocritus passed long hours in attentive study
of its pages.
When the House met. Jack and Theocritus were among the
very first to be present. Their long hair floated upon their
shoulders in picturesque abandonment. Jack wore a wide felt
hat that framed his head as in a dusky aureole, and his form
was swathed in the drooping folds of a Spanish cloak ; his left
hand held a bunch of lilies. Theocritus, who aflfected the eigh-
teenth century, wore a long frock coat with big buttons, that
came nearly to his heels, and a high hat of the sloping type dear
to the Directory. He carried a heavy gold-headed cane, and in
his button-hole a single red tulip "burned like love's very fkme,"
to use his own expression. The policemen were at first inclined
to bar them from passing, but when Jack frowned upon them,
and Theocritus exclaimed, " We are members of this House, we
are the elect Of Magdiel and the chosen of Iram," the guar-
dians let them go by without further protest. Their appearance
in the inner lobby created no small sensation even in that crowd
of newly elected members busy with the strange business of a
new Parliament. Members of the new Government paused in
their excited hurryings hither and thither to gaze with wonder
upon the artistic forms who stood in the center of the lobby
discussing together their plans of action. Ex-ministers for a
moment forgot their woes in their wonder at the mystic flower-
bearers who conversed together, affecting a serene unconscious-
ness of the attention that was filling their souls with keen delight.
" Who are they ?" every one asked of every one else ; and when
young Lord Lydgate, who represented one of his father's pocket
boroughs, was seen to rush up to them as soon as he saw them
in the lobby, and remain in deepest consultation with the twain,
the excitement knew no bounds, and men forgot their immedi-
ate affairs in order to wait till Lord Lydgate was free to ask him
who his wonderful friends were. But they waited in vain.
Lord Lydgate was quite delighted to find his poetic friends were
ipembers of a House whose membership he valued very litt^
94 THE UBRARY MAGAZINE,
himselK and which he only endured to please his father, and he
was rejoiced at the opportunity of taking Jack and Theocritus
all over the place and showing and explaining everything to
them. He finally conducted them to the smoking room, and
over dainty cigarettes they discussed the future, and Lord Lyd-
gate learned from the lips of his friends the formation of the
new party of liberty and civilization. He was charmed by the
propositions of the poets, wondered he had never thought of-
them before in connection with a parliamentary career, and
before'the talk was ended he was a complete adherent of their
views and a sworn follower of the new party.
When Jack 'and Theocritus had taken the oaths — after duly
deciding that tftey could quite reconcile it with their pagan prin-
ciple to do so — they took their seats at once on the front bench
below the gangway on the ministerial side of the House, one on
each side of Lord Lydgate. Though for the first few days, on
the advice of Lord Lydgate, they kept a discreet silence, and
occupied themselves in getting the way of the place, it soon
became known about the House that a new party was going
through the process of formation, and that it was to be spoken
of as the Fifth party. The noble lord who headed the Fourth
party eyed the new-comers with a curious interest, as if he
reserved to himself the right of absorbing them into the com-
pany of the gentlemen who acted with him if they proved worthy
of the honor; while the Third party through its whips made
some earnest but futile efforts to elicit the opinion of the stran-
gers on the questions of Griffith's valuation and Home Rule^ As
the House began to fill. Jack and Theocritus found many friends
among some of the youthful Liberals and Tories whose business
in life is the putting on of gorgeous apparel. These they had
come across occasionally at afternoon teas and garden parties
in the days before the visit to Magdiel Towers, and these were
very ready to welcome the poets to the House, though they
could not, for the life of them, imagine how the deuce they got
or what the deuce they wanted there.
THE ESTHETICS IN PARUAMENT. 95
A change began to come oyer the House in consequence of
the presence of the aesthetics. The lobbies were besieged now
by picturesque long-haired youths of strange attire, who were
always sending in their names for Mr. Harris or Mr. Marlowe,
and who had generally some brilliant ideas to propose as to the
means by which the new principles of liberty and civilization —
** Lasenby Liberty and civiliiation," a scoffing critic styled it —
were best to be carried out. Deputations from the Kyrle Soci-
ety and other bodies of kindred purposes waited upon the mem-
bers for Magdiel and Iram in the conference-room and broached
plans for Government subsidization and patronage. Youthful
painters came down to the House, with huge canvases which
had been rejected by miserable hanging committees, in order
that the attention of the Government might be called to their
case ; and youthful poets, with huge rolls of rejected manu-
scripts '*n their hands, demanded sternly that hostile publishers
should be brought to the bar of the House. The ladies' gallery
too began to change its character not a little ; for it was now
always besieged by strangely clad damsels sad-eyed and disor-
dered of hair, who peered through the grating eagerly on the
bench where Jack and Theocritus sat, and murmured softly the
while some lines of the two masters' latest lyrics. In the gallery
under the clock the chosen friends of Jack and Theocritus would
sit in languid attitudes, with bunches of flowers in their hands,
looking with dreamy disdain upon all save the three who cham-
pioned art in Parliament. Sometimes these youths brought
books with them — volumes of songs inspired by a sad sensuality,
with which they sought to refresh themselves when the debate
turned upon some tedious topic connected with the welfare of
the mass of the people ; but these studies were always harshly
interrupted by the watchful attendants, to the great disgust of the
young men, who declared that the tyranny of the time was really
too oppressive, and made them long for the myrtle-clad swords
of the Grecian comrades whose characters were at least in
some respects very dear to them. One fiery soul — it was Heli-
9^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZIiVE,
ogabalus Murdle — declared one day in a. loud tone in the lob-
by, to an admiring group, that the Speaker ought to be sent
to prison, and he was about to add that when he got to Par-
liament he would see it done, when he was promptly removed
into the outer air by Inspector Denning; and it was with
very great difficulty, and only after the personal interference
of Lord Lydgate, whose family commanded several votes in
another place, that the expelled bard was allowed to enter the
sacred precincts again. He had, however, the consolation of
figuring as a martyr in his circle, especially by its women, by
whom he was regarded as a sort of improved copyof Coriolanus,
Dante, and Alcibiades combined. Jack and Theocritus peopled
the smoking-room with their friends, who smoked innumerable
cigarettes and talked in loud tones of the various women they
honored with their poetic adoration, and murmured to each
other fragments of erotic song, which had the effect of greatly
horrifying some elderly members who did not understand the
beauty of higher culture. Lord Lydgate liked the whole thing
immensely. Up to this time he had had nothing to do in the
House except to dress himself very carefully and wander about
the lobbies with a simper on his face and a scented handkerchief
held to his nose. Now he found his time fully occupied, and he
felt that he was a person of importance. The two members
were certainly the lions of the hour, and Lord Lydgate, who in
his vacuous way wanted to be thought clever, fancied that he
was the only person who truly appreciated the great principles
of liberty combined with civilization. Jack and Theocritus
assured him that he was made for high destinies, and alluded
vaguely to the necessity that would be his, when Prime Minis-
ter, of being a master of all the principles of artistic truth.
The new party were quiet for some little time, while the House
was struggling through some business; but they felt that it
would not do to allow too much time to pass before they began
the great campaign. One fateful day, therefore, at motion time.
Jack Harris rose from his place below the gangway, and gave
THE ESTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT, 97
notice that he would on the following day ask the Honorable Gen-
tleman the Prime Minister if he was aware that the identity
of the Laura of Petrarcha was still an unsettled question ; and if,
in view of the great importance of the question, and the necessity
for England to show herself eminent in striving for its solution,
he would appoint a select committee of the House to investigate
the matter. Silence held the astonished Commons for some
seconds after Jack had given his notice, and then came such a
shriek of laughter as has seldom disturbed the peace of the Gothic
chamber, while Jack pulled his swart sombrero over his eyes,
and devoted himself to the study of a mass of documents in
relation to the great question he had just propounded to the
House. Members who did not know who Jack was, asked each
other if the member for Magdiel was mad, or if a silly practical
joke was intended ; while those senators who had been favored
through Lord Lydgate— who had constituted himself the whip
of the Fifth party — with the views of Jack and Theocritus on
the union of liberty and civilization, explained that Mr. Harris
was a great poet, and that he was quite in earnest about
Petrarch's Laura. One of the Government whips waited on
Jack, whom he found in deep consultation with Theocritus and
Lord Lydgate in the quietest corner of the smoking-room, to
inquire if he really intended asking the question of which he had
given notice. With all the gravity of offended statesmanship.
Jack assured his interrogator that he certainly did, and that he
considered the backwardness of England in these matters of
research, and her indifference to that love for poetry and poets
which is the crown of a great country, as the most fatal signs of
England's degradation. The puzzled whip retired to inform his
chiefs of Jack's determination, and the three friends were left to
finish in peace a. scheme they were drawing up for awarding a
Government prize of a golden apple to the most beautiful
woman every year.
Next day the House was unusually crowded at question time,
and much anxiety was felt for the time when Jack's question.
L. M. 8.-4
98 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
which stood pretty early on the paper, should-~be reached. At
last the moment came : the Speaker called Mr. Harris, and Jack
rose. In a calm tone he read his question and sat down. , Amid
shouts of laughter the Prime Minister immediately rose and
advanced to the table with a countenance which his efforts
wholly failed to render grave. He fancied, he said, that the
House would hardly require him to reply at any great length to
the extraordinary question that had just been addressed to him
(cheers from the House, and counter-cheers from the Fifth
party) ; he would not like to attribute anything like levity to
any member of that House (*• Hear, hear," from Lord Lydgate),
but he really must warn his young friend that he was trifling
with the temper of that House (great cheering, and " No, no,"
from Lord Lydgate). He had no doubt that the House would
see in the youth of the member the fittest excuse for his conduct
(cries of " Order, order," and " Shame " from Lord Lydgate and
Mr. Theocritus Marlowe). With regard to the question itself,
he had indeed his own opinions, founded upon a pretty long and
close acquaintance with the writings of the great Italian poet,
and he had some thought at a leisure opportunity of communi-
cating his ideas to the world, in some other form. But he must
remind the honorable member that topics which might be very
appropriately considered in the pages of the Nineteenth Cen-
tury were hardly to be considered appropriate to the House of
Commons, which he must request the honorable member to
recollect was not a Dilettante Society. As the Prime Minister
sat down amidst loud cheers, Jack sprang to his feet, and in a
somewhat excited tone, but with perfectly calm manner,
informed the Speaker that, in consequence of the peculiar
nature of the reply of the Prime Minister, he would offer some
remarks, and would conclude with a motion. The scene instantly
became one of indescribable confusion; members shouting
" Order, order " at the top of their voice, while Jack endeavored
to get his observations heard through the din.
" Mr. Speaker, the matter to which I wish the attention of the
THE MSTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT. 99
House of Commons to direct itself is of the greatest and gravest
importance to all men whose intellects have passed beyond that
of the primal savage. Only a mind infected by malignity or
crippled by imbecility could fail to see, with clearness of very
sunlight at noontide, the supreme measure of fate-filled neces-
sity that is now about us and upon us to divine who was that
most precious and perfect of all fair and radiant women whose
name the loud lips of Petrarch — golden-mouthed indeed, in
truer sense than any saintship of them all — had done honor to
in verse more sweet than the honey which drowned that melo-
dious singer of old Greece, and more musical in its very oneness
and entirety of passion than the tremulous measures of Galuppi
or the high serenity of Margaritone of Arezzo." Thus far had
jack got — thus much, at least, did Theocritus, who was taking
notes, make up of what he was trying to say— when the Speaker
rose and quelled the storm by calling the honorable member's
attention to the fact that, under one of the newest of the new
rules, he was not privileged to continue his observations. Jack,
who had been pulled down by Lord Lydgate when the Speaker
got up, now rose on a whisper from his whip, and announced
that he would on a future occasion draw the attention of the
House to the matter.
If, however, the House imagined the spirit of the Fifth party
was broken by this rebuff, they were very much mistaken. Jack
and Theocritus soon began work in earnest. Theocritus set the
game afoot by asking the Home Secretary if he would lay upon
the table of the House a return of the different forms of sonnets
practiced by poets since the time of Dante of Majano. Jack
moved for a commission to inquire into the effect of European
pigments upon Japanese art. Lord Lydgate recommended to
the House the necessity of erecting statues to Mr. Burne Jones,
Pico Delia Mirandula, and Walt Whitman, in Palace Yard.
Theocritus moved that St. Just's laws relating to friendship be
incorf>orated in the English Constitution. In Committee of
Sui^lyone day. Jack rose and gravely moved that the Chairman
646357
lOO THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
do leave the chair, and proceeded to "point out that his reasons
for doing so were in order to show that he had some dot^bts as
to the genuineness of a Mantegna which had just been acquired
by the National Gallery, and which Jack was inclined to believe
was in reality from the brush of Francia. He made some very
eloquent remarks on the subject and on art. in general, and
was called several times to order; and being. threatened with
being named, sat down after his motion. The Chairman put
the question ** that 1 do now leave the chair : those who are for
the motion say * Aye ' " (" Aye " said Jack), " the contrary ' No ' "
(an angry yell of ** No " from all parts of the House). " I think
the noes have it," said the Chairman sternl)'. " The ayes have
it," shouted Jack. " Strangers must withdraw," said the Chair-
man. The bell rang, and members trooped in, wondering what on
earth the unexpected division was about ; a matter on which the
bewildered whips were scarcely better able to inform them. When
the period of probation had expired, the Chairman again put the
question with the same result, and his expression of opinion
tnat the noes have it was again challenged by the Honorable
Member for Magdicl. " Does the honorable gentleman name a
teller?" inquired the Chairman of Committees sternly, and with
a half-hope that he would not do so. But Jack was equal to the
occasion, and- promptly named Theocritus. The Chairman
shrugged his shoulders. " The ayes to the right, noes to the
le t," he said. " Tellers for the ayes, Mr. Theocritus Marlowe
and Lord Lydgate, tellers for the noes. Lord Richard Grosvenor
and Lord Kensington." When the division was taken. Jack was
defeated by a majority of about four hundred as against his
solitary vote on the great Mantegna question.
The next step taken by the party was to improve the laws of
England by a gallant attempt to add to the statute-book a
measure of their own. Jack pnt down his name to bring in a
bill for the revival and formation of the Courts of Love in Eng-
land. This measure Jack had printed like a parliamentary
paper, and issued it to all his friends — a circumstance which for-
THE ESTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT, lOI
tunately enables us to reproduce it here, as it never came to its
first reading. The bill, which was called " The Courts of Love
(Eiigland) Bill," and which bore on its back the names of John
Harris, Theocritus Marlowe, and Lord Lydgate, ran as fol-
lows:
" Be it enacted by the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, by and
with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Tem-
poral, and Commons in the present Parliament assembled, and
by the authority of the same, as follows :
"(I.) That certain Courts, Parliaments, or Tribunals shall be
established throughout England to be used and applied as courts
of judgment and award in all cases connected with the affairs of
love that may be brought before it.
" (2.) That the jurisdiction of the aforesaid Courts, Parlia-
ments, or Tribunals shall only extend in cases where such judg-
ment is voluntarily^ appealed to by all persons concerned, but
that in such cases its jurisdiction shall 6c binding.
"(3.) That the principles which regulate the actions of the
aforesaid Courts shall be based upon the rules of Andr6 Le
Chappelain, Geoffrey Chaucer, and others, as compiled by a
commission to be composed of the Members in charge of this
Bill."
At last the climax came. One night in Committee, Jack rose
and moved that the estimates be reduced by the salary of the
Governor of the Mint, on the ground that the coinage of Eng-
land was hideous in the extreme and called for immediate
improvement.
" In a well-governed country," he argued, " everything should
be beautiful, from the houses wherein we dwell to the coins
wherewith we traffic with our fellows, and which we are so often
compelled to touch and gaze upon." He proceeded at consid-
erable length to dwell upon the exceeding loveliness of Greek
coins, and to urge upon the Ministry the real necessity for intro-
ducing a coinage the use of which would infallibly inculcate the
true principles of beauty in the minds of all classes. " The busir
102 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
ness of money is not alone for the purposes of trade," Jack
explained. "True money is intensely symbolic, and every coin
which has to pass through our hands should awaken a flood of
wonderful associations. And what are the considerations which
deprive us of this.'* — The basest considerations of convenience.
PvOple tell me that it is more convenient for coins to be round,*
that they are troublesome to count if they are in high relief, and
that they should be as light as possible. Absurd! what^ has
convenience to do with the matter? Our gold coins should be
marvels of subtle workmanship, exquisitely suggestive of the
higher ideal. Let us revive for to-day the images of old Greece,
the deities whose forms remain forever imperishable in marble.
In place of the meaningless absurdities which now desecrate
our. coinage, let the heads of our loveliest women be graven
upon it by our greatest craftsmen, that their grace may be known
wherever the commerce of England extends, and their sweet
memory be made perpettial." Here Jack was interrupted by the
leader of the Opposition, who asked if the honorable member
was in order in thus introducing the question of coinage into
the debate. The Chairman said that he could not actually con-
vict the honorable member of being out of order, but that he
was certainly taxing the patience of the House very severely.
Jack sternly replied that the House must learn patience, and
that he would not, while the cause of art was at stake, suffer
dictation from any miserable Philistine Here several members
rose to order, and one member of the Government moved tha,t
the words of the speaker be taken down. The Chairman asked
the honorable member if he applied the phrase ** miserable
Philistine " to any member of that House. Jack observed firmly
that he was unavoidably compelled to apply it to every member
of that House who did not agree with him ; an observation that
was greeted with shouts of anger from the House and indignant
cheers from Theocritus and Lord Lydgate. The Chairman rose
and called upon the honorable member iox Magdiel to with-
draw the expression. Jack^ folding his arms and looking pale-
THE ^Sl^ffETlCS IN PARLIAMENT, \0%
but determined, declined to db so. The Chairman in conse-
qiience said sadly, ** I najne you, Mr. Harris," and the leader of
the Ministry immediately rose and moved that the member be
suspended. The division was defiantly challenged by the Fifth
party, but the solitary vote they were able to record against the
overwhelming majority of the House did not save Jack Harris
from being solemnly suspended. When the numbers were read,
therefore, and the shouts of laughter which greeted them had
died away, the Chairman called on Jack Harris to withdraw.
Jack, however, who had held a hurried consultation with his
friends, declined to do so until the Sergeant-at-arms was sent
for. As the hand of Captain Gossett fell upon his shoulder, the
honorable member for Magdiel rose, and, folding his arms scorn-
fully, declared that he was glad to suffer martyrdom in so good
a cause. He then strode sternly out of the House. Theocritus
Marlowe immediately rose to protest against the shameless tyr-
anny to which his honorable friend had been subjected. He
likened the Prime Minister to a second-hand Cicero paltering
with treachery. He was immediately called to order by a youth-
ful Liberal lord who had just returned from a diplomatic mission
to the East, and was summoned by the chairman to withdraw
the phrase. " I refuse," thundered Theocritus, " to withdraw any
phrase at the dictates of a tyrant." He was immediately named,
a division was once more challenged, and in his turn Theocritus
was summoned to withdraw. Theocritus rose : " It has been the
misfortune of all great men to be persecuted," he said. " What
Florence did to Dante, what Athens to Socrates, what Rome to
Ovid, Westminster does to-day to me. But I will not stir until
I am dragged at the dictates of despotism from the altar of
liberty." He sat down and pressed his lips fervently to the tulip
he habitually carried in his hand, while the House howled with
laughter, and Lord Lydgate hear-hear'd vigorously. When the
Sergeant-at-arms appeared, Theocritus rose, and, shaking his
tulip at Mr. Playfair, went to join his friend, who was waiting
for him outside in an attitude of Earl^'^-Italian martyrdom, and
I04 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
the two went to the play together to Worship the fair actress who
was the star of aestheticism.
The next day, however. Jack and Theocritus were free to
return to the service of the House. There was a look of omi*
nous calm upon their features which ought to have alarmed the
unconscious Ministry. There was a lengthy consultation with
Lord Lydgate in the morning, and it was evident that the Fifth
party were not crushed. Some rumor of coming wonders must
have got abroad, for the House wa,s crowded with the worshipp-
ers of higher culture and the devotees of the intense, who per-
meated the lobbies and besieged the galleries. Fair women
looked down eagerly from behind their railings upon the
crowded chamber, where the terrible three sat in their familiar
places.
When the questions had come to an end Jack suddenly rose.
•' Mr. Speaker," he said, " I move that this House do now
adjourn. The reason for which I do so is, that I wish to criticise
the conduct of the Ministry in their shameless attack upon me
and my friend last night, for which I intend to move that a
vote of censure be passed upon them." Here the House began
to shout at Jack, who went on through all the clamor with
observations from which some fragments about "miserable
despotism," ** sacred cause of art," were caught. Members were
rising to right and left and front of him shouting for order, but
Jack refused to sit down, though the Speaker rose. The Speaker
sat down, and the Prime Minister, rising to his feet, moved that
the member for Magdiel be no longer heard. The Speaker
instantly put the question, which was of course carried, but Jack
calmly defied the decision of the House by springing up and
going on with his denunciations of the Philistine Ministry. The
Speaker ordered him to leave the chamber, which Jack refused
to do. Whereupon the Sergeant-at-arms again made his appear-
ance. Before the display of force a second time Jack yielded
and was removed. Theocritus felt that all eyes were on him.
THE AESTHETICS IN PARLIAMENT. IO5
He rushed to the middle of the House, and declared that the
proceedings were infamous and cowardly. He was promptly
removed. After a rapid consultation, the offending members, in
spite of a protest from Lord Lydgate, were ordered to be con-
fined in the Clock Tower during the pleasure of the House- -an
order which was immediately carried out.
The Home Secretary penned an indignant letter to the Duke
of Magdiel, reproaching him for sending such representatives to
Parliament, an epistle which greatly delighted the venerable
peer. He felt, however, that things had gone far enough. The
next day he left Magdiel Towers and visited his friends in their
prison. He found Jack and Theocritus sitting by the fire after
breakfast smoking cigarettes. Jack had a piece of paper on his
knees, from which he was jotting down the idea for a sonnet to
be called " Prison Thoughts," and Theocritus was reading Mr.
Pater's essays to himself in a low tone. A little pile of visiting-
cards showed that the tedium of prison life had not been unre-
lieved. The duke had a long consultation with them. He urged
them to resign. This the two honorable members firmly declined
to do. During the conference Lord Lydgate came in. He had been
discussing the question with the Liberal whips. If the offending
members would apologize to the House they would be forgiven.
At last a compromise was arrived at. Jack and Theocritus
agreed to apologize and return to their places. They would
hold their seats a little longer to sustain their dignity, and would
then resign, if the duke would use his influence with the Min-
i^ry to get them some comfortable Government appointment.
The programme was carried out. Jack and Theocritus apolo-
gized to the House and were immediately released. Some little
time later they both applied for the Chiltern Hundreds on the
plea that their health required change of air. When their appli-
cation was granted, they went to Italy for some months. On
their return they received places in the Education Ofiice. Mag-
diel and Iram are now represented by a younger son of advanced
I06 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
ideas and a steady-going Liberal linen-draper. The first vacant
place in the Ministry was offered to the duke's son, Lord Lotan.
Justin H. McCarthy, in Belgravia.
A DAY WITH LISZT IN 1880.
Franz Liszt is one of the few living representatives of that
great upheaval of ideas kpown as the Romantic movement of
1830.
Abroad the new aspirations, cramped in politics, found their
solace and ideal fulfillment in the realms of literature and of art.
The names of George Sand, Alfred de Musset, M. Lamartine,
and Hugo ; of De Lamennais in religion ; of Chopin, Liszt, Ber-
lioz, Wagner in music, are but so many expressions of that sup-
pressed excitement of new life which found its chief vent in
literature and art on the Continent, and gave us a new burst of
painting and poetry, and the Reform Bill, in England.
The new spirit, the •• Zeitgeist," the young Impulse, of the
nineteenth century, now grown to maturity, was then abroad and
busy in overturning kingdoms and theories of art, philosophy,
and religion with rigorous impartiality.
There are few survivals of that stirring and romantic epoch.
Liszt is amongst them. Once the idol of every capital in the
civilized world as an executive musician, he was placed years
ago on an unapproachable pedestal.
Few amongst us even who have reached middle life have
heard him play; he belongs to the epoch of Paganini, Malibran,
and Lablache — not to the epoch of Titiens, Joachim, and Rubin-
stein. To have heard him is to have heard a man who in the
beginning of this century as completely transformed the school
of pianoforte-playing as did Paganini the school of violin-playing.
The Liszt method has profoundly influenced even the severer
A DA Y WITH LISZT IN 1880. 10/
clique of classical experts in Grermany ; and the greatness and
foresight of Liszt is evidenced in the fact that no pianoforte
development since has in the least outgrown the impulse given
it by him nearly fifty years ago; nor as executants can even
Rubinstein or Billow claim to have done more than offer suc-
cessive illustrations of the great master's method and manner.
As I drove through the groves of olives brightening with
crude berries that clothe the slopes of Tivoli, and entered the
gateway which leads up to the ducal Villa d'Este, it was with
something of the feeling of a pilgrim who approaches a shrine.
Two massive doors open on to a monastic cloister, and tlie
entrance to the villa itself is out of the cloisters, just as the
rooms are entered from the cloister of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge.
Here for six years past in the autumn Liszt has led a retired
life, varied by occasional excursions to Rome.
I was conducted up a staircase which opened on to a lofty
terrace, and thence into a side room, whilst the Swiss valet dis-
appeared to summon the Abbate Liszt. In another moment I
saw a side door open, and the venerable figure of Liszt, already
for years engraven on my heart, advanced towards me.
It was the same noble and commanding form — with the large
finely chiseled features, the restless glittering eye still full of
untamed fire, the heavy white hair, thick mantling on the brow
and cropped square only where it reached, the shoulders, down
which 1 can well imagine it might have continued to flow un-
checked like a snowy cataract.
He came forw^ard with that winning smile of bonhomie which
at once invites cordiality, and drew me to him with both hands,
conducting me at once into a little inner sitting-room with a
window opening on to the distant- Campagna. n
The room was dark, and completely furnished with deep red
d^unask— cool and shadowy contrast to the burning sunshine of
I08 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
Italy. After alluding to our last meeting in Wagner's house at
Bayreuth, which recalled also the name of Walter Bache, who
has worked so bravely for Liszt's music in England, he said,
** Now tell me, how is Bache ? I have a particular, quite partic-
ular, regard for Bache ; he stayed with me here some years ago,
and he has been very steadfast in presenting my works in Eng;-
land; and tell me, how is Victor Hugo? and have you seen
Renan lately ?" I was overwhelmed by these inquiries and the
like. I could not give him very good accounts of M. Hugo,
whose health I feared was declining; but I said that the last
evening I had spent with him in Paris he had received up to
twelve at night, and seemed full of life; although his hours are
much earlier now. Of M. Renan I could of course speak
much more full}', as he had so recently been in England,
" Renan took me to M. Hugo's when I was in Paris, and we had
a delightful evening," he remarked. After asking after a few
other personal friends, he said, " I am glad to see you here. At
this time I have a little more leisure. I escape to this retreat
for rest. At Rome I am besieged (obsede) by all sorts of people,
with whom I do not care to entertain particular relations — why
should I ? what have we in common ? — they come out of curi-
osity to stare, that is all ; and even here I am worried with
callers, who have no interest for me;" and indeed it was current
in Rome that the Abbate Liszt would receive no one at Tivoli ;
and especially ladies were not admitted.
I could not help admiring the situation of the Villa d'Este.
" Indeed," said Liszt, *' this is quite a princely residence; it is
rented by the Cardinal Hohenlohe, with whom I have had very
old and friendly relations ; he is good enough to apportion it to
me in the autumn ; you see his picture hangs there. The place
is quite a ruin. It belongs to the Duke of Modena, but of
course they cannot keep it up now; the Cardinal spent about
£2,000 to make it habitable. You shall see presently, the ter-
races are rather rough ; I don't often go about the place, but I
will come out with you now and show you some points of < view.
A DAY WITH LISZT IN 1880. IO9
I lunch about one o'clock; you will stay and put up with the
hospitalite cie gargon."
He then led me to the window. Down the slope of a precipi-
tous mountain stretched the Villa d'Este gardens; tall cypress
trees marked the line of walk and terrace ; groves of olive, be-
tween which peeped glittering cascades and lower parterres,
studded here and there with a gleaming statue, and tall jets of
water, eternally spouting, fed from the Marcian springs ; the
extremity of the park seems to fade away, at an immense depth,
into the billowy Campagna.
It was like an enchanted scene ; from the contemplation of
which I was roused by the Abbate taking my arm, and, passing
through several ante-chambers, we emerged on to the raised
terrace, which commanded one of the most striking views in
Italy, or the world.
" Round to the left," said Liszt, " lies Hadrian's Villa, and
perhaps your eyes are good enough to see St. Peter's yonder in
the horizon." The gray mist hung at a distance of eighteen
miles over the straggling buildings of distant Rome; but they
gleamed out here and there. Beyond these wooded flanks of
the mountain ; beyond the ruins of villas where Maecenas and
Horace and the Antonines held their revels; beyond the
rushing murmur of cascades and fountains; never silent, yet
ever maAcing a low and slumberous melody, lay the Campagna
like a vast lake, over which the shadow of cloud and the flicker
of sunlight swept and faded out; and again beyond the Cam-
pagna loomed the Eternal City, with its mighty dome.
We seemed lifted into the upper air, as on the spacious sum-
mit of a lofty precipice ; the dry vine leaves hung about, the
trelilsed parapets, and the Virginian creeper was just begin-
ning to turn.
Liszt was silent. As I looked at the noble and expressive
features, never quite in repose, and strongly marked with^ the
traces of those immense emotions which have been embodied
by him in his great orchestral preludes, and thundered by him
IIO . THE LIBRARY, MAGAZINE.
through every capital in Europe, in the marvelous perform-
ances of his earlier days, I could not hielp saying, " If you do
not find rest here you will find rest nowhere on earth :" -it was
indeed a realm of unap{)roachabIe serenity and peace. Then
we descended by winding ways, pausing in the long walk, thickly
shaded with olive trees and beloved ilex, where fifty lions' heads
spout fifty streams into an ancient moss-grown tank.
"It is," said Liszt, "a retreat for summer: yoii can walk all
day about these grounds and never fear the sun — all is shade.
But come down lower;" and so we went, at times turning round
to look down an avenue, or catch, through the trees, a peep of
the glowing horizon beyond.
Presently we came to a central space, led into by four tall
cypress groves. Here, up from a round sheet of water in front
of us, leaped four jets to an immense height ; and here we rested,
whilst the Abbate gave me some account of this Villa or Cha-
teau d'Este. and its former owners, which differed not greatly
from what may be found in most guide-books.
As we reascended, the bell of Sta. Croce, in the tall cam-
panile over the cloisters which form part of the Villa d'Este,
ran^ out a quarter to one.
It was a bad bell, like most Italian bells, and I naturally
alluded to the superiority of Belgian bells above all others.
Rather to my surprise Liszt said, " Yes, but how are they
played ? I remember being much struck by the Antwerp caril-
lon." I described to him the mechanism of the carillon clavecin
and tambour, and reminded him that the Antwerp carillon was
much out of tune, Bruges being superior, as well as of heavier
caliber, and Mechlin bearing off the palm for general excellence.
We stopped short on one of the terraces, and he seemed much
interested with a description I gave him of a performance by
the great carilloneur M. Denyn at Mechlin, and which remioijed
me of Rubinstein at his best. He expressed surprise when
alluded to Van den Gheyn's compositions for bells, laid out like
regular fugues and organ voluntaries, and equal in their way t<
ce ^
r
A DAV WITH LISZT IN 1880. HI
Bach or Handel, who were contemporaries of the great Belgian
organist and carilloneur. "But," he said, "the Dutch have
also good bells. I was once staying with the King in Holland,
and I believe it was at Utrechf that I heard some bell music
which was quite wonderful." I have listened myself to that
Utrecht carillon, which is certainly superior, and is usually well
handled.
We had again reached the upper terrace, where the Abbate's
mid-day repast was being laid out by his valet. It was a charm-
ing situation for lunch, commanding that wide and magnificent
prospect to which I have alluded ; but autumn was far advanced,
there was a fresh breeze, and the table was ordered indoors.
Meanwhile, Liszt laying his hand upon my arm, we passed
through the library, opening into his bed-room, and thence to a
little sitting-room (the same which commanded that view of the
Campagna), Here stood his grand Erard piano. " As we were
talking of bells," he said, " I should like to show you an * Ange-
lus ' which I have just written ;" and opening the piano, he sat
down. This was the moment which I had so often and so
vainly longed for.
When I left England, it seemed to me as impossible that I
should ever hear Liszt play, as that I should ever see Mendels-
sohn, who has been in his grave for thirty-three years. How
few of the present generation have had this privilege ! At Bay-
reuth, I had hoped, but no opportunity offered itself, and it is
well known that Liszt can hardly ever be prevailed upon to open
the piano in the presence of strangers. A favorite pupil, Polig,
who was then with him at Villa d'Este, told me he rarely
touched the piano, and that he himself had seldom heard him —
" but," he added with enthusiasm, " when the master touches
the keys, it is always with the same incomparable effect, unlike
any one else : always perfect."
"You know," said Liszt, turning to me, "they ring the
• Angelus ' in Italy carelessly ; the bells swing irregularly, and
tve oft and the cadences are often broken up thus ;" and be-
112 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
gan a little swaying passage in the treble^ike bells tossing
high up in the evening air : it ceased, but so softly that the half-
bar of silence made itself felt, and the listening ear still carried
the broken rhythm through the. pause. The Abbate himself
seemed to fall into a dream ; his fingers fell again lightly on the
keys, and the bells went on, leaving off in the middle of a phrase.
Then rose from the bass the song of the Angelus, or rather, it
seemed like the vague emotion of one who, as he passes, hears
in the ruins of some wayside cloister the ghosts of old monks
humming their drowsy melodies, as the sun goes down rapidly,
and the purple shadows of Italy steal over the land, out of the
orange west !
We sat motionless — the disciple on one side, I on th3
other. Liszt was almost as motionless : his fingers seemed quite
independent, chance ministers of his soul. The dream was
broken by a pause ; then came back the little swaying passage
of bells, tossing high up in the evening air, the half-bar of
silence, the broken rhythm — and the Angelus was rung.
Luncheon being announced, we rose, and Liszt, turning to his
young friend Polig, who occupies an apartment at Este, and
enjoys the great master's help in his musical studies : " Go, dear
friend," he said, ** and join us in about an hour — nay, sooner if
you will."
So we sat down in the cosily furnished little sitting-room —
dark, like all the Abbate's suite of apartments, and evidently
intended to shut out the sun.
I was still heated with ourvclambering walk, and Liszt insisted
on my keeping on my great-coat, and provided me in addition
with a priest's silken skull-cap, playfully remarking. " As you
call me ' Abbate,' I shall address you as ' II Reverendo,* and
whenever you come here, you will find this priest's cap ready
for you."
The " hospitalite de garcon '' proved anything but ascetic. A
vegetable soup, maccaroni with tomato sauce, a faultless beef-
steak or " bistecco" dressed with fried mushrooms, cooked dry ;
A DAY WITH LISZT IN 1880. II3
a peculiar salad, composed of a variety of herbs in addition to
leeks, onions, lettuce, and fruit, the like of which I can never
hope to take until I lunch again with the Abbate at the Villa
d'Este.
We were alone. I need not say that, in such company, the
wines seemed to me to possess an ideal fragrance and a Sicilian
flavor wholly unlike and incomparably superior to the heavy
vintages of Spain. There were some questions about Mendels-
sohn and Chopin that I had always wished to ask ; but at first
the conversation was much more general. We spoke of the
curious recent fancy of the Italians for Wagner's music ; the way
his operas had been produced at Bologna, and just then " Rienzi "
at Rome. '* Yes," he said ; '* the Italians are beginning to un-
de/stand more kinds of melody than one ; they perceive, per-
haps, that Wagner's melody pervades each part of his score, so
that you can have a melodic a plusieurs etages. This notion of
"a melody in fiats," or "of several stories," struck me as most
apt, as well as humorous. Speaking of Wagner, I related to
him an unhappy occasion on which I had been requested by
Lord to try and prevail on Wagner, when in England, to
accompany me to his house one night, where we were to meet a
royal princess most anxious to see Wagner. I reluctantly under-
took the mission, but failed to induce the great Maestro to go
with me, and was placed in the unpleasant position of having
to apologize on my arrival for his absence. " Ah," said Liszt,
laughing, " a similar thing occurred to me lately : some royal-
ties at Sienna asked me to get Wagner to meet them ; but I
-knew Wagner better, and at once declined to charge myself
with that commission. Your mention of Lord reminds me
that 1 knew him.years ago; indeed, in my young days, I was on
one occasion at his house, and, curiously enough, a regrettable
event occurred to me also. Some ladies present importuned me
to play, i was not unwilling, but I did not quite care for the
manner in which I was pressed, and I declined ; indeed, I be-
lieve I left the house rather abruptly. Well, it was a time when
114 THE LIBRARY MAGAZII^E.
I was pkying a good deal' in the various capitals of Europe, and
much more fuss, was being made with me than was perhaps
necessary; and then, you know, I was much younger, and I
dare say acted hastily ; but I have always regretted it."
He spoke very little of his extraordinary successes when at
/lis zenith, which can only be compared to the sensation pro-
duced by Paganini. But he spoke with pride of having received
the celebrated kiss of Beethoven. ** Ay," he said, " when I was.
a very young man, and in public, too, it was difficult to get the
great man to go and hear rising talent ; but my father got
Schindler to induce Beethoven to come and hear me — and he
embraced me before the whole company." A similar event
occurred to Joachim, who, when a boy, received the public em-
brace of Mendelssohn after playfng a fugue of Bach's.
Liszt spoke in the highest terms of Herr Richter, at the same
time regretting that the Wagner Festivals at the Albert Hall
had not been financially more successful.
Having been accused, in America and elsewhere, of misrepre-
senting the relations between Wagner and Meyerbeer, and
knowing that Wagner will never mention Meyerbeer's name;
nor allow any one to speak of him in his presence, I asked Liszt
whether it was true that Meyerbeer had introduced Wagner to
M. Joly in Paris, with a view to bringing but his "Flying
Dutchman," knowing all the time that M. Joly was on the point
of bankruptcy. *' Well," said Liszt, " that is probably true. No
one is exactly to blame, if a young unknown man fails to arrive
at once at the Grand Opera de Paris ; getting up a work there
is a question of many months and thousands of pounds. Wag-
ner's litwetto was bought for a small sum, his music discarded,
and he was practically turned adrift. Afterward, he was
notoriously forced to live by arranging Italian opera tunes for
the piano and cornet-a-piston. It is possible that Meyerbeer
may have been of some small use to Wagner at first, but Wag-
ner will not hear of him. Mendelssohn had the same antipathy."
Now I saw another opportunity : " I have often wondercdr in
A DAY WITH LISZT IN i88a 1 15
reading Mendelssohn's letters," I said, ** why his allusions to you
are so brief and so few ; here and there, we read that you were
of the company, that the evening was delightful, and that you
or Chopin played ; and Mendelssohn seems to have little more
to say, though in his allusions to many of his great contempora-
ries he is often explicit and detailed enough." " Ah ! well,"
said Liszt, '* Mendelssohn's letters have been, to some extent,
what is called arranged and selected for publication. There is
a good deal which it was not advisable to print, or that couldn't
be printed ; and then there was something between me and
Mendelssohn : I am sure I don't quite know what; but at one
time, a certain coolness sprang up between us ; it was, however,
much more between our followers than between us. Mendels-
sohn did not get on with the French : at Paris, for instance, and
with reason there ; then, at Berlin and Leipsic too he had his
difficulties with the musical authorities, some of whom were
certainly my friends. The first time I saw Mendelssohn was at
Berlin ; I called in the morning, about twelve o'clock ; he was
charming, full of life and vigor, and received me joyously.
Madame Mendelssphn pressed me to stay to lunch, and, mean-
ing to go, I still stayed on talking and playing, till suddenly it
was six o'clock, and then he said, * Now you must stay and dine.'
So I stayed, and left about nine o'clock, after a delightful day ;
then the next time we met, we had some words about Meyer-
beer, whom Mendelssohn could not endure, and I spoke rather
hotly. I dare say I was in the wrong, but somehow, from that
time, we ceased to be quite so cordial, and we did not meet very
often ; but there was no rupture or quarrel between us, none
ever ; our partisans quarreled ; but between us personally there
was never any real animosity. And then quite late in his career,
a year before he died, Mendelssohn did a very graceful little
thing. He bought me a MS. of Beethoven, a chorus copied in
Beethoven's hand out of Mozart's * Don Juan ;' he knew it was
the kind of thing I should value very highly, and he bade me
keep it for his sake. Well, I was traveling about — I gave it
Il6 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
with other things into my mother's keeping, and I suppose it
was showri about, and some one stole it ; at any rate, it disap-
peared; but I always like to reniember it, because it proved
that, notwithstanding the serious differences which had arisen
between our schools and methods before his death, personally
he felt kindly toward me down to the last."
The conversation turning on Heine — " Of course I knew
Heine. He was one of those original eccentrics whom it is dif-
ficult to class : his reputation was a celebrite d'auberge. Yes. he
alluded to me in some of his prose works not unkindly. I had
the misfortune (maladresse) to set one of his songs to music."
" How few good poems there are suitable for music I"
" Yes, and how little good music !"
Of Paganini he said, " No one who has not heard him can
form the least idea of his playing. The fourth-string perform-
ances, the tunes in harmonics, and the arpeggios used as he used
them, were then all new to the public and the players too ; they
sat staring at him open-mouthed. Every one can play his music
now, but the same impression can never again be made."
Of Bottesini, the double bass soloist, he said, " He is the only-
great player of my time whom I have never heard."
Liszt was very humorous upon vamped-up reputations, and
the airs and graces which musicians give themselves.
"After a bit, in England, at least, you must be 'dignified* —
that is a good word; the English like a 'dignified professor!* "
and he drew himself up like a very Pecksniff, put on a look of
solemn and dictatorial gravity, lifting both hands sideways as it
were to keep off all common intruders.
Speaking of Billow and of Rubinstein, he said, " They are
two men who stand quite apart from all the rest ; still, the gen-
eral level of pianoforte-playing has immensely risen within the
last twenty years. There is, however, a good deal of * humbug *
about some professional reputations ;** and pretending to hold
very carefully a watering-pot. he added, " Somereputations take
a good deal of judicious watering. I could mention some whp
.^
&=^»-^
../ DAY WITH LISZT LV iSSo. 11/
had the good fortune to marry people who watered them beau-
tifully in the newspapers. It makes some difference, you know.
I don't say that you can create a reputation without talent ;
but the * humbug * is too often at top, and the ' talent ' at the
bottom; and in England you are miserably taken in by foreign-
ers, h is your own fault ; but the way mediocre foreign talent
has been over and over again pushed in England — especially
bad singers^s simply scandalous."
How interesting it would be to read the memoirs and criti-
cisms of Liszt upon music and musicians for the last fifty years \
No one living, perhaps, with the exception of Professor Ella, has
such a rich store of musical experience and incident to fall back
upon.
" I have often wished," I said, " that you had written more of
your recollections of those great musicians, artists, and poets
with whom you have been connected." I alluded to his charm-
ing Life of Chopin. " Ah !" he said abruptly, " Chopin had no
life, properly speaking; his was an exclusive, self-centered per-
sonality. He lived inwardly — he was silent and reserved, never
said much, and people were often deceived about him, and he
never undeceived them. People talk of the 'j/y/^* of Chopin,
the * touch * of Chopin, and of playing like Chopin, When he
played himself, he played admirably well, and especially his own
compositions ; but he was supposed to have formed a school of
Chopin ites, who had the Tradition — and you heard that Mr.
This, and Madame That — they alone could play like Chopin —
he had formed them — people danced round them, and they
affected to have the true Chopin secret. Yes," he said, *• it was
absurd enough; and Chopin looked on, and said nothing; he
was very diplomatic— he never troubled himself to stop this cant,
and to this day there may be those who play * like Chopin ' —
who have received the sacred 'Tradition.' C'6tait comme cela
du commencement, ce n'6tait pas I'ecole, c'6tait plut6t 'r6glise
de Chopin I' " The last words were pronounced in a solemn
tone, and with a look of mock gravity indescribably humorous.
)
Il8 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
As he rose from the table, Liszt said, " You spoke of my sketch
of Chopin — I have juSt brought out a new edition of it at Leip-
sic." We went into the library, and he gave me a handsome
quarto volume of 312 pages, printed in French on fine paper;
** Take it," he said ; " you will find some forty pages more than in
the edition you have read." J opened the volume, and on the
frontispiece found that Liszt had written aslant^ —
" Au rev6rend Hugh Reginald Haweis, affectueux souvenir
de la Villa d'Este.
"November 17,
"'80.
"F. Liszt."
I had conceived, ever since I had studied the life and work*
of Chopin, the greatest desire to hear him played by Liszt:
indeed, the number of those still living who have had this privi-
lege must be very limited. I ventured to say, *• Chopin always
maintained that you were the most perfect exponent of his
works. I cannot say how grateful I should be to hear, were it
only a fugitive passage of Chopin's, touched by your hand."
" With all the pleasure in the world," replied the immortal
pianist; and again I sat down by the grand piano, and humming
to him a phrase of op. 37, I begged that it miglit be like that.
" I will play that, and another after it." (The second was op. 48.)
It is useless for me to attempt a description of a performance
every phrase of which will be implanted in my memory, and on
my heart, as long as I live.
Again, in that room, with its long bright window opening out
into the summer-land, we sat in deep shadow — in perfect seclu-
sion ; not a sound, but the magic notes falling at first like a soft
shower of pearls or liquid drops from a fountain — blown spray
falling hither and thither, and changing into rainbow tints in its
passage, as the harmonic progression kept changing, and tossing
the fugitive fragments of melody with which that exquisite noc-
urne opens, until it settles into the calm, happy dream, which
A DAY WITH LISZT IN 1880. 1 19
seems to rock the listener to sleep with the deep and perfect
benison of ineffable rest ; then out of the dream, through a
few bars, like the uneasy consciousness of a slowly awakening
sleeper, and again the interlude, the blown rain of double pearls
— until once more the heavenly dream is resumed. I drew my
chair gently nearer, I almost held my breath, not to miss a note.
There was a strange concentrated anticipation about Liszt's
playing, unlike anjrthing I had ever heard — not for a moment
could the ear cease listening ; each note seemed prophetic of
the next, each yielded in importance to the next : one felt that
in the soul of the player the whole nocturne existed from the
b^inning — as one and indivisible, like a poem in the heart of a
poet. The playing of the bars had to be gone through seriatim ;
but there were glimpses of a higher state of intuition, in which
one could read thoughts without words, and possess the soul of
music, without the intervention of bars and keys and strings ;
all the mere elements seemed to fade, nothing but perception
remained. Sense of the time vanished ; all was as it were realized
in a moment, that moment the Present — the eternal Present-
no Past, no Future. Yet I could not help noticing each inci-
dent: the perfect effortless independence of the fingers, mere
obedient ministers of the master's thought ; the complete trance
of the player— -living in the ideal world, and reducing the world
of matter about him to the flimsiest of unreal shadows ; and I
had time to notice the unconscious habits of the master, which
have alread}*^ passed into historic mannerisms in his disciples,
like Cardinal Newman's stooping gait, or Victor's Emmanuel's
toss of the head. So I noted the first finger and thumb drawn
together to emphasize a note, or the fingers doubled up. or
lifted in a peculiar manner, with a gentle sweep in the middle
of a phrase — things in which those are determined to be like the
master who can be like him in nothing else ; also the peculiar
repercussion resonance, since reduced to something like a science
by Rubinstein, and the caressing touch, which seems to draw
the soul of the piano out of it almost before the finger reaches
120 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
the key-board. When Liszt passed silently to op. 48, he arrived
at some stiff bravura passages, which called forth his old vigor.
Yet here all was perfect ; not a note slurred over or missed ; the .
old thunder woke beneath his outstretched hands; the spirits of
the vasty deep were as obedient as ever to their master's call.
With the last chord, he rose abruptly ; abruptly we came out of
the dim enchanted land of dreams ; the common light of day
was once more around me. " Now you must be off !" he
exclaimed; indeed, I had barely time to catch my tram for
Rome ; " but," he added, " I have something I wish you to take
to Bache and Dannreuther ;" and he took out three bronze
medals, giving me the third to keep; the design was by a
Roman artist of great merit. On one side was Liszt's own
profile, on the other a star-crowned Fame holding a palm-
branch.
Before I left. I asked Liszt if I might give some account in
print of the delightful day I had spent in his company, so that
the hearts of his many friends and admirers in England might
be gladdened by some account of him.
" Whatever you will," he good-naturedly replied ; "write what
you like, and let me see it when it appears."
Liszt changes his residence three times every year: from
Rome to Weimar, from Weimar to Pesth, and at Pesth he is
usually occupied in bringing out or conducting some of hris
works. Although probably nothing will ever induce the ma-
gician of the pinaforte to play in public again, notwithstanding
his marvelous retention of execution and nervous energy, it Js
to be hoped that he may still be induced to visit England,
where his name has already become a tradition like that of
Malibran (to whom he always said he owed so much), or Pa-
ganini, with whom he has been popularly classed. And now
that his orchestral works are getting hold of the musical world
here, and that every season pianoforte recitals rest for their main
sensations on his unique compositions, we cannot doubt what
sort of reception he would meet with in London, could he be
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE. 121
persuaded to come over and condudt, or even superintend, one
of his orchestral preludes. But Liszt hates the sea; indeed, I
am told that he objects even to going over the suspension
bridge at Florence. I ventured to say to him, " In England we
have heard of Liszt, but already he js a kind of mythus. ' His
legend,'^as M. Renan would say, *has begun to form.' People
are beginning to ask, Was there indeed ever such a person ?
Come over and prove to us that he still exists." But he only
shook his head. " I am too old ; I cannot come to England."
Will he come ?
Rev. H. R. Haweis, in Belgravia.
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE.*
If "silence," as the Count Claudio affirms, be "the perfectest
herald of joy," my words this evening should be very few ; and I
might be content to say, as Clown in " As You Like It," "Salu-
tation and greeting to you all!" For surely there could be, to
me, no greater joy, as I know of no higher honor, than that of
being selected by a body of Shakespeare students to address a
meeting composed of so many lovers of his works, on this the
anniversary of his birth. At the same time I have a deep sense
of the difficulty and responsibility of the position I am so proud
to occupy; for I fully realize how impossible it is for me to
throw any new light upon a subject which has for over three
centuries been a favorite theme for the exercise of the highest
intellects. The literary men of America and England, as well as
of Germany, France, and Spain, have found their most conge-
nial tasks in studying the philosophy, sympathizing with the
human nature, or admiring the glorious poetry of the Stratford
wool-comber's son. "It is the cause; it is the cause," as poor
Othello says, for which I ask your attention and forbearance.
♦ Read before the Shakespeare Club of Wheeling, W. Va.. April 23, x88t.
122 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
"Hear me for my cause/' says the noble Brutus; "be patient
till the last ; censure me in your wisdom, and awake your senses
that you may the better judge." All hail, then, ye members of
the Shakespeare Club of Wheeling ! All hail, fellow-students of
the heaven-gifted bard ; the anniversary of whose birth, in obe-
dience to one of the purest inspirations of the heart — simple
gratitude — we are assembled on this joyous occasion to celebrate.
Since I had the happiness of meeting with you last, we have
passed through a year of extraordinary activity. Business^ the
learned professions, speculation, invention, politics, have all
been on the qui vive. Our own delightful specialty has felt the
impulse; and perhaps at no time since the 1597 quarto of "Ro-
meo and Juliet" saw the light in the little shop of its surrepti-
tious publishers, down to the present da5% has the study of
Shakespeare Ueen so wide-spread, or the desire to understand
and enjoy his delightful works been so universally cultivated.
A few years ago Shakespeare was a sealed book to the young;
now there is hardly an institution of learning in the land where
he is not studied as a classic. A few years ago, through a big-
oted misapprehension of the grandeur, and beauty, and wisdom
of these immortal works, most of the clergy and members of
churches (good, God-fearing people, but erring through igno-
rance) lost all the pleasure and profit of their teachings, because,
forsooth, they were labelled "plays." Now, this barrier is fast
breaking down, and ministers of the Gospel are finding the
grandest illustrations of their doctrines and precepts in the pages
of Shakespeare. As a witness of this activity, there are to-day
no less than three new, exhaustively annotated editions of the
poet in course of publication in this country alone; while of
ordinary reprints and editions for general use the number is
legion.
It is not, however, to the mass of readers, to the mere shallow
investigator, or to the man who takes up Shakespeare in order to
dawdle away a passing hour, that the poet opens out his great and
loving heart. As most of you well know, the inspiration must be
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE, 1 23
soaght by long, close, and persevering labor. The poet must be
courted with ail the ardor and determination of a lover, if we
wish to be successful. To many, at first, he seems hard and per-
verse. They meet, perhaps on the very threshold, an antiquated
or involved expression — then another, and another — elliptical
constructions, obscurities of style, and obsolete allusions of all
kinds ; and they are chilled and disappointed. But let such men
reflect that these works were written to be understood, and that
by audiences of less average intelligence than those who attend
the theaters of to-day ; that the great master of the human heart
and tongue could not write meaningless nonsense; let them read
on and on — text and context — again and again, using such helps
and commentaries as they possess, and they are sure to be re- .
warded in finding light breaking through the darkest clouds :
just as when one is beho.lding a piece of statuary in the stereo-
scope, thd picture at first seems flat, and blurred, and. double;
but let the eye be steadily directed upon it, and soon, as by a
flash, it stands out in all the light and shade, the prominence
and beauty, of the original group. Once imbued with the poet's
spirits, once illuminated under his influence and inspiration, and
who can tell the joy, the comfort, the intellectual satisfaction
that awaits you ! The page is then " as plain as way to parish
church," and the study becomes no longer a task, but an ever-
increasing fascination. A few impracticable "ullorxals," am-
phibious "scamels," or irredeemable " rope-scarres" may remain
for ingenuity to practice upon ; but even these are constantly
diminishing under the powerful focus of "dialect" and " folk-
lore" societies, and the comprehensive study that is directed to
the elucidation of these works, more than, with the exception of
the Bible, has ever been exercised upon any other book in the
world. In the year just passed, not one of us here to-night but
has felt, more or less, the vicissitudes of life — its sufferings and
disappointments, as well as its hopes and enjoyments; but I
believe I speak for you all when I say we have never found
Shakespeare to fail us. In sickness and io health, in adversity
124 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
as well as in prosperity, our beloved poet has been to us a solace
and a delight. Of this ennobling pursuit it may well be said
that, like Antony's bounty :
There is no winter in 't.
An autumn *tis that grows the more by reaping.
Shakespeare has been, and is, our comfort mom and night;
At home, abroad, through good or ill report.
The same firm friend, the same refreshment rich.
And source of consolation.
Age cannot wither kim^ nor custom stale
His infinite variety: other /<»r^ cloy
The appetite they feed ; but he makes hungry
Where most he satisfies.
As I before remarked, it is in simple gratitude for the rich
heritage this poet has left us that we are here to celebrate his
birthday; to strike the hand of fraternal greeting, and " cheer
each other in each other's love."
Let every man, therefore, put himself into triumph, each man to what sport and
revels his addiction leads him ; for it is our General *s birthday. So much was his
pleasure should be proclaimed. All offices are open, and there is full liberty of
feasting, from this present hour till the bell hath told elevgn."
Shakespeare himself believed in birthdays, and believed in
keeping them; not that he makes a point of telling us so; but
we gather it from several of those bits of realism that give such
a natural effect to the speeches of his characters. Witness
Cleopatra :
It is my birthday :
I had thought to have held it poor ; but, since my lord
Is Antony again, I will be Cleopatra.
And Cassius to his friend Messala :
This is my birthday ; as this very day
Was Cassius born. Give me thy hand, Messala.
It detracts nothing from the pleasure and genuineness of our
celebration that we are uncertain of the exact day of the great
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE. 1 2$
poet's birth. We keep the 23d of April as Shakespeare's birth-
day, just as we keep the 25th of December as our Saviour's birth-
day, because long tradition has so decided it. Indeed, if we
reflect a moment, we are all but certain that the 23d of April
cannot now be the correct date. What we know by record of
the register is that the child William Shakespeare was baptized
on the 26th of April, 1564; and we know that it was a common
custom to baptize infants on the third day after their birth ; but
then it was not unexceptionably so; for Oliver Cromwell was
baptized on the fourth day, the earl of Clarendon on the fourth
day, and John Milton not until the eleventh day after birth.
Again, we know by record on his tomb that our poet died on the
23d of April, 1616, in his 53d year, and the tradition is unani-
mous that he died on his birthday. But this point has always
been overlooked, that dates were then reckoned in what is called
old style ;, that in Shakespeare's day the new style (which was not
then observed in England) was ten days in advance of the old ;
and that there is now a difference of twelve days between them ;
so that the 23d of April, O. S., was, in 1564, the 3d of May, N. S.,
a date which a': the present time corresponds to the 5th of May,
N. S. ; and it has accordingly been made a question whether we
should not celebrate the occasion on either the 3d or 5th of May
. in every year. I mention this, not that it is of much impor-
tance, but it is well enough to bear it in mind, as it has been so
often asserted that Shakespeare and Cervantes died on the same
day, the fact being that Shakespeare survived Cervantes ten
days.
At your banquet, a year ago, I endeavored to give a hasty
outline of our great poet's inner life, as developed through his
works ; and when I received your kind invitation to address you
again, I thought it might be interesting to follow this up by a
rapid analysis of these works themselves (I mean the dramas),
from, say, " Love's Labor's Lost" down to " The Tempest" and
"Henry VII L;" and trace not only the changes in the poet's
style and versification, but \\iit growth of his magnificent mental
126 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
power, after he had shaken of! the trammels of his surrounain^
in the dramatic art, and felt the grandeur and nobility of his own
independent intellect. But I found the subject far too vast for
ftn occasion like the present. Thoroughly to analyze one play;
proj)erly to follow the development and harmony of many a
single character — would fill a moderate volume. Even the bare
bibliography of these works, from the folio down to the editions
of Dyce, and Hudson, and Furness, with the changes the text
has undergone since 1623, would furnish matter for a whole
course of lectures. ' • .
It has been remarked as one of the highest characteristics of
Shakespeare's powers, that whatever play of his we read last
appears to us the best and loveliest of all. And to me, at least,
this is true. While I read " Othello," there is no work of human
genius that can hold a place beside it. It is altogether alone —
a work by itself, a sj)ecies of itself. Sui generis is the Machia-
velian villainy of lago ; the subtle knowledge of human nature
displayed in the conception and realization of this character, the
noble and faithful mold of the unhappy Moor, the gentle purity
of Desdemona, and the unredeemed nature of the tragedy in
which these three play their parts, appear to me so intense, so
powerful, so apart in their nature and their issues from any means
which have, before or since, been adopted by the great masters of •
the dramatic art, that for the time whatever feeling I am capable
of, whether it be love or hate, or scorn or pity, or admiration or
grief, is absorbed and lost in th* consideration of this masterpiece.
Your small dramatist would never have dared to do as the great
master has done. Even a man of average genius would have
feared to bring this drama to an issue so unspeakably pathetic,
by means so revolting; ^^ would have unmasked lago, and have
reconciled Othello and Desdemona, and we should have had the
curtain descending on a scene of gratulation and rejoicing. But
Shakespeare could dare both the highest heaven and the deepn
est hell of which humanity is capable ; and there was no weak-
ness in his greatly-complete, artistic soul. There never was
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE. 12/
anything like this for utter sadness. I^ is the most pathetic of
stories; unmitigated tragedy, misery, and remorse, unbearable
and unspeakable. Sorrow seems to culminate, to have reached
its full ; but there is yet a bitterer and a deeper wave, and still a
wave yet bitterer and deeper ; and so when I read this story, I
confess it masters me and robs me of judgment, and that here
the poet makes me wholly his own, and does as he will with me,
going beyond and outside all criticism. But when I turn to
" Macbeth," I find an influence of as strong a nature, though
widely diverse. Let us pause for a moment here, to notice how
vastly the philosophic, quiet, meditative hero of Shakespeare
differs from the " pitiful craven" of the stage Macbeth. There
is no doubt in my mind that Shakespeare had in some sort a
national portrait in his mind when he drew the character. Mac-
beth is essentially a Scotchman, a reflective, wary, careful man^
not by any means the unmeasured villain many conceive him as
being; but he is, in no light, the center of the play. By a stroke
oi genius, which is to the full as daring as it is effective, the
place of first villain is given to a woman. It is worth notice
that the great among men are remarkable for the chivalric ten-
derness with which they write of women ; and in an age when
men and women alike are doing their best to put an end to this
old-fashioned and noble sentiment, it is well to notice how com-
pletely it governs most of the female creations of Shakespeare.
It is all the more noteworthy here, because of the direct con-
trast ; but it was necessary among women as among men that
the poet should run through the whole gamut of possible char-
acter. Terrible as she is. Lady Macbeth is still a woman ; but
she is such a woman as no other than Shakespeare could have
painted without portraying a fiend. True to the instinct of his
art, the poet strikes the key-note of this play in the first scene,
and the very stage description — " a blasted heath" — leads the
mind naturally to the horror of the theme. As I read " Mac-
beth," with its wild witch-lore, its strange, supernatural ma-
chinery, its strong reversal of the ordinary relations of man
128 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
and woman, and its overmastering weirdness of incident and
intention ; when I see how inexorable as fate the dark doctrines
of evil close around the central figures in the drama ; when I
see the poor thane at his glory's height, and on the very edge
of the^ precipice from which he must fall at^ast; when I hear him
in the utterance of those moralizings which are now in every
schoolboy's memory, and which are among the saddest verses
in our language; when, turning from these details, I lay down
the book, the whole great structure of the poet's theme looks
out upon me, weird, majestic, massive, overwhelming; like a
great deserted stronghold in a lonely land, with the darkness of
night upon it, and the very desolation of woe dwelling, as a
shadow, upon the landscape that surrounds it.
Let us next turn for a few moments to " Hamlet." The spe-
cial fascination of this play is, that every one who reads it with
any degree of enthusiasm or appreciation has, at one time or
other, been a Hamlet to himself. There is no man nor woman,
who is capable of understanding this drama, who has not been
troubled with those restless longings of the souli and those trials
of the affections, which make up the sum of the sufferings of the
Prince of Denmark. "Who'ld these fardels bearf* Have we
not all borne them, "and felt the burden ? "To grunt and sweat
under a weary life ;" is not this the lot of many, if not of the most ?
And that far-reaching thought of sadness, ** I could be content
to be bounded in a nutshell, but that I have bad dreams," is
familiar to us all. Here, then, is the man'^el, that in the charac-
ter of a prince and a scholar — young, accomplished, powerful, and
flattered — the great art-master has given us each a portrait of
ourselves. Of all his human pictures this is the greatest and
the most human— possibly the saddest of all. And yet, though
this gigantic sorrow runs, like the undertone of a distant ocean,
through the greatest of Shakespeare's plays, there never was a
mind less essentially morbid than his. Witness his great, whole-
some, hearty good humor : " Shall there be no more cakes and
ale.^" Hear Sir Toby, as at midriight, "mellow ripe," he goes
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE, I29
homeward, inviting his companions thus: "Shall we arouse the
night-owl in a catch that wilf draw three souls out of one wea-
ver?" Just fancy that ; think of the weaver, a poor, wizened,
weak creature, with scarce half a soul to boast of; but the mer-
riment of Sir Toby's song shall be so exuberant that out of this
starved creature's carcass it shall draw three souls ! Can the wit
of jollity and good humor go further than this ?
Throughout the historical plays, what strikes us most promi-
nently is the feeling oi\iKt2x\,y patriotism which blows over them
like a fresh and health-giving breeze. Shakespeare gloried in
his England, and the pride he had in his countrymen shines
out nobly on all occasions. " And you yeomen, whose limbs
were made in England;" there is no half-heart in that line. In
the bead-roll of names that runs down the young King's speech
on the eve of St. Crispin, there is no one that does not awake
historic recollections; and the' splendid surety for the future
which the speech displays justifies itself in the pride and exulta-
tions of a thousand hearts, awakened from the sluggish selfish-
ness of every day to a wide and noble patriotism. Where shall
we fine} a chronicler like Shakespeare? De Quincey calls him
"the great protagonist in the arena of modern /.'7^/r/ ,•" but we
equally award to him the palm as the great protagonist in the
arena of history ; for the true end of history is not so much to
teach the dry facts of genealogy and chronology as to warn
from evil and inspffe to good ; and never came there a master
of the art who could do these things as Shakespeare has done
them.
When we turn our mind to those fourteen immortal composi-
tions that are called " the comedies," how shall we know where
to begin, or how to end, in speaking of them ? Here also the
same critical incapacity pursues us: we cannot tell which is
finest : the finest is always that which is last rend. The rollick-
ing humor of "Taming of the Shrew;" the wild fiin of the "Com-
edy of Errors ;" the sweet, breezy charm of " As You Like It ;"
the genial wit and society satire of "Love's Labor's Lost;" the
L. M. 8.-5
I30 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
beauty of all these leaves us no power of choice. Jolly Sir Toby-
Belch, the stately Malvolio, " that cross-gartered gull," the two
faithful good-natured Dromios, gentle Lady Olivia, dear Viola,
sad Hermione, jealous suffering Leontes, and that flabbiest of
all gentlemen, Sir Andrew Aguecheek ; why, here is such a wealth
and variety of character as fairly bewilders us in choice; we suf-
fer from a very embarrassment of riches. And even now we
have left out the king of all Shakespeare's humorous creations,
the jolly Falstaff — the fat *' Sir John" — who is a host, an army
in himself, and who has more genuine fun in him than all the
characters of all other writers of comedy put together — the very-
personification of good humor. These things go beyond us;
and from whatever point we review them, we stand amazed at
the inexhaustible riches of this one master-mind.
Among the innumerable felicities of Shakespeare, I have
always esteemed it one, that his birthday falls amid the birth
time of the year; his advent is connected with the advent of
spring. We mingle our greetings of the great joy-bringer with
our greetings of the season of hope and joy. We hold the
closest communion with him at the very time when we begin to
hold intercourse with nature ; we have the keenest sense of his
quickening and gladdening influence when we rejoice beneath
her quickening and enlivening power. We celebrate his birth,
we especially cherish his memory, and feel his presence, when
we begin to live our out of-door life, when we first go forth into
the woods and fields, and draw our first delight therefrom.
Shakespeare loved the country. Throughout his works, espe-
cially in the comedies, he delights to bring his characters into
close relation with nature; and to carry on the action amid syl-
van pleasures and rural sights and sounds. He rarely indulges
in elaborate description ; but many of his scenes, and some
w^hole plays, breathe the very spirit of the meadow and the
woodland, the mountain and the sea-shore. He carried with
him to London the vivid pictures of his youthful rambles over
the verdurous hills and glades of Warwickshire ; his imagina-
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE. I3I
tion delighted to retrace them on every possible occasion ; and
we see them reflected in the exiled Duke and the King of Na-
varre, in Miranda and Imogen and Perdita, in Autolycus and in
Touchstone. But in six of the plays, in *• Love's Labor's Lost,"
in " Midsummer Night's Dream,'' in " As You Like It," in " The
Tempest," in " Cymbeline," and in " Winter's Tale," he makes
nature the pervading presence and the potent minister. The
entire environment — the setting or frame-work of the characters
in these plays — is either wholly or mainly or largely sylvan and
rural ; the life set before us is life out of doors ; men and women
make mirth or make love; give play to their humors, their pas-
sions, their activity, in the fields, amid the woods, upon the
mountains, or beside the sea. And it is remarkable that of these
six dramas, three of the best were written after the poet had
quitted the ambitions and turmoils of the city, and gone down to
spend his declining years amid the scenes of his youth at Strat-
ford. We may well imagine him, on the banks of his beloved
Avon —
When daisies pied, and violets blue.
And lady-smocks all silver white,
And cuckoo-buds of yellow hue,
Do paint the meadows with delight ;
where, fatigued perhaps with his rambles, he finds an arbpr
in which to repose; or, it may be, in some shady nook, he
knows —
A bank where the wild thyme blows,
Where oxlips, and the nodding violet grows.
Quite over-canopied with luscious woodbine.
With sweet musk roses, and with eglantine :
there, lulled to sleep by the hum of bees, the songs of birds, and
the murmur of the river, the " spirits of dreams" appear, and set
before him his own immortal creations — past, present, and to
come. This is no fancy sketch ; for as these characters, singly
or in groups^ exult or lament, sing or soliloquize, around him, a
"recording angel" is at hand to write down, in congenial num-
132; THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
bers, their sayings and their doings, for the delight and instruc-
tion of after ages.
Did time permit, it would be an interesting task to analyze the
dramas I have mentioned, and mark the influence of nature and
the use the poet makes of it in them. But you can do this, each
for himself. In *' As You Like It," for example, you will note
that this out-of-door nature is set before us as a purifying and
restoring power, as a calmer of troubled thoughts, a healer of
broken hearts, a harmonizer of distracted lives. The cares and
splendors, the vices -and miseries, of the court are contrasted with
the innocence, simplicity, and peace of the country. The forest
of Arden is not only a happy region, where exiles find a home,
and captives rejoice in liberty ; where the persecuted find shel-
ter, and the aflfiicted gain comfort; it is likewise a delightful
school, a scene of discipline, and a place of reformation. Almost
every personage in the play is happier and better for a sojourn
in the forest. In the palace of the reigning Duke, we have sus-
picion, hatred, and wretchedness, while contentment, peace> and
tenderness reign in the cave of his banished brother :
Hath not old custom made this life more sweet
Than that of painted pomp ? Are not these woods
More free from peril than the envious Court ?
And this our life, exempt from public haunt.
Finds good m everything.
The difference between the house of Oliver and the shades of
Arden is the difference between Hell and Paradise. Rosalind and
Celia do their best to look mirthful and appear happy at Court, but
they only feel true happiness, and break forth into hearty mirth,
in *' the sheep-cote fenced about with olive trees." Orlando,
"cribbed, cabined, and confined," oppressed and ensnared at
home, expands into the fullness of his noble nature amid the
congenial amplitude and freedom of Arden. Dispatched on an
evil errand; Oliver enters the blessed region to be reformed.
Bent on purposes of destruction, Duk^ Frederick approaches the
happy forest to be disarmed and converted. We feel inclined to
THE STUDY OF SHAKESPEARE. 133
condole with the rightful Duke on the recovery of his dukedom,
to be sorry at his transfer from the cave to the Court ; and we
sincerely regret when the pure and peaceful life at Arden comes
to an end.
Before closing my address, I wish to ask your attention to a
fact which I think will interest you, and one that has not, I
believe, hitherto been suggested by any critic or commentator.
The second or 1632 folio, before it went to press, evidently passed
through the hands of some competent editor, who corrected a
large number of the flagrant typographical and other errors
of the original 1623 edition. And although these corrections
and improvements possess for us little authority in regulating
the text, many being evidently explanatory sophistications, and
others mere modernizations of the spelling and phraseology,
while almost as many new errors disfigure the second edition as
are corrected in the first, still they plainly show that some one
beside the proof-reader revised the book with care and rever-
ence. Who this editor was has never been ascertained ; but
from various concurrent circumstances, I have recently become
convinced that it was the poet John Milton, He was at that
time in London, engaged in just such literary employment; he
was twenty- four years of age, an enthusiastic scholar, a poet,
and a lover of dramatic art ; and he had not yet been baptized
in the bitter waters of Puritanism, that overflowed the country
a few years later — a baptism that soured his disposition, effaced
his charity, and, I cannot but believe, rendered unhappy his
declining years. That he loved Shakespeare we are well assured
from his splendid panegyric on the poet that first appeared in
this very second folio, and which I am almost confident he wrote
expressly to prefix to this folio, after he had completed his labors
in revising it. In the folio it appears without date or signature;
but it was published subsequently in a volume of minor poems
by Milton, issued in 1645 ; and there it bears the date of 1631. This
glowing eulogy, the whole-souled expression of the young poet's
unbigoted and unprejudiced heart, one cannot help contrasting
.134 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
with the fact that in his after-life he sets it down among the
sins and follies of King Charles that he gave a portion of his
time to reading the plays of Shakespeare ! It was a congenial
and consistent thing that, before prejudice and Puritanism had
warped his generous nature, one transcendent genius should set
the seal of his approval upon the works of another genius still
, more transcendent ; and that upon the greatest iri his country's
literary annals, the second greatest should write that noble
epitaph :
What neede my Shakespeare for his honor'd bones
The labor of an age in piled stones.
Or that his hallowM Reliques should be hid
Under a starrey-pointing Pyramid ?
Dear Son of Memory, grat Heire of Fame^
What needst thou such dull witnesse of thy Name ?
Thou in our wonder and astonishment
Hast built thy selfe a lasting monument ;
For whilst to th' shame of slow-endeavoring Art,
Thy easie numbers flow, and that each heart
Hath, from the leaves of thy unvalued Booke,
Those Delphic Lines with deep impression tooke ;
Then thou, our fancy of its selfe bereaving.
Dost make us Marble with too much conceiving ;
And, so Sepulcher'd m such pompc dost lie.
That Kings for such a Tombe would wish to die.
I have now exhausted my time, and I fear more than ex-
hausted your patience, with these desultory reflections. In con-
clusion, let us all devputly thank God for the unspeakable gift
of Shakespeare ; the rich legacy of whose imperishable works
has made us better men and happier, better citizens, and better
Christians. With each returning year, let us never omit to show
our gratitude, bj'' meeting thus together and celebrating the
anniversary of his birth; by cordially and sincerely loving each
other; and by excluding from our studies and our intercourse all
bickerings and jealousies and animosities; and so shall we set an
example to our brethren of the " New Shakspere Society" across
the Atlantic, some of whom seem of late to have forgotten the pre-
cepts and example of their master, who was hailed by all as the
THE STUDY OE SHAKESPEARE, 135
"gentle" Shakespeare. There is no fear that we shall, any of
us, study and enjoy this legacy too much, Ben Jonson said that
"he loved the man, on this side idolatry, as much as any." If
wc out-vie old Ben, and make him our supreme intellectual
idol, it is an idolatry that will be as 'profitable, as it is sweet and
reverential. See what he has done for the world to claim this
homage! Has he not set the English tongue to music? Has
he not taught lovers more about love than lovers know ? And
Emerson goes so far as to ask, ** What maiden has not found
Shakespeareyf//^r than her delicacy?" Has he not taught the
orator more artifices and more arts than the orator knew ? Has
he not framed the most adroit speech in history? Has he not
taught king and politician ? Do not sages come to him for wis-
dom, and humorists cluster around Falstaff for sallies of wit?
Have not his myriad eyes seen more of men and women, and
read the secret hopes and fears and inspirations of the human
heart more truly and keenly than any one, save the great Crea-
tor of them all ? Of him it may ba truly said, as it was of Plato,
that the gods, if they were to return to earth, would speak the
language of Shakespeare. Poets come and poets go ; and it is
not likely that the world will ever be without a laureate or a
Longfellow, a Browning or a Whittier, a Lowell or a Leighton.
These poets are to us as patterns which we may copy. We imi-
1 tate the polish of Pope, the impassioned grace of Byron, the
mellifluous cadence of Tennyson ; and although we fall far short
of success, we perceive no impertinence in the attempt. How
different the feelings with which we approach Shakespeare. To
imitate hiin would be a folly that scarce ignorance itself would
entertain. The higher we rise in intellectual advance, the more
clearly we see his greatness, and the more reverent is our love.
Shall we ever have another Shakespeare ? Is it probable we
shall ever look upon his like again ? I think not ; for genius, as
transcendent as was that possessed by Shakespeare, seems to be
r more closely allied to the divine nature than that allotted to
ordinary men : it is lent to the world but once ; and when it has
136 TUE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
accomplished its work upon earth, it ascends to its home among
the immortal, and draws the ladder up after it,
Joseph Crosby.
GENIUS AND METHOD.
" It would," says Sydney Smith, in his " Culture of the Under-
standing," " be a profitable thing to draw up a short and well-
authenticated account of the habits of study of the most cele-
brated writers. It would go far to destroy the absurd and
pernicious associations of genius and idleness, by showing that
men of the most brilliant and imposing talents have lived a life
of intense and mcessant labor." Such an account would indeed
be peculiarly valuable, and its value would be of a twofold char-
acter. It would be at once instructive and suggestive, for it
would go far to prove that genius is, as Buflfon and Johnson
boldly defined it, the capacity for concentrated labor. It would
be eminently curious and interesting, for it would be such a
record of whims, caprices, and eccentricities as it would be diffi-
cult to parallel outside the walls of a madhouse. It would be a
perpetual succession of surprises and paradoxes. We shpuld
find that in the race for fame the hares have been the tortoises,
and the tortoises have been the hares. We should find men,
who are in their works the very embodiment of hard and logical
propriety, guilty, during the process of producing these works,
of oddities at which Malvolio would have blushed. We should
be shocked to discover that "rapt orations flowing free" have
been worked out like mathematical problems, that fervid a|X)s-
trophes have been compiled, and that laborious dissertations
have been extemporized. Such an account would, however, be
a very difficult task. Authors are not fond of being discovered
in undress. What goes on in the work-room is, as a rule, jeal-
ously concealed. Genius, like the Nile, keeps its springs secret.
GBNIUS AND METHOD. 137
Few authors have the courage to unfold the genesis of their
creations, as Edgar Poe has done, and when they have left us
their autobio;^raphies, they have for the most part been careful
not to impair the effect of their work by showing us any of the
scaffolding ; the vanity which has led them to record the most
trivial incidents in their pilgrimage through life, has led them
to throw a veil over the arcana of the studio. It is only, there-
fore, by searching in obscure corners, in ana and anecdotes, in
familiar letters, in diaries, and in the by-paths of literary tradi-
tion, that this interesting chapter in the curiosities of literature
could with any thoroughness be written. That D'Israeli should
have omitted to supply it is much to be regretted, as he pos-
sessed singular qualifications for* the task, as well from his dis-
cursive and recondite erudition as from his custom of collecting
and noting down such minutiae whenever he encountered them.
We trust, therefore, that this short sketch, slight and superficial
though it be, will not be without interest to our readers.
We wjU divide it into three parts: the method of authors;
the whims of authors; the circumstances under which great
works have been produced.
Meditation and toil — meditatio et labor — are, according to
Tacitus, the only passports to literary immortality, and with
some few exceptions the dogma of the great historian will be
found to hold good. "Nothing great and durable," says Tom
Moore, " has ever been produced with ease. Labor Is the parent
of all the lasting monuments of this world, whether in verse or
in stone, in poetry or in pyramids," and first among the sons of
toil stands Virgil. It was his custom, Donatus tells us. to throw
off a number of verses in the morning and to employ the rest
of the day in polishing and in pruning them down. It took him
upwards of three years to compose his ten short *' Eclogues,"
seven years to write his "Georgics," which comprise little more
than two thousand lines, and upwards of twelve years to elabo-
rate the "^neid," which he was so far from regarding as com-
plete that lie attempted to rise from his death-bed to commit it
138 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
to the flames. Every line of " Horace" bfears testimony to the
fastidious labor of its author. There are, sayg Lord Lytton,
single odes which must have cost the poet six weeks' seclusion^
from the dissipations of Ronie. Lucretius's one poem repre-
sents the work of a whole life, and he has himself told us how
completely he was absorbed in it, how it filled his waking hours,
how it haunted him in his dreams. /
Thucydides was at least twenty years in inditing his great
work, and that work is comprised in an octavo volume. Demos-
thenes made no secret of the pains he expended in forging his
thunderbolts a.^ainst Philip and -^schines; Diodorus informs
us that he was thirty years in composing his history: and so
fastidious was Plato that the first sentence in the " Republic"
was turned into nine different ways before he could satisfy him-
self. If we are to believe Quintilian, Isocrates was no less than
ten years on his " Panegyric." Giannone was engaged for nearly
the same period over his ** History of Naples." Boileau and
Pope would spend whole days over a couplet, Charlotte^ Bront6
an hour over a word, and Gray a month over a short copy of
verses. There is a poem of ten lines in Waller which he has
owned cost him a whole summer. Gibbon wrote the first chap-
ter of the " Decline and Fall " three times before he was satisfied
with it, and nearly a quarter of a century elapsed before the
entire work was completed. John Foster the essayist would
sometimes linger a week over a sentence. Addison was so fas-
tidious that Johnson tells us he would stop the press to insert
an epithet or even a comma. Sainte-Beuve expended incredible
pains on every word in his famous " Causeries," and four or ^\^
octavo pages were in his estimation a good week's work. " You
will read this treatise in a few hours," says Montesquieu in a
letter to one of his friends, " but the labor expended on it has
whitened my hair." Locke was no less than eighteen years
over his essay. Tasso toiled like a galley slave at polishing his
stanzas. So morbidly anxious was Cardinal Bembo about style
♦hat every poem on which he was engaged passed successively
GENIUS AND METHOD. 139
through forty portfolios, which represented its various stages
toward perfection. Pascal's diligence passed into a proverb.
Cardinal Polignac's "Anti-Lucretius," one of the finest Latin
poems that modern Europe has produced, was the fruit of
twenty years* incessant revision, and what applies to Polignac
applies also to the " De Partu Virginis" of Sannazarius. How
Petrarch labored at his sonnets may be gathered from the fol-
lowing memoranda, which were found on the original manu-
script ofone of them. We adopt the translation of Ugo Fos- .
colb:
I b^an this by the impulse of the Lord, loth of September, at the dawn of day
after my morning prayers. . . . 1 rau^t make these two verses over again, singing
them (cantando), and 1 must transpose them. Three o'ctock a.m., 19th of October.
... I Hke this. 30th of October, ten o'clock in the morning. . . . No, this does
not please me. aoth of December, in the evening. ... I shall return to this again,
I am called to supper. . . . i8th of February, towards noon; this is now well ; how-
ever, look at it again.
And this is the history of one sonnet. Such is the labor of
those who write for immortality !
The amount of toil expended by Sheridan on his comedies
was almost incredible; every joke, every epigram, was as care-
fully elaborated as a paragraph in Gibbon; his easy, sparkling
dialogue was little better than mosaic work painfully dovetailed.
Those who would know the price at which Sheridan's fame is
purchased would do well to consult the fifth chapter in the sec-
ond volume of Moore's" Life" of him. The translation of Quin-
tus Curtius by Claude Vaugelas, which was pronounced by
Voltaire to be a model of classical composition, occupied its
author for thirty years. John Lewes Balzac averaged a week
to a page ; Malherbe's fastidious diligence is illustrated by an
anecdote which is worth repeating. A French nobleman had
lost his wife, was inconsolable for her death, and, anxious to
commemorate her virtues, employed Malherbe to dedicate an
ode to her memory. The poet, though not needy, was by no
means averse XX> receiving the haodsome fee which was, on the
I40 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
completion of the task, to reward his pains. Tliree years elapsed
before he could finish tha verses to his satisfaction, but just as
he was about to present it he was disgusted to discover that his
patron had solaced himself v/ith a second wife, and there was
nothing for it but for the unfortunate bard to turn his elegy
into an epithalamium, or forfeit his fee. Among our own writ-
ers. Gray, Miss Austen, Charlotte Bront6, and Charles James
Fox were conspicuously distinguished by their morbid sensibil-
ity to the niceties of style, and it is strange also to find in this
class old Isaak Walton, whose simple homely diction was,«it
appears, the result of almost incredible labor. Even Goldsmith
had bemoaned the trouble his graceful periods cost him. " Every
one," he once said bitterly, "writes better because he writes
faster than I." The account given by Rosseau of the labor his
smooth and lively style cost him, is so curious that we shall let
him tell his own tale :
My manuscripts blotted, scratched, interlined, and scarcely legible, attest the
trouble they cost me. There is not one of them which I have not been obliged to
transcribe four or five times before it went to press. I could never do anything when
placed at a table pen in hand : it must be walking among the rocks or in the woods ;
it is at night in my bed, during my wakeful hours, that I compose — it may be judged
how slowly, particularly for a man who has not the advantage of verbal memory.
Some of my periods I have turned or re-turned in my head for five or six nights
before they were fit to be put to paper.
Some authors, on the other hand, have been endowed with
preternatural fluency, a quality which found, however, little favor
in the eyes of the critics of antiquity.
Ennius, the Roman Chaucer, wrote with astonishing rapidity,
and Lucilius with such case that he boasted he could turn off
two hundred verses while standing on one leg. Statius also
appears to have been endowed with preternatural facility. In
Cicero and Livy the faculty of eloquent expression resembled
an instinct, though Cicero tells us that with him. at least, it was
partly the result of sleepless diligence during the days of his
literary apprenticeship. In one year Dryden produced four of
his greatest works, " Absalom and Achitophel," '* The Medal,"
GENIUS And method. 141
"The Religio Laici," and " Mac Flecknoe." He was only six
months in writing " The Ffciid and Panther," three years in
translating the whole of "Virgil," and twelve mornings in com-
posing his " Parallel between Poetry and Painting." The orig-
inal draught of " Alexander's Feast" was struck off at a single
sitting. Dr. Johnson's " Rasselas" was written in a week to
defray the expenses of his mother's funeral. Sir Walter Scott's
rapidity is one of the marvels of literature; he wrote literally
as fast as the pen could move, and when he dictated, his aman-
uensis could scarcely keep pace with him, The original manu-
scripts of the Waverley novels may still be seen ; they are
frequently for many pages undeformed by a single blot or era-
sure. Beckford*s "Vathek" was composed by the unbroken
exertion of three whole days and two whole nights, the author
supporting himself during his unnatural vigil by copious
draughts of wine, and what adds to the wonder is that the
work was written in French. Mrs. Browning's " Lady Geral-
dine's Courtship," a* poem of great length in a peculiarly diffi-
cult meter, was completed m twelve hours, while the printer was
waiting to put it into type. Sir Walter Scott tells us that Mickle
— the translator of the " Lusiad," and the author *of the beauji-
ful ballad which suggested the romance of " Ken il worth" — fre-
quently dispensed with manuscript altoi^ether, and " set up" his
poems himself, " hot from the brain." Most of our Elizabethan
dramatists were remarkable for the ease and rapidity with which
they wrote. One of them, old Hey wood, was the author, " part
or entire," of two hundred and thirty plays. It is mteresting to
know, and we know it on the best authority, that Shakespeare
himself wielded a very facile pen. " His n iid and hand," say
the editors of the first folio, "went together, and what he
thought he uttered with that easiness that we have scarce
received from him a blot on his papers." Milton was at times
distinguished by the same fluency, and when the fits of inspira-
tion were on him, his amanuensis could scarcely keep up with
the flood of verses which came welling forth. In Milton's case
142 THk LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
we may perhaps $uspect that what he dictated with so much
ease he had been long revolving, ^nd that the breathless dicta-
tion was in itself an effort rather of memory than invention.
" Paradise Lost" has all the appearance of being a highly elabo-
rated work. Swift, Steele, and De Foe were all of them remark-
able for their rapidity and ease, and to the same class belong
Fielding and Smollett. Indeed, Steele and Fielding wrote many .
of their essays while the press was waiting. Johnson, like Gib-
bon, wrote at first with labor, but afterwards found that, with
practice, a stately and highly finished style came as naturally as
ordinary expression comes to ordinary people, We leat'n, for
example, that some of the best papers in the "Rambler" were
penned as easily as a letter— that forty-eight octavo pages of
the " Life of Savage," a singularly polished work, were com-
pleted at a sitting, and that the " Lives of the Poets" cost him
no more trouble than a slipshod article costs a professional
journalist. But Johrson was, we may add, indefatigable in
revising. Ben Jonson tells us that he wrote " The Alchymist "
in six weeks ; Fenelpn, that " Telemaque" was produced in three
months; and Brougham, that his '* Edinburgh Review" articles
averaged a few hours. But the most portentous example of
literary fecundity on record is beyond question to be found in
the person of Lope de Vega. He thought nothing of writing a
play in a couple of days, a light farce in an hour or two, and in
the course of his life he furnished the stage of Spain with
upwards of two thousand original dramas. Hallam calculates
that this extraordinary man was the author of at least twenty-
one million three hundred thousand lines. The most volunii-
nous writer in modern times — an author who was, in facility of
composition, not far inferior to Lope — would certainly be Robert
Southey, whose acknowledj^ed jvorks amount to no less than
one hundred and nine volumes, in addition to whicli he con-
tributed fifty-two essays to the " Annual Review," ninety- four to
the " Quarterly," and to minor magazines articles without num-
ber. After Southey would come Voltaire aind Sir Walter Scott.
GENIUS AND METHOD, 143
Sheridan defined easy writing to be, as a rule, very hard reading.
Some of the great men to whom we have alluded can scarcely
be cited in support of the observation, though in reviewing the
work thus hurriedly thrown off, there is one circumstance which
must strike every one. If we except Scott (for Shakespeare,
whatever may have been his facility of expression, so very far
from being a voluminous author, has indeed all the marks of an
exceptionally conscientious artist), the quality of the work pro-
duced bears no relation to its quantity. Nine-tenths of Vol-
taire's writing is now known only to the curious. Qryden would
have stood much higher than he does, had he left us only his
four or five best poems. Swift is remembered principally as the
author of " Gulliver's Travels," De Foe as the author of ** Rob-
inson Crusoe," Bunyan as the author of the " Pilgrim's Prog-
ress" only. Steele, in spite o£^ Mr. Forster's vindication, lives
chiefly as the friend of Addison. Southey's fame rests on his
** Lives of Nelson and Wesley," and their popularity is begin-
ning to decline. Even Scott's giant reputation, if not exactly
waning, is gradually narrowing itself into his fame as a story-
teller. His biographies have been superseded. His essays are
seldom read. His poetry has not been able to hold its own
against the poetry which has appeared since his death. His his-
torical works have already been consigned to oblivion. Indeed
the whole history of literature goes to show that no parts, how-
ever bright, no genius, however dazzling, are exempt from the
curse of Adam.
Let us now look at the method of authors from another point
of view, and see how their works have grown up under their
hand. Godwin wrote "Caleb Williams" backward, beginning
on principle with the last chapter and working up to the first.
It is curious to note how many poets have clothed their
thoughts first in prose. This, Donatus tells us, was Virgil's
custom. The original form which the "-^neid " took was a
prose narrative. This narrative was then gradually versifed,
the poet writing at fim fluehtly, and thea laboriously polishing
144 ^ 1^^^ LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
his lines tijl he had brought them as near perfection^ he could.
Thus Goldsmith worked at " The Traveler" and "The Deserted
Village." Thus Johnson. composed •* Irene," Butler " Hudibras,"
Boileau his " Satires," Racine and Ben Jonson their dramas,
and Pope the " Essay on Man." When Balzac was engaged on
his novels, he sent off the skeleton of the story to the printers
with huge interstices for the introduction of conversations,
descriptions, and the like, and on receiving the printed sketch,
shut himself up in his room, drank nothing but water, ate noth-
ing but fruit and bread, till he had completed the work by filling
up the blank spaces. Sou they usually employed himself in
passing three or even four works through the press at the same
time, giving each its allotted space in the twenty-four hours.
Richardson produced his romances by pamfully working out
different portions at different tinges, sometimes while engaged in "
his shop, sometimes while sitting surrounded by friends in his
snug parlor at Hampstead. Peter Pindar's method was to
compose the poem with which he was occupied, first of all in
his head without committing a word of it to paper, and then, if
his amanuensis was away, to tear a sheet of paper into four
quarters. On each of these slips he inscribed a stanza of four
or six lines according to the nature of the poem. The paper
thus inscribed he placed on a book held in his left hand, and
thus, in spite of his blindness, contrived to write not only legibly
but with celerity and ease as well.
It hasalwasrs been my practice [says Gibbon] to cast a long para|^ph in a single
mold, to try it by my ear, to deposit it in my memory, but to suspend the action of
the pen till I had given the last polish to my w(M-k.
Warburton, Hurd, Locke, Parr, and Gibbon always read with
commonplace books in front of them, and the same method was
adopted also by Robert Burton, the eccentric author of the
'" Anatomy of Melancholy," by the great scholars Barthius and
Tumebus, by Thomas Fuller, the quaintest of historians, and by
Butler, . the author of ^' Hudibr^/' Casaubon studied with slips
GENIUS AND METHOD. 145
of paper before him, on which he jotted down catchwords, the
only assistance his gigantic memory required. Bentley, the
prince of Grecians, took care to buy his books with broad mar-
gins, and on these margins he made his memoranda Pope
always carried a note-book with him, and never hesitated
to jot down anjrthing which struck him in conversation.
A great deal of his " Homer" was executed in bed on odd
scraps of paper, and many of his beautiful couplets were
rounded off while taking the air in his bath-chair, or driv-
ing in his little chariot. „ Prideaux's great wock was writ-
ten to while away the time while the author was recovering^
from the effects of an agonizkig operation. Shelley composed
the " Revolt of- Islam" while lying in a boat on the Thames at
Marlow; Keats, his "Ode to the Nightingale" in a lane at
Hampstead. Almost all Wordsworth's poetry was meditated in
the open air an 1 committed to paper on his return home.
Burns composed his magnificent lyric " Scots wha' ha wi' Wal-
lace bled " while galloping on horseback over a wild moor in
Scotland, and '* Tam O'Shanter" in the woods overhanging the
Doon. Much of Bloomfield's " Farmer's Boy" was fashioned
while its author was engaged in his trade of shoe-maker, some
of the verses being scratched on leather whh an awl. Wash-
ington Irving's favorite studio was a stile in some pleasant
meadow, where with his portfolio on his knees he used to
mold his graceful periods. The " History of Thucyd ides" was,
if we are to believe Marcellinus, composed under a plane-tree in
his garden. The greater part of Arnold's " Roman History"
was written in his drawing-room with his children playing about
him, and lively conversation, in which he frequently joined,
going on round the table on which his manuscript rested.
Priestley and Beddoes were fond of writing under similar cir-
cumstances. What would to nine men out of ten be an intol-
erable distraction, was to them a gentle and welcome stimulus.
Johnson's ** Vanity of Human Wishes" was composed as he
trudged backwards and forwards from Hampstead> and Tom
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Paine usually clothed his thoughts in expression while walking
rapidly in the sjtreets. Hooker often meditated the '* Ecclesias-
tical Polity'* when rcfcking the cradle of his child, and Spinoza
his " Tractatus" while grinding glasses. Robert Stephens
thought out many of his works on horseback. Some of Field-
ing's comedies were scrawled in taverns. Descartes, Berni the
Italian poet, and Boyse, the author of the once celebrated
" Deity," usually wrote while lying in bed. Byron tells us that
he composed the greater part of '* Lara" at the toilet-taWe, and
the prologue on the opening of Drury Lane Theater in a stage-
coach. A great part of the best poem Savage ever penned,
"The Wanderer," was executed piecemeal on scraps of pmper
which he picked up casually in coi!ee-houses or in the streets,
an^ in the same miserable way poor Gerald Griffin composed
** Gisippus.*' Under circumstances still less favorable the Span-
ish poet Ercilkt completed the first part of the " Araucana." In
the midst of a savage wilderness surrounded by hostile barba-
rians and under the naked canopy of heaven, he inscribed on
small shreds of waste paper the fifteen cantos of his famous
epic. Among all the distractions of the events they describe,
Caesar committed to paper the immortal "Commentaries."
Moore's splendid Eastern romance, " Lallah Rookhr" ^^'as writ-
ten in a cottage blocked up by snow, with an English. winter
howling round. Tasso indited some of his loveliest sonnets on
the walls of the cell in which he was confined as a lunatic ; and
Christopher Smart his "Song to the Deity," one of the best
sacred lyrics we have, in a madhouse.
It is a great testimony to the innate power of genius— to its
capacity for triumphing over all obstacles — that some of its
most laborious literary undertakings have been prosecuted un-
der the most unfavorable conditions. It was in the midst of
laborious political duties that Nieburh carried on his historical
labors. In the intervals of a busy mercantile life Roscoe pro-
duced his" Histories of Lorenzo de Medici and Leo X." It was
«n the midst of a restless and feverish life that Scaliger, 6u-
GENIUS AND METHOD. 147
-chanan, Erasmus/ Robert Stephens, and Heinsius accomplished
their gigantic tasks. Not only were Homer and Milton blind,
but the same affliction had overtaken Prescott when he produced
his various historical works, Vhierry when he composed his
" History of the Conquest of England by the Normans," and
Isaac D'Israeli when he^ compiled his "Amenities of Litera-
ture," and to this list must be added Blind Harry, the earliest of
Scotland's epic poets, Blacklock, and our own Dr. Walcot.
Half-famished in a miseraole garret, Heyne gave the world his
edition of " Tibullus." Every one knows how the immortal
poem of Dante was formulated as he wandered a needy exile from
one place of refuge to another, how the " Pilgrim's Progress"
was indited in Bedford jail, and " Don Quixote" in a wretched
prison in Spain. But these great works are far from exhaust-
ing the literature which has emanated from the dungeon. We
must add to the melancholy catalogue "The Kynge's Quhair"
— one of the best poems which British poetry can boast between
the death of Chaucer and the accession of Henry VIH., penned
by James I. while a captive in Windsor Castle ; some of the
most pleasing of Lord Surrey's poems. Sir Walter Raleigh's
*' History of the World," Robert Southwell's " Peter's Com-
plaint," Buchanan's Latin Version of the Psalms, Boethius's
" Consolation of Philosophy," Fleta, De Foe's " Review," Vol-
taire's " Henriade," Howel's " Familiar Letters," much of Dave-
nant's " Gondibert," Dodd's " Prison Thoughts," Grotius's
*' Commentary on St. Matthew," Coombe's " Adventures of Dr.
Syntax," Thomas Cooper's "Purgatory of Suicides," and the
list might be extended even further. Many too are the works
produced while their authors were in exile. It was in exile
that Thucyd ides composed his "History of the Peloponnesian
War," Xenophon his " Anabasis," Ovid his " Tristia," Clarendon
his " History of the Rebellion," Fortescue his " De Laudibus
Legum Anglise," Locke his famous " Letter Concerning Tolera-
tion," Bolingbroke his still more famous " Letter to Sir William
Wyn^ham" an4 his " Keflections on Exile." That misforti- '
148 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
should stimulate genius is not surprising, but that sleep should
possess creative power is curious indeed. And yet Burns tells
us that he dreamed one of his poems — it may be found in his
works — and that he wrote it down just as he'd reamed it. Yol-
taire informed his friend Wagniere that the whole of the second
canto of the " Henriade" was composed by him in his sleep.
Coleridge always said that he dreamed " Tubla iChan," and
Campbell that he was indebted to the same source for the best
line in " Lochiel's Warning." Dion Cassius solemnly assures
us that he undertook his history solely in consequence of a vis-
ion in his sleep; iEschylus, as Pausanias tells us, was wade a
poet by a dream ; so also was Caedmon ; and Tartini, as every
one knows, dreamed the " Devil's Sonata."
But one of the most extraordinary inducements to literary
activity is that recorded, by Captain Bell, the translator of
Luther's " Table Talk," whose task was imposed on him by a
ghost, and a very importunate ghost too. We will give the
story in the good captain's own words. After alluding to the
discovery of Luther's work, which had for many years been lost,
he goes on to say that a friend had told him he would bestow a
great and substantial service by translating it into English. He
accordingly began it, but after a while, tiring of his task, laid it
aside.
Then about six weeks after I had received the said book, it fell out that being in
bed with my wife one night between twelve and one of the clock, she being asleep,
but myself yet awake, there appeared unto me an ancient man, standing at my bed-
side, arrayed all in white, having a long and broad white beard hanging down to
his girdle, who, taking me by my right ear, spake these words following unto me:
** Sirrah ! will not you take time to translate that book which is sent unto you out of
Germany ? I will shortly provide for you both place and time to do it," and then
he vanished away out of my sight.
-The whole strange story may be read at length in Captain
Henry Bell's narrative, which is prefixed to Hazlitt's version of
the " Table Talk." Rotru, the French dramatist, used to say
that a demon frequently seized his pen, and that, helpless in the
ip's hands, he let his pen drive on as his supernatural visitant
GENIUS AND METHOD. I49
guided — ^which reminds us, by the way, of the well-known
remark of Moliere, made about Corneille.
Not less strange have been the habits and fancies of authors.
Cameades, the philosopher, seldom wrote without dosing him-
self with hellebore, -^schylus, Eupolis, Cratinus. and Ennius are
said never to have sat down to compose till they were intoxicated.
Dry den often had himself bled, and, like Fuseli. ate raw meat to
assist, so he said, his imagination. Shad well, De Quincey,
Psalmanaazar, Dean Milner, Coleridge, and Bishop Horsley
stimulated themselves with opium, as De Musset was helpless
without absinthe. Gray seldom sat down to compose without
first reading through some cantos of the " Faery Queen."
Corneille fired himself with the perusal of "Lucan.'* Black-
stcJne never wrote without a bottle of port wine on his desk, nor
Schiller without a flask of Rhenish within call. When his im-
agination was sluggish he would sit with his feet in hot water,
drinking coffee "to thaw the frost on his wits." Montaigne
was never happy without his cat, and with the pen in his right
hand while his left was smoothing the glossy back of his favor-
ite tabby, meditated his " Essays." Boxhome, the great Dutch
scholar, could never write a word without a pipe in his mouth,
and as he preferred a long pipe and yet required the use of both
hands, he bethought him of a very ingenious device. He had a
hat with an enormous brim, which impended in front of his
face; through this he made a hole to support his pipe, thus
securing the double advantage of shading his eyes and enjoying
without inconvenience his favorite luxury, and in this way he
produced his voluminous and valuable writings. Hobbes had
the same weakness, " ten or twelve pipes with a candle" being
his invariable concomitants at the desk, and Dr. Parr was not
less dependent on tobacco. Southey could never write a line
except at his desk, with his books round him and with familiar
objects by. Milton could, he said, never compose anything to
his satisfaction except between the vernal and autumnal equi-
nox. At those seasons his poetry came like an inspiration. At
ISO- V THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Other times, in spite of the most strenuous efforts, he would bi*^
unable to bring to the birth a single verse. Thomson, Collins,
and Gray had the same superstition about themselves. John-
son, with his usual bluff common-sense, ridicules such fancies,
and calls them unworthy of any sensible man — the good Doc-
tor's theory being that a man. who had the power of writings
always could write " if he set himself doggedly to it." Crabbers
fancies about himself are so curious that we. will quote the pas-
sage in his son's biography of him which bears on the subject:
He fancied that autumn was on the whole the most favorable season for him ia
the composition of poetry, but there was something in the effect of a sudden fall of
snow that appeared to stimulate him in a very extraordinary manner. It was dur-
ing a great snowstorm that, shut up in his room, he wrote almost currcnte cakmt>
his '' Sir Eustace Grey." Latterly he worked chiefly at night after all the family had
retired.
Even a robust and practical scholar like Bishop Warburton
tells us that he could only write " in a hand-to-mouth style,"
and that the blowing of an east wind, a fit of the spleen, or the
fact that he had not his books round him, cofnpletely destroyed
bis power of composition. George Wither the poet was obliged
to watch and fast when he was engaged in making verses; his
spirit he says was lost if at such times he tasted meat and drink ;
" even," he adds, " if I take a glass of wine I cannot write a
line."
Sir Henry Wotton gives a curious account of Father Sarpi—
Macaulay's favorite historian, and t}ie author of the famous
" History of the Council of Trent" :
His manner was to sit fenced with a castle of paper about his chair and above his
head, for he was of our Lord of St. Albans* opinion, that air is predatory, and espe-
cially hurtful when the spirits are most enlarged.
William Prynne, the voluminous author of the " Histrionras-
trix," was nothing " without a long quilted cap which came an
inch over his eyes." Buffon was helpless without a spotless
shirt and a starched frill. Still stranger were the whims of
Graham, the author of " The Sabbath," and Hogg, the Ertrick
WHO WROTE ''GIL BLAS'*f IS^
Shepherd, who, if we are to believe De Quincey. found their
vein never ran happily unless they sat down to their tasks with
boots and spurs on. An eminent modern novelist finds his pen
and his imagination powerless unless he sits surrounded by
lighted candles in a darkened room, and Horace Walpole tells
us that Lord Orrery found no stimulus so efficacious as a sharp
fit of the gout. The great Dutch scholar, Isaak Vossius, and our
own poet, John Philipps, would employ a servant to comb their
hiir whilst they meditated their works. Coleridge told Hazlitt
that when engaged in composition he never found his vein so
happy as when he was walking over uneven ground, or making
his way through a coppice with the twigs brushing his face.
Wordsworth on the other hand preferred a straight gravel walk
where he could wander mechanically and without any impedi-
ment to and fro; in this way almost all his later poems were
composed. Lord Bacon had a fancy for inhaling the fumes of a
bottle of claret poured out on earth which had been newly up-
turned. But here we must conclude, though we have by no
means exhausted our list of the whims and oddities of the
strange race to whom the world owes so much.
Templi Bar.
WHO WROTE "GIL BLAS"?
Le Sage's novel, " Gil Bias of Santillana," enjoys a world-wide
reputation. It is a vivid picture of manners, an apotheosis "of
the indifferent worldling to whom neither virtue nor roguery is
in itself commendable or hateful, but to whom the pursuit of
happiness, and success in that pursuit, constitute the aim and
end of existence. The book, it has been shrewdly said, is as
moral as experience : it is also as useful ; and hence the cause of
its popularity. Besides, Le Sage possesses in the highest de-
152 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
gree the art of describing, in a fresh, pure, and simple style, that
which is not pure, and of touching the evils of his time lightly,
but always on the weak spot. Gil Bias tells his own story, and
relates his illusions, his struggles, his failures and successes with
unimpaired cheerfulness and good-humored philosophy. He
dilates and reflects on all he sees, and on the whole exercises *
his wit as well on his own history as on the actions of the soci-
ety in which he lives. All that he narrates is simple and drawn
from the life; and yet there is hardly a minor fcaiurc of the pic-
ture which does not aim both at satirizing and finding excuses
for the foibles of mankind. Gil Bias spares nothing and no-
body, and even his own shortcomings are exposed with spark-
ling drollery and vengeful frankness, though he gives himself
credit — and to others as well — for the upwellings of a better na-
ture. He is a true type of men kindly disposed and not evil-
intentioned, but withal weak in the flesh and unable always to
resist temptation, even whilst he knows that he will repent of it
afterwards.
It has been said that Le Sage, in his one-act farce, " Le Tem-
ple de Memoire," represented at the Fair St. Laurent in 1725,
and afterwards at the theater of the Palais Royal, ridiculed the
exaggerated admiration for Voltaire — ^then only known by the
tragedies of "CEdipe," "Artemire," and **Mariamne," and
through his poem of " La Ligue," a feeble and first sketch of the
*' Henriade" — by making a poet who wishes to reach the Temple
of Memory pick up a book from the ground whilst saying, " Je
prends mon vol terre a terre." Le Sage's farce, interspersed
with songs, opens with the appearance of Folly and Pierrot.
F©lly bewails the misfortune that so many men are anxious to
flirt with her, but that none seems to wish to marry her; where-
upon her confidant advises her to adopt the name of Glory, and
to promise a perennial name in history to him who will niake
her his wife, for " poets are not the only persons who love to be
mache-lauriers and amateurs de fumee." Fame approves of this
advice ; Folly thereupon shakes her bauble, ai;d, as if by magic,
WHO WROTE **GIL BLAS''? IS3
the Temple of Memory arises on the top of a steep hill. Various
suitors for her hand now come upon the stage. First, a con-
queror, whose only delight is fighting, bullets, pistols and knives,
and who declares it as his opinion that "any one at the head of
a goodly number of cavalry, infantry, and artillery has a right to
another man's property." Then a rich miller makes her a pro-
posal. Next an artist asks for her hand, who is dressed as a
harlequin, professes to be a good fellow, promises to be very
uxorial, and shows Folly how to borrow different colors from
his variegated coat. Folly, under the disguise of Glory, recom-
mends him to marry a rich woman, and not to sue for her hand,
for he will have a fair chance of dying on a dunghill unless he
acts up to her recommendation. But the artist replies that he
will be happy to live with her on such a malodorous spot, where-
upon Folly, carried away by enthusiasm, exclaims, " Vivent les
Gueux !" an exclamation which the great French song-writer,
Beranger, utilized, about ninety years later, as the last line of the
burden of his song, " Les Gueux." M. Tout-Uni, or Mr. Quite-
Smooth, a poet, now appears, and is anxious to obtain the hand
of Glory, but is rebuked for his presumption by M. Pr6ne-Vers,
ExtoUerof Verses — by whom it is said Voltaire's friend Thi6riot
was meant — who sues her in the name of that " Phoenix of
poets," his " illustrissime" friend, the " c616brissime" author of
an *'el6gantissime" poem, "far superior to all poems past, pres-
ent, and future, and whose praises he will never cease to sing."
Folly replies that she knows by these hyperbolic epithets what
kind of Homer is meant. Three other poets arrive as fresh
suitors : but Folly now appears under her own true colors, argues
that no real difference exists between herself and Glory, and
expresses her willingness to marry them all. Voltaire, of whose
poem, " La Ligue," Folly had already said —
Dans ce pofeme si vant^,
L'art se trouve un peu maltralU.
Vous arran^jrez votre matiiftt
dans (sic) dessus dessous,
154 '^HE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
Sans devant derrifere ;
Et les bons morceaiix y sont tous
Sans devant demure,
Sans desdus dessous * —
may, perhaps, have felt still more bitterly the sting of a couplet,
also sun^ by Folly, and referring to his tragedy, ** CEdipus/'
written when he was cnly eighteen years old, performed in 171 8
forty-five times in succession, and published the following
year with some letters to a friend, in which are analyzed the
•" CEdipus" of Sophocles, a tragedy of the same name by Cor-
neille, and his own. The lines sung by Folly in the fifteenth
and last scene of the " Temple de Memoire" are as follows :
Un sQJet traits par ComeiUe
N'avait qu'ua prix tr^-incertaia ;
Mais il devient une merveille.
En nous passant de main en main !
Ha ! YRument voire !
Ziste, zeste et lonla,
En grand trio te voili,
Dans le Temple de M^moire.
Le Sage renewed his attack on the poet ten years later. In the
last volume of '* Gil Bias," which appeared in 1735, there is a
portrait of Don Gabriel Triaquero, a fashionable playwright (bk.
X. ch. 5), whom everybody runs to see, for no better reason than
that he is fashionable, and which, it was generally believed, was
intended for Voltaire. When, in 1752, five years after Le Sage's
death, the " Age of Louis XIV." was published, the then cele-
brated Voltaire saw his way to pay off a literary grudge, and
could not resist the temptation. He says in this wcrk: "vGil
Bias ' is still read because it is true to nature ; but it s entirely
taken from the Spanish romance called *La Vidad de lo Escu-
diero Dom Marcos d'Obrego.' " t This criticism of Voltaire was
* These words are not to be found in the sixth volume of the " Theatre dc la
Foire," Amsterdam, Zacharie Ch4telain, 1731, in which volume "Le Temple vc
M^moire *' is published.
t Ticknor, in his *' History of Spanish Liberaturstt*' V9I. iU.» p. 3, ch. 34, observes:
WJIO WROTE ''GIL BLAS"r 155
soon followed by others. 1 he very trouble Le Sage had taken
to render his novel perfect, the pains he had bestowed to become
intimately acquainted with the habits and customs of the Span-
iards of the times he describes, served as a reason for attacking
him and his book, and for accusing him of impudent plagiarism.
Father Juan d*Isla, a well-known Sp nish author, stigmatized
Le Sage as having stolen " Gil Bias" from a manuscript which
an unknown Andalusian advocate had given to the Frenchman
whilst in Spain. The padre had his own Spanish translation of
the French novel printed and published in Madrid in 1787,
omitting some parts and altering others, adding to it a long and
not successful continuation, and stating on the title-page that
" Gil Bias" was " now restored to its country and native language
by a Spaniard who does not choose to have his nation trifled
with." But nobody believed in the Spanish advocate and in the
manuscript given to Le Sage in Sp^in, for he had never been
there. In 181 8 Count Francois de Neufchateau read a disserta-
tion before the French Academy, in which he tried to show that
Le Sage was the author of " Gil Bias," and this dissertation he
enlarged, improved, and published in 1820, as a preface to an
edition of this novel.* The same year, a learned Spanish exile,
Don Juan Antonio Llorente, who was then living in Paris, and
who had just published a " History of the Inquisition in Spain,"
presented to the French Academy a Memoir of Critical Obser-
vations, in which he attempted to establish that "Gil Bias" had
not been written by Le Sage, but by a Spaniard. This Memoir
•* The idea that the ' Gil Bias* was taken entirely from the ' Marcos de Obregfon' of
Espinel. or was very seriously indebted to that work, is as absurd as Voltaire's mode
of speliin°^ the title of the book, which evidently he had never seen, and of which
he could even have heard very little."
* This dissertation was really written by Victor Hugfo, then a very youngf man.
This is partly hinted at by the words Marius uses in the " Mis^rables": "She (Co-
sette) would not fail to esteem and value me if she knew that I am the real author of
the dissertation on Marcos Obregon de la Ronda, which M. Franfois de Neufch^
teau appropriated, and used as a preface to hiS edition of ^ Gil Bias; ' " and is abso-
lutely confirmed m a chapter of '' Victor Hugo racont^ parim Xiimok^ 4e sa vie," a
work said to be wi;iuea by Madame Hugo.
156 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
was forwarded to a, committee, composed of MM. de Neufchi.-
teau. Raynouard, and Lemontey ; but no report seems ever to
have been made. Eighteen months after the presentation cf
Llorente's Memoir, the first of these gentlemen read to the
Academy an " Examen du nouveau systeme sur I'auteur de * Gil
Bias,' ou reponse aux Observations critiques de M. Llorente,"
which was published the same year. This was shortly after- J
wards replied to by M. Llorente, who amplified and sent forth,
in the form of a book, his " Observations critiques sur le Ro-
man de ' Gil Bias de Santillane,' " in which he maintains that
this novel was the work of the Spanish historian de Solis. chiefly
because no one but this gentleman could have planned such a
fiction at the time " Gil Bias" is supposed to have been written.
Llorente's book is di»rided into fourteen chapters, of which the
first and twelfth contain the pretended history of the manu-
script, whilst the other ten attempt to prove its existence. The
second chapter is called " A Chronology of the Life of Gil Bias,"
and gives the days and the months when certain events of the
novel are supposed to have happened. According to this chap-
ter, Gil Bias, born in 1588, was about thirty-two or thirty-three
years old when Philip III. died, and was fifty-eight or fifty-nine
when he married for the second time, in 1646.
In the North American Review for October, 1827, appeared
an article " Who wrote * Gil Bias ' ?" of which the author, Mr. A.
H. Everett, inclines to the belief that de Solis, and not Le Sage,
was the author of "Gil Bias." He bases his opinion chiefly on
Llorente's " Observations." and states frankly that he has not
seen the " Examen" pf the Count de Neufchateau, in defense of
that novel, but has derived the latter's reasons from the work of
Llorente. Mr. Everett's arguments in favor of a Spanish origin
of " Gil Bias" are :
I®. The minute acquaintance of the author with the political,
geographical, and statistical situation of Spain, ^nd with the
manners of itg inhabitants.
2'. The considerable number of errors* more or less obvious.
WHO WROTE ''GIL BLAS" r ^ 157
principally in the manner of writing the names of places and
persons, and most naturally accounted for by considering them
as the errors of a person transcribing names with which he was
not perfectly familiar.
3®. The mixture of Spanish idioms, and even Spanish words
^ and phrases, to be found in " Gil Bias."
4<». The illustrating by an example in French, "les intermedes
font beaute dans une comedie," the verbal niceties of the style
of the Spanish poet, Gongora.
5*». The probability of Le Sage having taken " Gil Bias" from
the same source as " The Bachelor of Sala,manca," which came
out in 1738 as an avowed translation from an unpublished Span-
ish manuscript.
These same arguments, amplified and worked out, as well as
many fresh ones, have been used in an article also called " Who
wrote *Gil Bias'?" which appeared in the June number of
Blackwood's Magazine for 1844, and in which are ably main-
tained the views of those who persist in believing that " Gil
Bias" is of Spanish origin. Following chiefly Llorente. the
writer of this article states that "Gil Bias" is translated from a
manuscript written in Spanish by Don Antonio de Solis y Riba-
deneira, author of " Historia de la Conquista de Mejico." The
reasons given for this assertion are : i*, that this novel abounds
in facts and allusions which none but a Spaniard could know ;
and, 2*, that it abounds in errors which no Spaniard could
make.
It is further stated that Le Sage obtained the manuscript from
the library of his friend and patron, the Abbe de Lyonne, third
son of Hugo, Marquis de Lyonne, a lover of Spanish literature,
who was sent on a secret mission to Spain in 1656 (1658), and
who, whilst there, lived in great intimacy with Louis de Haro,
Duke of Montoro. As an additional argfument, it is mentioned
, that " The Bachelor of Salamanca," published in 1738, which the
author himself admitted to be a translation from a Spanish
manuscript, and of which he never produced the original, bears
IS8 ~THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, ~ ^i
a great similarity to " Gil Bias," and contains part of that nranti-
script relating to America, and not found in the last-mentioned
work of Le Sage. Nineteen points of resemblance are brought
forward to prove this. It is also argued that the frequent allu-
sions in " Gil Bias" to some of the most remarkable characters
of the court of Louis XIV. only demonstrate " that the extremes
of society are very uniform . . . and the abuses of govern-
ment . . . the same, or nearly so, in every countn%"
The facts and allusions which none but a Spaniard could
know are as follows :
1. The custom of traveling on mules, the coin ducats, the
begging with a rOsary a$ well as the extorting money in the
manner which Gil Bias delineates, and the subterranean caves
described by Captain Rolando.
2. The words " dire son rosaire, rezar su rosario," as foreign
to the habits of a " vierux militaire ;" traveling the whole day
without meeting any one; the escorting of a coach, and the
drawing of that vehicle by mules.
3. The treatment of prisoners in Spain.
- 4. The exact description of the class of women known in Spain
by the name " Beata."
5. The dinner-hour at twelve during the reigns of Philip III.
and Philip IV.
6. The description of the Spanish innkeepers, so different
from the French, as well as the intimate knowledge displayed by
Gil Bias of the houses of noblemen at Madrid (bk. ii. ch. 7, and
bk. vii. ch. 13).
7. The acquaintance with Spanish habits and customs, as Mer-
gelina putting on her mantle to go to mass (bk. ii. ch. 7); Gil
Bias joining the muleteer (bk. iii. ch. i); Rolando informing
Gil Bias that his comrades were three days in prison before be-
ing put to death (bk. iii. ch. 2) ; the allusion to the Andalusian
way of managing a cloak (bk. iii. ch. 5) ; and to the " Caballeros
en Pla^a," or amateur gentlemen bull-fighters (bk. iv. ch. 7) ;
the dress of the inquisitor aad his servants; the Inkstand eftDed
WffO WROTE '*GIL BLAS**f 159
•'Tintero de E^cribano," which the Spanish scriveners always
carry about with them, as well as the whole scene between Am-
brosia de Laraela and Simon (bk. vi. ch. i) ; the custom of carry-
ing wine in leathern bags (bk. ii. ch. 6) ; the appointment of Ig-
natio to the archdeaconry of Granada, by virtue of a particular
bnll (bk. X. ch. 12); and the allusion which the Count-Duke of
Olivarez makes to Don Alphonso de Leyva about the objection
of the Aragonese to be governed by any other but the king him-
self, or by a person of the royal blood (bk. xi. ch. 12).
8. The use in " Gil Bias" of " Don" prefixed in Spanish to
the Christian, and never to the surname, as Don Juan, whilst its
synonym " Dom" is in France prefixed to the surname, as Dom
Calmet; ''dame" as a translation of " sefiora," and the latter
word itself; as well as the employment of many other Spanish
expressions and idions, such as sefior escudero, sefior caballero,
famosa comedia, hidalgo, contador mayor, oidor, escribano, hos-
pital de nifios, olla podrida, marmalada de berengaria, picaro. etc."
9. The knowledge that during the reign of Philip IV. the
actors lodged in the pwovince^ in the buildings in which dra-
matic performances were represented.
10. The idiomatic Spanish verses which Don Gaston de Co-
gollos sings in the Tower of Segovia (bk. ix. ch. 5).
11. The words which Lg Sage has evidently translated from
the Spanish, such as "seigneur, dame, cavalier," as well as many
expressions of Spanish origin, such as " a Dieu ne plaise, ils sgnt
tons plus durs que des Juifs, graces au ciel, patriarche des Indes,
gargon de famille, benefice simple, gargon de bien et d'honneur,
fameux directeur, laboureur, disciple, viceroi, Juif comme Pilate,
dormir la sieste. rendre de tres- humbles graces, etc."
12. The local knowledge of Spanish towns, as shown by Gil
•Bias, such as the mentioning of a church at Toledo called "de
los Reyes," the speaking of the Prado of Madrid as the " pre de
Sai:it-Jer6me," the quoting the " Rue des Infantes" and the
" Maison des Repenties" in the same town ; and the statement
that Lucretia, the repentant mistress of Philip IV., is going into
I60 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
the nunnery of " la Incamacion," reserved expressly for nuns
connected in some way with the royal family of Spain. To this
should be added the mentioning of no less than seventy prov-
inces and large towns in Spain, and of one hundred and three
Spanish villages and towns of inferior importance, many of thenx
unknown out of that country. ^.
13. The citing of the names of thirteen dukes and eight
counts, of which four only are fictitious, whilst the title of "Ad-
mirante de Castilia," also quoted, did not exist when ** Gil Bias"
was published ; the naming of about sixty persons celebrated in
their day among the inhabitants of the Peninsula, belonging to
distinguished families, and the employment of twenty-nine
names, really Spanish, but applied to imaginary characters, as
well as forty-five names '* intended to explain the character of
those to whom they are given, like Mrs. Slipslop and Parson
Trulliber in English, retained by Le Sag«, notwithstanding the
loss of their original signification."
The errors which no Spaniard would make are :
1. The orthographical mistal^s which abound in "Gil Bias,"
and which prove that Le Sage transcribed his novel from a
manuscript, such as "CorCuelo" instead of " Corzuelo," " Man-
juelo" for •* Majuelo," " Londona" for " Londoflo," "carochas"
for " corozas," " cantador" for ** contador," ** Segiar" for " Se-
guiar," " Moyadas" for ** Miajadas," " Priego" for " Pliego."
2. Le Sage's ignorance of Spanish etiquette by supposing as
equivalent words " Sefior" and " Sefioria," the latter title being
only given to people of high station and illustrious rank.
3. The anecdote about the rector of the University of Sala-
manca being found in the streets intoxicated ; which does not
tally with Spanish manners, but was interpolated by Le Sage.
4. The many errors in the spelling of Spanish places, which *
go far to prove that Le Sage did not copy these names from
printed books.
5. The historical errors to be found in " Gil Bias," and of
which only one, which occurs in the history of Don Pompcyo
WHO WROTE ^'GIL BIAS''? l6l
de Castro (bk, iii. ch. 7), is confessed by Le Sage, "though the
original Spanish author may have fallen into some of them."
6. The errors of Le Sage himself, such as Donna Mencia's first
husband dying in the service of the King of Portugal, ^v^ or
six years after the beginning of the seventeenth century; " Le
Mariage de Vengeance" (bk. iv. ch. 4), which did not take
place, as described, in the time of Philip II., but three hundred
years before^ during the Sicilian Vespers, 1283 ; Gil Bias, after his
release from the Tower of Segovia, telling his patron, Alphonso
de Leyva, that four months before he had held an important
office under the Spanish crown (bk. ix. ch. 10), while he states to
Philip IV. that he was six months in prison at Segovia (bk. xi.
ch. 2) ; and, above all, the error of Scipio (bk. ^i. ch. i) return-
ing to his master in 1621, and informing him that Philip III.
had died, that the Cardinal Duke of Lerma had lost his office,
and that the Count of Olivarez was appointed prime minister,
whilst in reality the Duke of Lerma had been dismissed three
years before the death of the king, and was succeeded by his
son, the Duke of Uzeda. Hence it is inferred that Le Sage, in
transcribing from the supposed Spanish manuscript, left out the
words "the Duke of Uzeda, son of," for that nobleman was
really turned out of office at the death of Philip III.
Moreover, the reasons given why Le Sage claims to be the au-
thor of " Gil Bias," but merely the translator of the " Bachelor of
Salamanca," are, that the " Bachelor" " had been long in the pos-
session of the Marquis de Lyonne and his son before it became
the property of Le Sage ; and, although tolerably certain that it
had never been diligently perused, the French author could not
be sure that it had not attracted superficial notice, and that the
name was not known to many people." Then, after expressing
" the tenderness to the friend and companion of our boyhood,
and gratitude to him who has enlivened many an hour, and
added so much to our stock of intellectual happiness," the arti-
cle in Blackwood ends by affirming that "the main fact con-
tended for by M. Llorente— that is, the Spanish origin of ' Gil
L. M. 8.-6
1 62 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
Bias' — is undeniable; and the subordinate and collateral points
of his system [are] invested with a high degree of probability."
A late German author and well-known Spanish scholar,
Charles Frederic Franceson, published in 1857 a pamphlet,
written in French, " Essai sur la Question de rOriginalite de
* Gil Bias,' " in which he defended Le Sage against the accusa-
tions of Llorente. In this essay he argues thet " The Bachelor
of Salamanca," being published after " Gil Bias," can only be
called a weakened reflex of the earlier written novel ; that there
are as many Spanish words and phrases in Le Sage's avowed
translations, " Le Diable Boiteux," " Guzman d'Alfarache," and
"Estevanille Gonsalez," as in "Gil Bias;" and that Spanish
words have not always an equivalent in French, so that " pre "
is not the saijie as "prado," "maire" as " corregidor," etc. He
further observes that even Voltaire, who did not know Spanish
well, in the first two chapters of his tale, " Jenni, ou TAthee," of
which the action takes place at Barcelona, employs a certain
number of allegorical names, indicating the character or pro-
fession of the personages to which they belong, such as Sefiora
Boca Vermeja (ruddy-mouth), Senor Don Inigo y Mendrozo
(coward), and some others. He also states that the accusation
that Le Sage sometimes writes ** Juan, Pedro," and similar Span-
ish names, and sometimes "Jean, Pierre," in French, is not quite
correct. The novelist always employs Spanish names w^hen
they are written differently from French ones, and often accora-
f)anies them by " Don ;" but when they are identical, or nearly
so, in both languages, he writes the French form, as " Don Gas-
ton, don Alphonse, don Louis, don Felix." " Dom" is not the
equivalent of the Spanish " Don," but is applied in French to
certain members of religious orders; "dame" and "maitre" are
used by Moliere in the " Avare," as " dame Claude," " maitre
Jacques ;"" seigneur" and "cavalier" are only written to give
local coloring to "Gil Bias;" the four lines which Don Gaston
de Cogollos sings are possibly taken from a Spanish author,
whilst the misspelling of proper names, towns, places, etc., iis
WHO WROTE ''GIL BLAS^'t 163
probably owing to printers* errors or to carelessness. M. Fran-
ceson gives also jn his pamphlet the translation of all the pas-
sages which Le Sage has borrowed from Espinel's ** Marcos de
Obregon/' and a list of Spanish authors laid under contribution
by the French novel-writer, as well as the original passages of
Firenzuola's Italian translation of Apuleius's " Golden Ass," from
which Gil Bias's adventures in the cave of the robbers have been
taken.
•*The Chronology of the Life of Gil Bias," as given by M. Llo-
rente, is wrong, though it seems ridiculous to treat a novel like an
historical work, and to verify every date on which certain ac-
,tions of the hero are supposed to have taken place. Gil Bias left
Oviedo when he was seventeen years old (bk. i. ch. i), and about
six months afterwards Donna Mencia de Mosquera relates* to
him that her husband died seven years ago, when the Portu-
guese army was at Fez (bk. i. ch. 1 1). As Don Sebastian, King
of Portugal, went in 1578 with an army to Morocco, where he
was killed the same year. Donna Mencia must have spoken in
1585 ; therefore Gil Bias was born in 1568, and not in 1588, as
Llorente says. Then arises the difficulty of explaining how,
some time after Donna Mencia's adventure, and after Portugal
had been annex^ to Spain in 1580, the master of Gil Bias, Don
Bernard de Castil-Blazo, could pass for a spy of the King of
Portugal (bk. iii. ch. i), and how Don Pompeyo de Castro could
mention a King of Portugal when no such monarch existed — Le
Sage, in the later editions of '* Gil Bias," altered this potentate
into a King of Poland (bk. iii. ch. 7) — and how Captain Rolando
could say to Gil Bias (bk. iii. ch. 2) that, when he entered the
town of Leon, the people would not have been more eager to
see him if he had been a Portuguese general taken prisoner in
war. Moreover, Gil Bias was imprisoned in the tower of Sego-
via a few months before the dismissal of the Duke of Lerma.
which took place in 1618. Our hero was then fifty years old,
and married Antonia some time afterwards. When the Count-
Duke of Olivarez was exiled in 1643, Gil Bias would be more
164 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
than seventy; yet, nothing daunted, he returns to his estate
after the count's death in 1646, calls himself a n)an *' who begins
to grow old," marries again, twenty-eight years after his first
marriage, a young lady between nineteen and twenty, and begets
two children, " of whom he devoutly believes himself to be the
father."
It must be obvious that any literary man, before beginning to
write such a work as " Gil Bias" and to describe the events of
such an adventurous career at a peculiar period of history and
in a particular country, would consult the different travels and
descriptions of the land in which his story takes place — would,
so to speak, try to assimilate himself with the natives, and, by dint
of reading and studying, become, as it were, bone of their bone
and flesh of their flesh. In this article ^he attempt will be made
to prove that Le Sage did so. Let it, however, be remembered
that the first two volumes of ** Gil Bias" were published in 171 5,
the third in 1721, and the last in 1735.
{a) Le Sage acquired tjje habits and customs of Spain (see
Nos. 1-7, page 6) in some of the books which he perused* The
traveling by mules and the filthy state of the beds is mentioned :
'"Le samedi quatrieme d'octobre, ayant change de mules, je
partis de Pampelone, ayant achete des draps a^ause de la mal-
proprete des lits." * The same book speaks of the subterranean
caves in Castile, where it is said " the Spaniards retired during
the time of the Moors" — though Le Sage places the cave of
^Lolando in the Asturias — and of the bull-fights " at Erija, five
leagues from Fuentes . . . where there were four noblemen
(Caballeros en Plaza), who fought all dressed in black, and with
feathers in their hats." The Countess d'Aulnoy t describes also
at full length a bull-fight which took place at Madrid in 1679,
where six noble knights were engaged, and she mentions another
fight in her " Memoires." % In her " Relation" § she employs the
* ** Journal du Voyage d'Espagne," etc. Paris, 1669.
t " Relation du Voyage en Espagne." Paris, 1690. Lettre X.
X ** Memoires de la Cour d'Espagne.'* Paris, X690. | Lettre VIII.
WHO WROTE ''GIL BIAS''? 165
phmse " r6citer le rosaire," and says that all the Spanish ladies
have one "attache a leur ceinture/' The same book gives also
many examples of the tricks of inn-keepers in Spain. The
leathern bag of wine is spoken of by her:* "The wine is put in
prepared goat-skins, and it always smells of pitch or burning."
Another book of travels t says that "they (the Spaniards) have
no other casks but goat-skins, which they call Bollegos, and
which are so pitched that when I drink I seem to swallow the
awl (le Saint Crespin) of a shoemaker." The Countess, in speak-
. ing of the condemned to death, states: J " Les lots du royaume
de Valence . . . accordent quelques jours aux criminels apres
qu'ils ont 6te juges." Le Sage says that this law existed also in
Leon. The particular bull allowing the Spanish kings to appoint
archbishops is spoken of by Lenglet du Fresnoy,§ who says:
"Le Roi seul, en vertu dTndults du Saint Siege, nomme aux
6v^ches en Espagne." What " indults" are is to be found in
Richelet's Dictionary. 1719: " II y a deux sortes d'indults, actifs
ct passifs. Les indults actifs donnent le pouvoir de nommer et
presenter des benefices et de les conferer. Les papes Accordent
ces indults aux Princes, aux Cardinaux, aux Arcjiev^ues,
Ev^ques et autres Prelats." M. Llorente also pretends that the
use of chocolate was unknown in France at the time Le Sage
wrote "Gil Bias;" but Brillat-Savarin, in his "Physiologie du
GoAt," saysj : " During the beginning of the Regency (1715-23),
chocolate was in more general use than coffee ; because it was
then taken as an agreeable nourishment, whilst coffee was only
looked upon as a curious and extravagant drink."
ip) The words and passages in " Gil Bias," evidently translated
from the Spanish (see No. 8, page 7), and which are said not to
be French, were partly used, as M. Franceson has already
stated, to give a local coloring to the original, and are, as such,
* Lettre IX. t " Relation de Madrid." Cologne, 1665.
X " M^moires de la Cour d'Espagne."
% *' M^thode pour ^tudier la G^graphie.** Vol. VI., 1716.
I '* Meditation VI.," Section 2, % 10.
l66 ^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
found in some of the books of travels which have been men--
tioned. The Countess d'Aulnoy* uses "Sefior cordonnier,
hidalgos, sefior escudero, oidor, I'HCpital de los Niiios. la famosa
coraedia." Another traveler in Spain, a Dutch diplomatist,
Aarsens van Somraelsdyck, who wrote in French, t says also,
*' Entre eux ils se traitent de Sefiores Cavalleros." { Le Sage
appears not always to have lodged the actors in the^ " posadas
de los representantes" (see No. 9. page 7), for Laura relates to
Gil Bias that Phenicia lived *• with the whole troop in a large
h6tel garni" (bk. vii. ch. 7).
(r) The dinner-hour was twelve o'clock in Paris as well as in
Madrid (see No. 5, page 6). Boileau, in his third Satire, written
in 1665, the very year of Philip IV.'s death, says that, "coming
from Mass, P. hastens to a dinner to which he was invited, just
as the clock struck twelve."
(^) Llorente accuses Le Sage of not knowing his own lan-
guage (see No. 11, page 7). or, in other words, of introducing
Spanish expressions into French. This accusation is totally
wrong. Nearly all of the words or phrases quoted as not
French are to be found in Richelet's Dictionary, of which the
third edition, which I have consulted, was published in 1719.-
There we see "cavalier" described as "^entilhomme qui porte
I'epee;" "seigneur," sometimes used "en riant," as "Seigneurs
Chevaliers Catalans;" "a Dieu ne plaise;" "graces a Dieu,"
though not "au ciel;" but. says the French lexicographer.
" cette expression est basse ;" " rendre graces, rendre des actions
des graces," though not "rendre de tres-humbles graces;'*
"femrae de bien et d'honneur." Richelet has also "famille,"
" viceroi," "benefice simple;" he defines "laboureur" as "celui
qui cultive la terre avec la charue" (sic), and gives as an example
" un riche laboureur," which expression Le Sage likewise uses
(" Gil Bias," bk. v. ch. i), and which evidently cannot mean *' a
rich day-laborer," as Llorente thinks it does. "Disciple."
* " Relation du Voyage en Espagne.
t ** Voyage d'Espagne'* (fait en 1655), etc. Cologne, x666. X Ibid.
WHO WROTE ''GIL BLAS'*? 167
«
spelled "diciple/* is defined as "ecolier;" "fameux," which, ac-
cording to Llorente, no Frenchman would use in the sense of
"c61ebre," was, according to Richelet, precisely employed in that
sense in Le Sage's time. Llorente says about the word "direc-
teur": "Only a Spaniard, or at least some one who has lived a
long time in Spain, can know the difference between a monk
who is only seen in the confessional, and a very reverend father,
of the * Cordon Alto,* of the • Haut Cordon,' who is called spirit-
ual director of consciences, and whom the devotees treat to
pigeons, partridges, and other little dainty dishes." In Riche-
let's Dictionary "directeur" is defined as the "ordinary confes-
sor of a person," and the two following lines are quoted from
Boileau's tenth "Satire": "But of all mortals, thanks to the
pious souls, none is so well cared for as a directeur d6 femmes."
The Countess d'Aulnoy says in her " Relation du Voyage en
Espagne":* " M. Mellini, the Apostolic Nuncio, consecrated the
* patriarche des Indes' on Trinity, and the king was present."
{e) The local knowledge of Spanish towns disp4ayed by Le
Sage (see No. 12, page 7) might easily have been acquired; for
in d'Aulnoy's " Relation," in the thirteenth letter, the Countess
says : " We went to hear mass in the Church de Los Reys at
Toledo." t The " Maison des Repenties," to which Sirenaissent
(" Gil Bias,'* bk. ix. ch. 7), may have been an)rwhere ; the Coun-
tess d'Aulnoy speaks of one in her " Relation ;" and so she does
four times of the existence of a convent, " Las Descalzas Reales,"
called by Le Sage "Monastere de I'lncamation," where the
widows and mistresses of the kings of Spain used to retire. In
the third letter she says : " Philip IV. preferred Maria Calderona
to a young lady of noble birth who was in attendance on the
Queen, and who was so hurt by the fickleness of the King, whom
she really loved, an4 by whom she had a son, that she withdrew
to Las Descalzas Reales, where she became a nun. . . . The
♦ Lcttre X.
t Lldrente says the knowledge of the Church de los Reyes at Toledo ** est une des
preuves irr^cusables de Textstence d'un manuscrit espagnol."
l68 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
King sent word to La Calderona that she had to go in a nun-
nery, as it. is the custom when the King quits his mistress." In
the ninth letter the Countess writes : "This order of the Car-
melites is held here in great veneration. Even Queens, when
they become widows, are obliged to spend with them the rest of
their lives. Don Juan (himself the illegitimate son of Philip
IV.) has an illegitimate daughter who is a Carmelite nun. She
is wonderfully beautiful, and it is said that she did not wish to
take the veil ; but it was her destiny, and so it is the fate of
many others of her rank, who are scarcely more satisfied about
it than she was. These nuns are called Descalzas Reales, which
means * royal ladies.' This rule applies even to the King's mis-
tresses, wiiether they are unmarried or widows. When he ceases
to love them, they must become nuns." The Countess repeats
this in her fifteenth and last letter, and also in her " Memoires."
The knowledge that there was such a convent, says the author
of the article in Blackwood, is " a still stronger argument in favor
of the existence of a Spanish manuscript." Calling the Prado
of Madrid by its right name, and quoting the " Rue des Infantes,"
is not to be wondered at, for there were several guide-books of
Madrid printed before " Gil Bias" was published. The mention-
ing of so many provinces, large and small towns, afid villages of
Spain, is hot marvelous, as there existed many geographical
hand-books of Spain, written in Latin, as well as Colmenar's
"Delices d'Espagne et de Portugal." 1707, translated into
French, and dll published long before " Gil Bias" saw the light.
A large number of these names are also given in the books of
travels in Spain already mentioned. The titles of the dukes,
counts, and celebrated persons to be found in "Gil Bias" may-
be discovered in d'Aulnoy's "Voyage," in Ijer " Memoires de la'
Cour d'Esp'dgne," in Salazar's " Inventaire," * and in many other
works. I find, in the "Inventaire" alone, the names of tli^'"*>,^
nobles, their residences and incomes, with a list of archbisnops
* Salazar, ** Inventaire g^n^ral des plus curieiues recherches Afi& royaumes d'Es* .
agne, U-aduit de TEspagnol. Paris, 1615. I
\
WHO WROTE ''GIL BLAS"? 169
and bishops, viscounts, generals, admirals, priors, commander-
ies; and also the councils and councilors, presidents, auditors,
secretaries, and other officers, and the way they are appointed,
as well as their diflferent incomes. In this little book are like-
wise given lists of the officers of the king's household, their sal-
aries and pensions ; and at the end of it a table showing the
distances between the different towns and villages. In the
Countess's " Memoires " there is a list of the archbishops, bish-
ops, and diflferent grandees of Spain ; she also relates the history
of the Admirante of Castile, a title abolished when Le Sage
wrote, but not when the Countess penned her book. To say
that forty-five Spanish names, such as those of Mrs. Slipslop and
Parson Trulliber (see No. 13, page 8), were not likely to be in-
vented by any but a Spaniard seems to me to be forgetting that
Le Sage was an accomplished Spanish scholar; but, even if he
were " only acquainted with the lighter part of Spanish litera-
ture," he might easily have compounded these names. The
orthographical mistakes (see No. i, page 8) are, as Mr. Franceson
has already observed, chiefly printers* errors or faults of careless-
ness; though many of them, such as "Contador," "Miyadas,"
•* Majuelo," and " Pliego," are rightly spelled in the early editions
of "Gil Bias.'' The supposed error of Le Sage in imagining
""seigneur," "Sefior," and " seigneurie," "Sefioria," to be equiva-
lent, and on which so much stress has been laid by M. Llorente,
as proving that the French author must have plagiarized from a
Spanish manuscript, without understanding what he did (see
No. 2, page 8), is no error at all.* Le Sage uses tf^p.word " seig-
neurie" in *' Gil Bias" twelve times :
r. When speaking of the actresses who treat great lords
familiarly, and who, far from addressing them as " Excellencies,
ne leur donnaient pas m^me de la seigneuwe" (bk. iii. ch. 10).
2"*. Don Rodrigo de Calderon calls Gil Bias " Seigneur de San-
tillane ;" " he," says Gil Bias, " who had never yet addressed me
* Llorente says distinctly about the use of the word ^* seigneurie " : *^ Le Sage
n^eatendait pas mSme ce qu'il copiait."
I70 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
in any otlier way but as * vous, sans jamais se servir du terme de
seigneurie ' " (bk. viii. ch. 5).
3*. Don Roger de Rada, when relating his adventures, says to
Gil Bias, "de peur d'ennuyer votre seigneurie" (bk. viii. ch. 8).
4<». Fabricio addresses Gil Bias as " Seigneur de Santillane,"
and then as " Seigneur, I am delighted with the prosperity of
your seigneurie;" upon which Gil Bias replies, " Oh ! que diable ! i
treve de seigneur et de seigneurie" (bk. viii, ch. 9).
5*. As love-messenger of the Prince of Spain, Gil Bias is ad-
dressed by the Sefiora Mencia as ** votre seigneurie" (bk. viii.
ch. 10).
6*. Gil Bias says of himself, "Gabriel Salero thought that he
had found in 'ma seigneurie* the best match in Spain for his ,
daughter" (bk. ix. ch. i).
7*. Gil Bias addresses Sefior Manuel Ordoflez : " My friend
Fabricio would have done much better to remain with your
* seigneurie ' than to cultivate poetry" (bk. x. ch. 2).
8". In stopping at the house of Don Alphonso de Leyva at
Valencia, Gil Bias relates : " I found in my room a good bed,
on which my ' seigneurie,' having laid down, fell asleep" (bk. x.
ch. 5).
9°. Joseph Navarro says to Gil Bias : " My master has prom-
ised to speak for you to the Count of Olivarez * sur le bien que
je lui ai dit de votre seigneurie * " (bk. xi. ch. 3).
10 . Scipio addresses Gil Bias : " You see that fortune has -
great designs on * votre seigneurie ' " (bk. xi. ch. 6).
1 1^ The dancing-master, Martin Ligero, says to Gil Bias : " I
have been told that it is * votre seigneurie ' who selects the mas-
ters for my lord Don Henry" (bk. xii. ch. 5).
I2«. Scipio declares to Gil Bias: "I like better a good office
with * votre seigneurie * than to be again exposed to Ihe perils of
the sea" (bk xii. ch. 6).
In none of these cases can "seigneurie" mean "Sefioria,"a
title only given to Spanish grandees. In the first two examples
Le Sage uses the word rightly, as it was then employed in
fVIfO WROTE ''GIL BLAS"? I/X
French for " title given by the estate." In the last ten examples
he seems to apply this expression en riant, or for the sake of
civility.*
(/) The anecdote about the rector of the University of Sala-
manca (See No. 3, page 8) is certainly not in accordance with
Spanish manners, but only demonstrates that, however careful
an author may be, the difficulties of letting the scenes of a novel
take place on foreign ground must some time or other induce
him to commit an error.
{g) The accusation of the many topographical errors to be
found in "Qil Bias" (see No. 4, page 8), of which the enumera-
tion is borrowed from Llorente, and which errors are partly re-
produced by Blackwood, has been accepted by all Le Sage's
defenders as true. But, if they had consulted two maps of
Spain — a large one. ''Carte nouvelle du royaume d'Espagne,
dediee a Sa Majeste Catholique Philippe V./' Paris, 1705 ; and a
smaller one, " L'Espagne divisee en tous ses royaumee, princi-
pautes, etc., a I'lisage de Monseigneur le due de Bourgogne,"
Amsterdam, 1710 — they would have found that Le Sage was
nearly always right. Notwithstanding all that has been said to
the contrary, Betancos, Rodillas, Grajal (bk. i. ch. n), Moyados,
Valpuesta (bk. ii. ch. 9), Lucenot (bk. iii. ch. 2), Villardesa and
Almodabar (bk. iv. ch. 1 1) — spelled on the large map Villards-
saz and Almodovar, on the small map Villardesaz and Almoda-
♦ Richelet, iri his Dictionary, defines ** seig^deurie " as " une terrc seigneuriale,"
and quotes from Molifere's " L'Ecole des Femmes" (Act I. sc. i) Chrysalde's lines
to Amolpbet who had adopted the name of Monsieur de la Souche :
**" Que diable vous a fait aussi vous aviser
A quarante et deux ans de vous dJibaptiser,
£t d^un vieux tronc pburri de votre m^tairie
Vous faire dans le monde un nom de seigneurie ?**
Ricfaelet says also, *" seigneurie* is used en riant, and has the same meaning as
' signoria ' among the Italians, when they speak to a person civilly ;" and then he
quotes from MoU^e's " Cocu Imaginaire " : "Trfes-humble serviteur i votre seig-
neurie."
t Llorente says in bis " Observations'* : " II n*y a cuen Espagne aticua TiUagc du
nom de Luceno.*'
1'J2 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
var— Castil Blazo * (bk. v. ch. i), Llirias (bk. ix. ch. lo), Melilla,
Toralva (bk. v. ch. i), Ponte de Duero (bk. ii. ch. 8), are all, in
their right places and well spelt, whilst Almerin (bk. v. ch. i),
which ought to have been Almoharin according to M. Llorente,
is printed so on the small map,:but figures on the large, one as
"Lmorin," with the usual sign of a town before it, which makes
it look like ** Almorin." All these names were not altered in
later editions, but are to be found in the edition of " Gil Bias"
published in three volumes, Paris, 1721, and also in the first one
in four volumes, Paris, 1735, except that " Carrillo" — another of
Le Sage's supposed misspellings discovered by M. Llorente —
was correctly printed in the edition of 1721, bnt with only one r
in the one published fourteen y^rs later. Le Sage's Orbisa (bk.
X, ch, 10) ought to be Cobisa. Penafiel is mentioned as lying on
the road from Segovia to Valladolid (bk. x. ch. i) ; "this ought
to be Portillo," says Llorente, because Valladolid is twelve leagues
from Pefiafiel, and therefore it is impossible to arrive there in
one day." Portillo is certainly on the road between Valladolid
and Segovia, but it seems not impossible to go, twelve leagues
when one has, like Gil Bias, */ une chaise tiree par deux bonnes
mules." But M. Llorente is difficult to please. When Gil Bias
leaves Oviedo, after his father's death, and continues his jour^
ney (bk. x. ch. 8) " a petites journees," our Spanish critic ob-
serves that a carriage drawn by two mules ought not to go at so
slow a pace, The blunder of placing Alcala de Henarez on the
road from Madrid to S^ovia seems to be Le Sage's own. The
author of the article in BlackWood asks: " If Le Sage had in-
vented the story, and clothed it with names of Spanish cities
and villages, taken from printed books, can any one suppose
that he would have fallen hito all these errors?" It has been
proved that they are not errors' of Le Sage, but of M. Llorente ;
though, in jnstice to this gentleman, it ought to be stated that
♦ Llorente writes: " Le traducteur Isla s'est pennis d^omettre les mots (Castil-
titie OTfry^i^'il savait bien quMl n'y avait point de pays de ce nom en Espagne.*'
Le Sage use?**' "*^*"*^^"^^' *^°**"'^*"*^^'"^**^^*^""
JVJ/0 WROTE '*GJL BLAS"? 1/3^
several of the towns mentioned by the French author arc not '
found on modern maps.
{k) In a novel, even a so-called historical one, errors are gen-
erally found ; how much more arc these, then, to be exp>ected in
a tale like "Gil Bias"? Le Sage attempted to correct one of
these errors which occurs in the history related by Don Pompeyo
de Castro, by transferring the scene from Portugal to Poland ;
" but how comes it pass." asks the author of the article in Black-
wood, **that Le Sage, who singles out with such painful anxiety
the error to which we have adverted, suffers others of equal im-
portance to pass altogether unnoticed ?" (See No. 5, page 8.)
This assertion is not quite correct, for the following notice pre-
faced the edition of "Gil Bias" of 1735 •
" In the third volume an epoch is mentioned (the time of the
flight of Laura with Zendono tp Portugal) which does not agree
with the history of Don Pompeyo de Castro, to be found. in the
first volume (bk. iii. ch. 7), It appears that Philip the Seqpnd
had not yet conquered Portugal * and we see here suddenly this
kingdom under the sway of Philip the Third,t without Gil Bias
being much the older for it. This is a chronological fault which
the author has perceived too Jate, but which he promises to cor-
rect later, as well as many others, if ever a new edition of his
works should appear." . /
He corrected this fault there and then, and left the others to be
altered afterwards. But in 1735 Le Sage was sixty-seven years
old ; and increasing infirmities, and other literaryjabor probably
prevented him from accomplishing what he intended. To argue
from this — as is idbne in Blackwood's Magazine — that Le Sage
left "to posterity a lasting and unequivocal proof of his plagia-
rism . . . by dwelling on one anachronism as an error which
he intended to correct, in a work swarming in every part with
others equally flagrant, of which he takes no notice," is, to say the
least of it, a general accusation which requires other proofs than
♦ The Duke of Alba conquered Portugal in 1586. (Original note of Le Sage.)
t Philip III- began to reign in 1598, and died in 1621. (Original note of Le Sage
If 4 ^-^^ LIBRARY MAQAZINE.
the remark that these mistakes were those " irfto which the origi-
nal author had fallen, and which, as his object was not to give an
exact relation of facts, he probably disregarded altogether."
However, what is excusable in a Spaniard must equally be so in
a Frenchman.
(/) In extenuation of the errors of Le Sage himself (see No. 6,
page 8) may be brought forward the remark about these being
mistakes "which the original author . . . probably disregarded
altogether." Moreover, there is a lapse of fourteen years between
the publication of the third and fourth volumes of " Gil Bias."
and therefore Le Sage may well have forgotten that the hero of
his novel, after having left the tower o\ Segovia, says to Don
Alphonso de Leyva, in the third volume, that "four months ago
he occupied an important post at Court" (bk. ix. ch. lo) ; and
may have allowed Gil Bias to tell the king, in the first book of
the fourth volume, that "he had been six months in prison" (bk.
xi. ch. 2). That Le Sage was very negligent in writing his fourth
volume is also proved by the supposed age of the hero of his
novel, as compared with his birth and adventures, described in
the first three volumes. The error of mentioning the dismissal
of the Duke of Lerma, when Philip IIL died, instead of saying
"the Duke of Uzeda, son of the Duke of Lerma," can only be
accounted for by carelessness, for Le Sage speaks rightly of the
exile of the Duke of Uzeda in another part of "Gil Bias" (bk.
xi. ch. 5). It seems to have been a fancy of our auth6r to call
Valcancel Valcazar; for the whole history of Don Henry de
Guzman was published in many books well known at the time
Le Sage wrote.
(t) M. Franceson has already stated that "The Bachelor of
Salamanca," published after " Gil Bias," is a weakened reproduc-
tion of this last novel. Mr. Ticknor, one of the best Spanish,
scholars of modern times, says, in his "History of Spanish Lit-
erature," that two chapters of "The Bachelor" are taken from
Moreto's play, " Desd6n con el Desd6n," whilst Sainte-Beuve
maintains that several chapters are borrowed from Ths. Gage»
ir^o WROTE ''OIL BLAS'^r 175
the English- American, " His Travail by Sea and by Land ; or, a
New Survey of the West Indies, containing a Journall of three
thousand and three hundred miles within the main land of
America, etc.," London, 1648, which was translated into French
by Le Sieur de Beaulieu, H. O'Neil (i.e. A. Baillet), Paris, 1677.
It becomes therefore difficult to see how " The Bachelor" can
have formed part of an original Spanish manuscript long in the
possession of the Marquis de Lyonne and his son; for a great
deal of the French work appears to have been borrowed from
printed books, one of them not even translated into Spanish.*
As for "Gil Bias," Llorente and Blackwood both mention that
two-thirds of this novel are taken from well-known Spanish
works. If, therefore, Le Sage copied ** Gil Bias" from a manu-
script of de Solis, that manuscript was chiefly composed of pla-
giarisms, and the Spanish author must have been more stupid
than men ordinarily are to steal from books so well known in
Spain and to his contemporaries. Moreover, if the " literary
larcenies" committed in " Gil Bias" amount to so lieavy a bulk,
how can Le Sage have pilfered his world-famed novel from a
manuscript? There is not the shadow of an evidence that he
has done so. The readers of this article will have seen how Le
Sage became possessed of his intimate knowledge of Sp)ain, and,
may also have perceived that his French was not quite so bad
as M. LForente wishes to prove it, nor that his errors were as
manifold, and, in fact, as clearly faults of a copyist, as his liter-
ary enemies desire to make it oat.
The life of an author is not that of a sybarite. -,It is passed in
laborious and sedentary occupations, which are generally re-
warded by a not over-abundant pay, and cause many mental
anxieties. Envy, hatred, and malice not seldom attack him
whilst he is alive, and are not even silenced after his death.' The
career of Le Sage is no exception to this almost general rule.
* In justice to M. Llorente it ought to be stated that he says in his ^ Observa^
tions," ch. i. : "On pourrait bien soutenir que Le Sage est Tauteur original d*une
grande partie du *Bachelier,' beaucoup plus qu'il ne le fut du *Gil Bias.* "
176 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
He was no flatterer of the great ; he did not attach himself to
any then existing party or influential nobleman ; and he dared
to have opinions of his own. He was not to be bribed, worked
hard for his daily bread, and gained a mere pittance ; and he was
finally obliged, by increasing age and infirmities, to take shelter
with his only living son, a clergyman at Boulogne-sur-Mer, where
he died. His fame, of course, increased when he was no longer
alive to give umbrage ; but this did not prevent a few of his con-
temporaries from attacking his works, and, above all, his mas-
terpiece, "Gil Bias." Voltaire and others began the fray, the
Spaniards took it up through national vanity, and they suc-
ceeded in making some critics believe what they brought forward,
and in maJking not a few literary men incline to the opinion that
"Gil Bias" was merely a copy of a Spanish manuscript. If that
delosion has been dispelled by the present article, the labor
bestowed upon it has not been in vain.
K^NRi Van Laun, in The Gentleman's Magazine,
THE MORALITY OF THE PROFESSION OF LETTERS.
The profession of letters has been lately debated in the public
prints ; and it has been debated, to put the matter mildly, from
a point of view that was calculated to surprise high-minded
men, and bring a general contempt on books and reading.
Some time ago, in particular, a lively, pleasant, popular writer
devoted an essay, lively and pleasant like himself, to a very en-
couraging view of the pirofes^ion. We may be glad that his
experience is so cheering, and we may hope that all others who
deserve it shall be as handsomely rewarded ; but I do not think
we need be at all glad to have this question, so important to the
public and ourselves, debated solely on the ground of money.
The salary in any business under heaven is not the only; nor
indeed the first, question. That you should continue to exist is
J
PROFESSION OF LETTERS, 1/7
a matter for your own consideration ; but that your business
should be first honest, and second useful, are points in which
honor and morality are concerned. If the writer to whom I
refer succeeds in persuading' a number of young persons to
adopt this way of life with an eye set singly on the livelihood,
we must expect them in their works to follow profit only, and
we must expect in consequence, if he will pardon me the Epi-
thets, a slovenly, base, untrue, and empty literature. Of that
writer himself I am not speaking; he is diligent, clean, and
pleasing; we all owe him periods of entertainment, and he has
achieved an .amiable popularity which he has adequately
deserved. But the truth is, he does not, or did not when he
first embraced it, regard his profession from this purely merce-
nary side. He w'ent into it, I sh^ll venture to say, if not with any
noble design, at least in the ardor of a first love; and he enjoyed
its practice long before he paused to calculate the wage. The
other day an author was complimented on a piece of work, good
in itself and exceptionally good for him, and replied in terms
unworthy of a commercial traveler, that as the book was not
briskly selling he did not give a copper farthing for its merit. It
must not be supposed that the person to whom this answer was
addreswied received it as a profession of faith ; he knew, on the
other hand, that it was only a whiff of irritation; just as we
know, when a respectable wrjter talks of literature as a way of
life, like shoemaking, but not so useful, that he is only debating
one aspect of a question, and is still clearly conscious of a dozen
others more important in themselves and more central to the
matter in hand. But while those who treat literature in this
penny-wise and virtue-foolish spirit are themselves truly in pos-
session of a better light, it does not follow that the treatment is
decent or improving, whether for themselves or others. To
treat all subjects ^ in the highest, the most honorable, and the
pluckiest spirit, consistent with the fact, is the first duty of the
writer. If he be well paid, as I am glad to hear he is, this duty
becomes the more urgent, the neglect of it the more disgrace'
178 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
And perhaps there is no subject on which a man should speak
so gravely as that industry, whatever it may be, which is the occu-
pation or delight of his life ; which is his tool to earn or serve
with ; and which, if it be unworthy, stamps himself as a mere
incubus of dumb and greedy bowels on the shoulders of laboring
humanity. On that subject alone even to force the note might
lean to virtue*s side. It is to be hoped that a numerous and
enterprising generation of writers will follow and surpass the
present one ; but it would be better if the stream were stayed,
and the roll of our old. honest. English books were closed, than
that esurient bookmakers should continue and debase a brave
tradition and lower, in their own eyes, a famous race. Better
that our serene temples were deserted than filled with traflScking
and juggling priests.
There are two just reasons for the choice of any way of life :
the first is inbred taste in the chooser ; the second some high
utility in the industry selected. Literature, like any other art.
is singularly interesting to the artist ; and in a degree p^uliar
to itself among the arts, it is useful to mankind. These are the
suflftcient justifications for any young man or woman who adopts
it as the business of his life. 1 shall not say much about the
wages. A writer can live by his writing. If not so luxuriously
as by other trades, then less luxuriously. The nature of the
work he does all day will more affect his happiness than the
quality of his dinner at night. Whatever be your calling, and
however much it brings you in the year, you could still, you
know, get more by cheating. We all suffer ourselves to be too
much concerned about a little poverty; but such considerations
should not move us in the choice of that which is to be the bus-
iness and justification of so great a portion of our lives; and like
the missionary, the patriot, or the philosopher, we should all
choose that poor and brave career in which we can do the most
and best for mankind. Now nature, faithfully followed, proves
herself a careful mother. A lad, for some liking to the jingle of
■•vords, betakes himself to letters for his life ; by and by, when he
t. PROFESSION OF LETTERS. 179
learns more gravity, he finds that he has chosen better than he
knew; that if he earns little, he is earning it amply; that if he
receives a small wage, he is in a position to do considerable ser-
vices ; that it is in his power, in some small measure, to protect
the oppressed and to defend the truth. So kindly is the world
arranged, such great profit may arise from a small degree of
human reliance on oneself, and such in particular is the happy
star of this trade of writing, that it should combine pleasure
and pi'ofit to both parties, and be at once agreeable, like fiddling,
and useful, like good preaching.
This is to speak of literature at its highest ; and with the four
, great elders who are^ still spared to our respect and admiration,
with Carlyle, Ruskin, Browning, and Tennyson before us, it
would be cowardly to consider it at first in any lesser aspect.*
But while we cannot follow these athletes, while we may none
of us, perhaps, be very vigorous, very original, or very wise, I
still contend that, in the humblest sort of literary work, we have
it in our power either to do great harm or great good. We may
seek merely to please ; we may seek, having no higher gift,
merely to gratify the idle nine-days* curiosity of our contempo-
raries ; or we may essay, however feebly, to instruct. In each of
these we shall have to deal with that remarkable art of words
which, because it is the dialect of life, comes home so easily and
powerfully to the minds of men ; and since that is so, we con-
tribute, in each of these branches, to build up the sum of senti-
ments and appreciations which goes by the name of Public
Opinion or Public Feeling. The total of a nation's reading, in
these days of daily papers, greatly modifies the total of the
nation's speech ; and the speech and reading, taken together,
form the efficient educational medium of youth. A good man
or woman may keep a youth some little while in clearer air ;
but the contemporary atmosphere is all powerful in the end on
the average of mediocre characters. The copious Corinthian
* Since this article was written, only three of these remain. But the other, being
dead, yet.^>eaketh.
l80 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
baseness of the American reporter or the Parisian chroiiiqueur,
both so lightly readable, must exercise an incalculable influence
for ill ; they touch upon all subjects, and on all with the same
ungenerous hand ; they begin the consideration of all, in young
and unprepared minds, in an unworthy spirit ; on all they sup-
ply some pungency for dull people to quote. The mere body of
this ugly matter overwhelms the rarer utterances of good men ;
the sneering, the selfish, and the cowardly are scattered in broad
sheets on every table, while the antidote, in small volumes, lies
unread upon the shelf. I have spoken of the American and the
French, not because they are so much baser, but so much more
readable than the English ; their evil is done more effectively,
in America for the masses, in French for the few that care to
read ; but with us as with them, the duties of literature are daily-
neglected, truth daily perverted and suppressed, and grave sub-
jects daily degraded in the treatment. The journalist is not
reckoned an important officer ; yet judge of the good he might
do, the harm he. does; judge of it by one instance only: that
when we find two journals on the reverse sides of politics each
on the same day openly garbling a piece of news for the interest
of its own party, we smile at the discovery (no discovery now!)
as over a good joke arid pardonable stratagem. Lying so open ^
is scarce lying, it is true ; but one of the things that we profess
to teach our young is a respect for truth; and I cannot think
this piece of education will be crowned with any great success,
so long as some of us practice and the rest openly approve of
public falsehood.
There are two duties incumbent upon any man who enters
on the business of writing : truth to the fact and a good spirit
in the treatment. In every department of literature, though so
low as hardly to deserve the name, truth to the fact is of im-
portance to the education and comfort of mankind, and so hard
to preserve, that the faithful trying to do so will lend some dig-
nity to the man who tries it. Our judgments are based upon
two things : first, upon the original preferences of our soul ; but.
PROFESSION OF LETTERS, iSl '
second, upon the mass of testimony to the nature of God, man,
and the universe which reaches us, in divers manners, from
without. For the most part these divers manners are reducible
to one, all that we learn of past times and much that we learn of
our own reaching us through the medium of books or papers,
and even he who cannot read learning^ from the same source at
second hand and by the report of him who can. Thus the sum
of the contemporary knowledge or ignorance of good and evil
is, in large measure, the handiwork of those who write. Those
who write have to see that each man's knowledge is, as near as
they can make it, answerable to the facts of life ; that he shall
not suppose himself an angel or a monster ; nor take this world
for a hell ; nor be suffered to imagine that all rights are con-
centered in his own caste or country, or all veracities in his own
parochial creed. Each man should learn what is within him,
that he may strive to mend ; he must be taught what is without
htm, that he may be kind to others. It can never be wrong to
tell him the truth; for, in his disreputable state, weaving as he
goes his theory of life, steering himself, cheering or reproving
others, all facts are of the first importance to his conduct ; and
even if a fact shall discourage or corrupt him, it is still best
that he should know it ; for it is in this world as it is, and not
in a world made easy by educational suppressions, that he must
win his way to shame or glory. In one word, it must always be
foul to tell what is false ; and it can never be safe to suppress
what is true. The very fact that you omit may be what some-
body was wanting, for one man's meat is another man's poison,
and I have known a person who was cheered by tTKe perusal of
"Candide." Every fact is a part of that great puzzle we must
set together; and none that comes directly in a writer s path but
has some nice relations, unperceivable by him, to the totality
and bearing of the subject under hand. Yet there, are certain
classes of fact eternally more necessary than others, and it is
with these that literature must first bestir itself. They are not
hard to distinguish, nature once more easily leading us ; for the
1 82 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
necessary, because the efficacious, facts are those which are mort
interesting to the natural mind of man. Those which are
colored, picturesque, human, and rooted in morality, and those,
on the other hand, which are clear, indisputable, and a part of
science, are alone vital in jmportance, seizing by their interest,
or useful to communicate. So far as the wtiter merel)' narrates,
he should principally tell of these. He should tell of the kind
and wholesome and beautiful elements of our life ; he should
tel] unsparingly of the evil and sorrow of the present, to move
us with instances ; he shouki tell of wise and good people in the
past* to excite us by example ; and of these he should tell soberly-
and truthfully, not glossing faults, that we may neither grow
discouraged with ourselves nor exacting to our neighbors. So
the body of contemporary literature, ephemeral and feeble in
itself, touches in the minds of men the springs of thought and
kindness, and supports them (for those who will go at all are
easily supported) on their way to what is true and right. And
if, in any degree, it does so now, how much more might it do so
if the writers chose ! There is not a life in all the records of the
past but, properly studied, might lend a hint and a help to some
contemporary. There is not a. juncture in to-day's affairs but
some useful word may yet be said of it. Even the reporter has
an office, and, with clear eyes and honest language, may unveil
injustices and point the way to progress. And for a last word :
in all narration there is only one way to be clever, and that is to
be exact. To be vivid is a secondary quality which must pre-
suppose the first ; for vividly to convey a wrong impression is
only to make failure conspicuous.
But a fact may be viewed on many sides ; it may be chronicled
with rage, tears, laughter, indifference, or admiration, and by
each of these the story will be transformed to something else.
The newspapers that told of the return of our representatives
from Berlin, even if they had not differed as to the facts, would
have sufficiently differed by their spirit ; so that the one descrip-
tion would have been a second ovation, and the other a pro-
' PROFESSION OF LETTERS, I83
loaged insult. The subject makes but a trifling part of any piece
of literature, and the view of the writer is itself a fact more im-
portant because less disputable than the others. Now this spirit
in which a subject is regarded, important in all kinds of literary
work, becomes all important in works of fiction, meditation, or
rhapsody J for there it not only colors but itself chooses the
facts ; not only modifies but shapes the work. And hence, over
the far larger proportion of the field of literature, the health or
disease 6f the writer's mind or momentary humor forms not
only the leading feature of his work,, but is, at bottom, the only
thing he can communicate to others. In all works of art, widely
speaking, it is first of all the author's attitude that is narrated^
though in the attitude there be implied a whole experience and
a theory of life. An author who has begged the question and
reposes in some narrow faith» cannot,^if he would, express the
whole or even many of the sides of this various existence ; for
his own life being maim, some of them are not admitted in his
theory, and were only dimly and unwillingly recognized in his
experience. Hence the smallness, the triteness, and the inhu-
manity in works of merely sectarian religion ; and hence we find
equal although unsimilar limitations in works inspired by the
spirit of the flesh or the despicable taste for high society. So
that the first duty of any man who is to write is intellectual.
Designedly or not, he has so far set himself up for a leader of
the minds of men ; and he must see that his own mind is kept
supple, charitable, and bright. Everything but prejudice should
find a, voice through him ; he should see the good in all things;
where he has even a fear that he does not wholly understand,
there he should be wholly silent ; and he should recognize from
the first that he has only one tool in his workshop, and that tool
is sympathy.*
* A foot-note, at least, is due to the admirable example set before all young writers
m the width of literary sympathy displayed by Mr. Swinburne. He runs forth to
welcome merit, whether in Dickens or Trollopc, whether in Villon, Milton, or Pope.
This is, in criticism, the attitude we should all seek to preserve, not only in that, but
m every branch of literary \rork.
184 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
The second duty, far harder to define, is moral. There are a
thousand different humors in the mind, and about each of them,
when it is uppet-most, some literature tends to be deposited. Is
this to be allowed ? not certainly in every case, and yet perhaps
in more than rigorists would fancy. It were to be desired that
all literary work, and chiefly works of art, issued from sound,
human, healthy, and potent impulses, whether grave or laugh-
ing, humorous, romantic, or religious. Yet it cannot be denied
that some valuable books are partially insane ; some, mostly
religious, partially inhuman ; and very many tainted with mor-
bidity and impotence. We do not loathe a masterpiece although
we gird against its blemishes. We are not, above all, to look
for faults but merits. There is no book perfect, even in design ;
but there are many that will delight, irnpfove, or encourage the
reader. On the one hand, the Hebrew I^salms are the only
religious poetry on earth ; yet they contain sallies that savor
rankly of the man of blood. On the other hand, Alfred de
Musset had a poisoned and a contorted nature; I am only-
quoting that generous and frivolous giaiit, old Dumas,' when I
acfcuse him of a bad heart ; yet, when the impulse under which
he wrote was purely creative, he Could give us works like " Car-
mosine" or " Fantasio." In'wliich the lost llote of the romantic
comedy seems to have been found again to touch and please us.
When Flaubert wrote " Madame BoVary," I believe he thought
chiefly of a somewhat morbid realism ; and behold f the t>ook
turned in his hands into a masterpiece of appalling morality.
But the truth is. when books are conceived under a great stress,
with a soul of nine-fold power nine times heated and electrified
by effort, the conditions of our being are seized with such an
ample grasp, that, even should the main design be trivial or
base, some truth and beauty cannot fail to be expressed. Out
of the strong comes forth sweetness ; but an ill thing poorly
done is an ill thing top and bottom. And §o this can be no
encouragement to knock-kneed, feeble-wristed scribes, who
PROFESSION OF LETTERS, 1 85
must take their business conscientiously or be ashamed to prac-
tice it.
Man- is imp)erfect; ye^ in his literature he must express him-
self and his own views and preferences ; for to do anything else
is to do a far more ^perilous thing than to risk being immoral :
it is to be sure of being untrue. To ape a sentiment, even a
good one, is to travesty a sentiment ; that will not be helpful.
To conceal a sentiment, if you are sure you hold it, is to take a
liberty with truth. There is probably no point of view possible
to a sane man but contains some truth and, in the true connec-
tion, might be profitable to the race. I am not afraid of the
truth, if any one could tell it me, but I am afraid of parts of it
impertinently uttered. ^ There is a time to dance and a time to
mourn ; to be harsh as well as to be sentimental ; to be ascetic as
well as to glorify the appetites ; and if a man were to combine all
these extremes into his work, each in its place and proportion,
that work would be the world's masterpiece of morality as well
as of art. Partiality is immorality ; for any book is wrong that
gives a misleading picture of the world and life. The trouble is
that the weakling must be partial; the work of one proving
dank and depressing; of another, cheap and vulgar; of a third,
epileptically sensual ; of a fourth, sourly ascetic. In literature,
as in conduct, you can never hope to do exactly right. All you
can do is to make as sure as possible ; and for that there is but
one rule. Nothing should be done in a hurry that can be done
slowly. It is no use to write a book and put it by for nine or
even ninety years ; for in the writing you will have partly con-
vinced yourself; the delay must precede any beginning ; and if
you meditate a work of art, you should first long roll the sub-
ject under the tongue to make sure you like the flavor, before
you brew a volume that shall taste of it from end to end ; or if
you propose to enter on the field of controversy, you should first
have thought upon the question under all conditions, in health
as well as in sickness, in sorrow as well as in joy. It is this
1 86 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, ^ '
nearness of examination necessary for any true and kind writing,
that makes the practice of the art a prolonged and noble educa-
tion fpr the writer.
There is plenty to do, plenty to say, or to say over again, in
the meantime. Any literary work which conveys faithful facts
or pleasing impressions is a service to the public. It is even a
service to be thankfully proud of having rendered. The slightest
novels are a blessing to those in distress, not chloroform itself a
greater. Our fine old sea-captain's life was justified when Car-
lyle soothed his mind with "The King's Own" or "Newton
Forster." To please is to serve ; and so far from its being diffi-
cult to instruct while you amuse, it is difficult to do the one
thoroughly without the other. Some part of the writer or his
life will crop out in even a vapid book ; and to read a novel that
' was conceived with any force, is to multiply experience and to
exercise the sympathies. Every article, every piece of verse,
every essay, every entre-filet, is destined to pass, however
swiftly, through the minds of some portion of the public and to
color, however transiently, their thoughts. When any subject
falls to be discussed, some scribbler on a paper has the invalu-
able opportunity of beginning its discussion in a dignified and
human spirit ; and if there were enough who did so in our public
press, neither the public nor the parliament would find it in their
minds to drop to meaner thoughts. The writer has the chance
to stumble, by the way, on something pleasing, something inter-
esting, something encouraging, were it only- to a single reader.
He will be unfortunate, indeed, if he suit no one. He has the
chance, besides, to stumble on something that a dull person
shall be able to comprehend ; and for a dull person to have read
anything and, for that once, comprehended it, makes a marking
epoch in his education.
Here then is work worth doing and worth trying to do well.
And so, if I were minded to welcome any great accession to our
trade, it should not be from any reason of a higher wage, but
because it was a trade which was useful in a very great and in a
i
THOMAS CARLYLE, 1 8/
very high degree; which every honest tradesman could make
more serviceable to mankind in his single strength ; which was
difficult to do well and possible to do better every year; which
called for scrupulous thought on the part of all who practiced it,
and hence became a perpetual education to their nobler natures ;
and which, pay it as you please, in the large majority of the best
cases will still be underpaid. For surely, at this time of day in
the nineteenth century, there is nothing that an honest man
should fear more timorously than getting and spending more
than he deserves.
Robert Louis Stevenson, in The Fortnightly Review.
THOMAS CARLYLE.
Those who from however great a distance have shared in the
long vigil held in that ** little house at Chelsea," of which so
much has been heard and said in recent days, must have felt it
something like a. personal relief and solemn satisfaction when
the last bonds were loosened, and the old man, so weary and
worn with living, was delivered from his earthly troubles. *' They
will not understand that it's death I want/' he said one of the
last times I saw him. He said the same thing to all his visitors.
As he sat, gaunt and tremulpus, in the middle of the quiet,
graceful little room, with still a faint perfume about it of his wife
and her ways, still so like himself, talking in the cadenced and
rhythmic tones of his native dialect, which suited so well the
natural form of his diction, with now and then an abrupt out-
burst of that broken laugh which is so often only another form
of weeping,-weariness had entered into his soul. Great weak-
ness was no doubt one of its chief causes ; but also the loneli-
ness of the heart, the solitude of one whose companion had gone
from his side, and who, though surrounded by tender friends
l88 . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
and loving service, had no one of the primary relationships left
to him, nothing of his very own still remaining out of the wrecks
of life. His course was over years ago — nothing left for him
to do, no reason for living except the fact that he was left thercfj
and could do no other. It is scarcely too much to say that the
whole nation, in which nevertheless there are so many to whom
he was but a name, attended him, with uncovered head, and
unfeigned reverence, to the little churchyard in Annandale where
he is gathered to his fathers. No one now living perhaps, apart
from the warmer passion of politics, on the' ground of mere liter-
ary- fame, would call forth so universal a recogriition — certainly
no one whose voice had been silent and his visible presence
departed for so long before the actual ending of his pilgrimage*
It is possible that any disturbance so soon of the religious
calm and subduing influence of that last scene would have
seemed harsh and unseasonable ; but there is more than any mere
sentimental objection to the immediate awakening of contend-
ing voices over the Master's grave, in the feeling with which we
regard the book which has been so hurriedly placed in our
handsr— the last utterance of the last prophet and sage, what
should have been the legacy of ripest wisdom, and calm at least,
if not benignant philosophy. That Carlyle was not one who
regarded contemporary progress with satisfaction, or had any
optimist views about the improvement of the world, we were all
well aware. But never had his great spirit stooped to individ-
ual contention, to anything that could be called unkindness; and
we had no reason to expect that any honest and friendly con-
temporary on opening this posthumous record should receive a
sting. But now the book, so long mysteriously talked of, and
to which we have looked as, when it should come, one of the
most touching and impressive of utterances, has burst upon the
world like a missile, an angry meteor, rather than with the' still
shl tii njT as of a star in the firmament which we had looked for. The
effect would scarcely have been more astonishing if, after having
'■^id down that noble and mournful figure to his everlasting rest,
\ .::^
THOMAS CARLYLE, 1 89
he had risen again to pour forth an outburst of angry words
upon us. Had we been less near the solemn conclusion, per-
haps the shock and surprise would have been less painful ; and it
is possible, as some one says, that " a hundred years hence peo-
ple will read it with the same interest." But this has little to do
with the immediate question, which is that this record of so
much of his life reveals to us a far less impressive and dignified
personality than that which — in the reverential myths and
legends of the gods of which Carlyle in his old age has been so
long the subject — his generation has attributed to him. It is
hard to contend against the evidence supplied by his own hand,
and it will be very difficult to convince the world that we who
think differently of him knew better than himself. Neverthe-
less, there will no doubt be many eager to undertake this for-
lorn hope, and vindicate the character he has aspersed. .
It is scarcely possible that there should not be an outcry of
derision at such an idea. Who, the reader will say, could know
him so well as himself.^ — which is unanswerable, yet a fallacy, so
far as I can judge. No one has ever set a historical figure so viv-
idly before us, with dauntless acceptance of its difficulties, and
bold and strong presentment of an individual, be he the real
Cromwell or Frederick or not, yet an actual and living Some-
body not unworthy (if not perhaps too worthy) of the name.
But in this latest work of all, where lie has to deal not with
historical figfures but with those nearest and most dear to
himself, I venture to think, with respect, that Carlyle has failed,
not only in the drawing of himself (made in one sad and fevered
mood) but also of those in whom he was most deeply interested
and ought to have known best. Nothing can prove more cu-
riously the inadequacy of personal impressions and highly
wrought feeling to reach that truth of portraiture which the
hand of an unconcerned spectator will sometimes lightly attain.
The only figure in this strange and unhappy book which has
real life in it, and stands detached all round from the troubled
background, is that of the man who was least to the writer of
IQd THE LIBRAE V MA GAZINE.
all the group, most unlike him, the vivacious, clear-heacled, suc-
cessful, and brilliant Jeffrey, a man in respect to whom there
was no passionate feeling in his mind, neither love, nor com-
punction, nor indignant sympathy, nor tender self-identification.
The sketch of James Carlyle, which for some time has been
talked about in literary circles, with bated breath, and which
critics in general, confused and doubtful of their own opinion,
have turned to as the one thing exquisite in these reminiscences,
is after all not a portrait but a panegyric — a strange outpouring
of love and grief, in which the writer seems half to chant his
own funeral oration with that of his father, and enters into every
particular of character with such a sense of sharing it, and into
the valley and shadow of death with such a reflection of solem-
nity and awe and the mystery of departure upon his own head,
thai our interest is awakened much more strongly for him, than
by any distinct perception we have of his predecessor. It is
impossible not to be touched and impressed by this duality of
being, this tremulous solemn absorption of self in the shadowy-
resemblance ; but the real man whom we are supposed to be
contemplating, shapes very confusedly through those mists.
This sketch, too, was made in the immediate shock of loss, while
yet the relations of the dead to ourselves are most clear, strength-
ened rather than diminished by their withdrawal out of our sight.
At such a moment it would be strange indeed if the light were
clear enough and the hand steady enough to give due firmness
to the outline. That good craftsman, that noble peasant, looms
out of those mists a hero and prophet like those reflections upon
the mountains which turn a common figure into that of a giant.
A tear is as effectual in this way as all the vapors of the Alps.
LooTcing back through this haze it is no wonder that the gifted
son with all the reverential recollections of his childhood roused
and quickened, should see the figures of his kindred and ances*
tors, his father chief of all, like patriarchs in the country which
in his consciousness had produced nothing nobler. "They were
«>mong the best and truest men (perhaps the very best) in their
THOMAS CARLYLE. I9I
district and craft," they were men of "evidently rather peculiar
endowmeat." The father was "one of the most interesting men
I have ever known," " the pleasantest man I had to speak with
in all Scotland," " a man of perhaps the very largest natural
endowment of any it has been my lot to converse with."
All this is very touching to read ; and it is infinitely interest-
ing and fine to see a man so gifted, whose genius has given him
access out of the lowliest to the highest class of his contempora-
ries, thus turning back with grateful admiration and love to the
humble yet noble stock from which he sprang. But with all
this it is not a portrait, nor are we much thewi^er as to the indi-
vidual portrayed. " I call him a natural man, singularly free
from all manner of affectation," Carlyle proceeds, as if the chil-
dren and the friends were all met together to render honor to the
dead,and could respond out of their own experience with emphatic
" Ayes !" with sympathetic shakings of the head, " he was among
the best of the true men which Scotland on the old system pro-
duced or can produce ; a man liealthy in body and mind, fearing
God and diligently working on God's earth with contented hope
and unwearied resolution." It is an eloquent eloge, like those
which in France are pronounced over the grave in the hearing
of friends specially qualified to assent, and to confirm the truth.
But at the very highest that can be said of it this is description
merely, and James Carlyle never stands before us — let us not
say as Cromwell does, but even like Father Andreas in " Sartor
Resartus," who was partly, no doubt, drawn from him, and who
with half the pains comes out before us a veritable man.*
♦ The diflference between this descriptive treatment and distinct portraiture could
scarcely be better shown than by the following delightful story recalled to me by a
noble lady, an older friend than myself, as told by Mrs. Carlyle of her father-in-law.
When they met after her marriage, she offered him a filial kiss, which the old man
felt to be too great an honor. *' Na, na, Mistress Jean," he said, too respectful of
his son's lady-wife to call her bluntly by her Christian name, " I'm no fit to kiss the '
like of you.'*— *' Hoot, James," his wife cried, distrecsed by the rudeness, though
not without her share in the feeling, ** you'll no refuse her when it's her pleasure."
•* Na, na," repeated old Carlyle, softly putting away the pretty young gentlewoman
irith his hand. He disappeared for some time after this, then returned, clean-
192 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
This IS true also I think, with the exception already noted, of
all we have in these volumes. There are facts and incidents
which no man but he could have reported — some of great inter-
est, some, as was inevitable, of no interest at all — but he whose
power of pictorial representation was so great, has not been able
to make either his dear friend or dearest wife a living image to
our eyes. For this purpose, an imagination not limited by de-
tails so well remembered, a mind more free, a heart less deeply
engaged was necessary. It is not in nature that we should look
upon the figures which walk by our side through life, and share
every variety of our existence, as we behold others more distant.
Carlyle had neither the cold blood nor the deliberate purpose
which would have made such a piece of intellectual vivisection
possible. Goethe could do it, but not the enthusiast who fixed
his worship upon that heathen demi-god, the being of all others
most unlike himself in all the lists of fame. It is hard to under-
stand why Carlyle took Irving in hand at all. It was in the heat
and urgency of troubled thoughts, when his wife's death had
stirred up all the ancient depths, and carried him back to his
youth and all his associations : and many a beautiful stretch of
that youth, of walks and talks, of poetic wanderings, of dreams
and musings which we should have been sorry to lose, is to be
found in the long and discursive chapter of recollections v/hich
he has inscribed with his friend's name ;' but of Irving little, not
much more than a silhouette of him, dark against the clear back-
ground of those spring skies. It may perhaps be supposed that
I am scarcely likely to touch upon this subject without bias ;
but I do not think there was the slightest unwillingness in my
mind to receive a new light upon it, nor any anticipation of hos-
tility in the eagerness with which I turned over those pages
shaven and in his best Sunday clothes, blue coat, most likely with metal buttons,
and all his rustic bravery, and approached her with a smile. *' If you'll give me a
kiss now !'* he said.
Could there be a more delightful instance of the most chivalrous delicacy of feeK
-^ ? It is worth a whole volume of panegyric.
L.
THOMAS CARLYLE. I93
coming from the hand of a beloved Master, as much nearer to
Edward Irving as he was superior to any of us. But here, save
by glimpses, and those mostly of the silhouette kind as has been
said, is no Irving. There is but a vague 'comrade of Carlyle's
youth, mostly seen on his outer side, little revealing any passion,
prophetic or otherwise, in him, a genial stalwart companion, of
whom the writer is unwilling to allow even so much as that the
li^ht which led him astray was light from heaven. And yet it is
with no petty intention of pulling down from its elevation the
figure of his friend that this is done, but rather to vindicate him
as far as possible from the folly with which he threw himself into
what was nothing but wretched imposture and hysterical shriek-
ing and noise to the other. Rather that it should be made out
to be mere excitement, the ever-quickening tide of a current
from, which the victim could not escape, than that any possibil-
ity of consideration should be awarded to those strange spiritual
influences which swayed him. But not to enter into this ques-
tion, upon which it wac natural that there should be no mutual
comprehension between the friends, we think the reader will
make very little of the man who occupies nominally the greater
part of one of these volumes. His open-air aspect, his happy
advent when became on his early visits to Annandale, giving to
Carlyle delightsome openings out of his little farm-house circle,
aflford a succession of breezy sketches ; and we see with pleasure
the two young men strolling along "the three miles down that
bonny river s bank, no sound but our own voices amid the lul-
laby of waters and the twittering of birds ;'* or sitting together
among the " peat-hags" of Drumclog Moss " under the silent
bright skies." All these are pictures " pretty to see," as Carlyle
says. But there is no growing of acquaintance with this big
friendly figure, and when we see him in London, always against
a background more distinct than himself, though no longer now
of " bright silent skies," but of hot interiors full of crowding
faces, mostly (alas for the careless record made in an unhappy
monient !) represented as of the 'ignoble sort — it is less and less
L. M. 8.-7
194 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
possible to identify him, or make out, except that he is always
true and noble, amid every kind of pettiness and social vxilgar-
ity, what manner of man he was. This difficulty is increased by
the continual crossing and re-crossing of Carlyle himself over
the space nominally consecrated to Irving, sometimes strikirjg
him out altogether, and always throwing him back so that even
the silhouette fails us. Had he lived a hundred years earlier
the historian perhaps would have been no more tolerant of the
Tongues or the miracles: but he would have picked out of the ,
manifold ravings of the time, however dreary or unintelligible,
such a picture of the heroic and stainless soul deceived, as should
have moved us to the depths of our heart : perhaps thrown some
new light upon spiritual phenomena ever recurring, whether as
a delusion of the devil, or a mortal mistake and blunder ; at least
have set the prophet before us in a flood of illumination, of rev-
erence, and compunction and tenderness.
But this gift which has made Abbot Sampson one of our
dearest friends, stands us in no stead with the man who stood
by the writer's elbow, whose breath was on his cheek, who was
the friend and companion of his early years. Strange! and yet
so natural, that we have only to inte-rogate ourselves to under-
stand such a disability. He knew his friend far too well to know
him at all in this way. He was not indifferent enough to per-
ceive the tendencies of his being or the workings of his mind.
These tendencies moved him, not to calm observation, but to hot
opposition and pain, and anxious thought of the results — to the
anger and the impatience of affection, not to the tolerance and
even creative enjoyment of the poet who tinds so noble a subject
ready to his hand.
In a very different fashion which is yet the same, the prolonged
sketch of his wife, which almost fills one volume, and more or less
runs through both, will fail to give to the general reader any idea
of a very remarkable woman full of character and genius. This
memoir shares the ineffectiveness of the others, and labors under
the same disadvantages, with this additional, that his " dearest
THOMAS CARLYLE. I9S
and beautifulest;*' his " little darling," his " bonnie little woman/'
continues always young to him, more or less surrounded with
the love-halo of. their youth, a light which, after the rude tear
and wear of the world which they both went through, it is hard
to understand as existing thus unmodified either in his eyes or
about her remarkable and most individual person. To many of
those who loved her tfiere must be a painful want of harmony
between the woman they knew, not old because of her force and
endless energy, but worn into the wrinkles and sparenessof age,
with her swift caustic wit, her relentless insight, and potent
humor — and all those gentle epithets of tenderness, and the
pretty air of a domestic idol, a wife always enshrined and beau-
tiful which surrounds her in these pages. That such was her
aspect to him wd learn with thankfulness for her sake ; though
it is very doubtful how far she realized that it was so ; but this
was not her ouside aspect, and I shrink a little, as if failing of
respect to so dear and fine a memory, when I read out the sen-
tences in which she appears, though with endless tributes of love
and praise, as the nimble, sprightly, dauntless, almost girlish fig-
ure, which she seems to have always appeared to him. It must
be added that a strong compunction runs through the tale, per-
haps not stronger than the natural compunction with which we
all remember the things we have left unsaid, the thanks un ren-
dered, the tenderness withheld, as soon as the time has come
when we can show our tenderness no longer; but which may
make many believe, and some say, that Carlyle's thousand expres-
sions of fondness were a remorseful make up for actual neglect.
I am not one of those who think so ; but it would be natural
enough. That he had any intention of neglect, or that his heart
ever strayed from her, I am very little disposed to believe; but
there were circumstances in their life which to him. the man,
were very light; but to her were not without their bitterness,
little appreciated or understood by him.
Here is one case for instance. " We went pretty often, I think
I myself far the* oftener, as usual in such cases my loyal little
Ig6 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE^,
darling taking no manner of offense not to participate^ in my lion-
ings, but behaving like the royal soul she was, I duUard egoist,
taking no special recognition of such nobleness." She " took no
manner of otfense," was far too noble and genuine to take offense.
Yet with a little humorous twitch at the corner of her eloquent
^outh would tell sometimes of the fine people who left hct out
in their invitations as the great man's insignificant wife, with a
keen mot which told of individual iceling not extinguished,
though entirely repressible and under her command. And Car-
lyle did what most men-r-what almost every human creature does
when attended by such a ministry in life as hers; accepted the
service and sacrifice of all her faculties which she made to him,
with, at the bottom, a real understanding and appreciation no
doubt, but, on the surface, a calm ease of acquiescence as if it had
been the most natural thing in the world. She for her part — let
us not be misunderstood jn saying so — contemplated him, her
great companion in life, with a certain humorous curiosity not
untinged with affectionate contempt and wonder that a creature
so big should be at the same time so little, such agrant and com-
manding genius with all the same so many babyish weaknesses
for which she liked him all the better ! Women very often, more
often than not, do regard their heroes so, — admiration and the
confidence of knowledge superior to that of any one else of their
power and bright qualities, permitting this tender contempt for
those vagaries of the wise andfollies of the strong. To sec what
he will do next, the big blundering male creature, unconscious
entirely of that fine scrutiny, malin but tender, which sees
through and through him, is a constant suppressed interest
which gives piquancy to life, and this Carlyle's wife took her
full enjoyment of. He was never in the least conscious of it. I
believe few of its subjects are. Thus she would speak of The
Valley of the Shadow of Frederick in her letters, and of how the
results of a bad day's work would become apparent in the shape
of a gloomy apparition, brow lowering, mouth shut tight, cram-
ming down upon the fire, not a word said — at least till after this
f
THOMAS CARLYLE, 197
burnt-offering, the blurred sheets of unsuccessful work. Never
a little incident she told but the listener could see it, so graphic,
so wonderful was her gift of narrative. It did not matter what
was the subject, whether that gaunt figure in the gray coat,
stalking silently in, to consume on her fire the day's work which
displeased him, or the cocks and hens which a magnanimous
neighbor sacrificed to the rest of the Sage ; whether it was the
wonderful ^tory of a, maid-of-all-work, most accomplished of
waiting^maidens, which kept the hearer breathless, or the turn-
ing outside in of a famed philosopher. Scherazade was nothing
to this brilliant story-teller; for the Sultana required the aid of
wonderful incident and romantic adventure, whereas this mod-
em gentlewoman needed nothing but life, of which she was so
profound and Ainpretending a student. I have never known a
gift like hers,' except far off in the person of another Scotch gen-
tlewoman, unknown to fame, of whom I have been used to say
that I remembered the incidents of her youth far more vividly
than my own.
The story of the cocks and hens above referred to is a very
good illustration both of the narrator and her gift, though Ican-
njot pretend to give it the high dramatic completeness, the lively
comic force of the original. There is another incident of a similar
character mentioned in these" Reminiscences," when the heroic
remedy of renting the house next door in order to get rid of the
fowls was seriously thought of. But, in the case which she used
to tell, there were serious complications. The owners of the
poultry were women, — alas, not of a kind to be recognized as
neighbors. How it came about that members of this unfortu-
nate class should have domiciled themselves next door to the
severe philosopher in the blameless atmosphere of Cheyne Row
I cannot tell ; but there they were, in full possession. Nor do I
remember how they discovered that Mr. Carlyle's rest, always
so precarious, was rendered altogether impossible by the inhabit-
ants of their little fowl -house. When, however, a night or two
of torture had driven the household frantic, this intelligence was
198 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
^omebow conveyed to the dwellers next door ; and the most vir-
tuous of neighbors could not have behaved more nobly. That
very evening a cab drove up to the door, and, all the inhabitants
crowding to the w^indows to see the exodus — a cackling and
frightened procession of fowls was driven, coaxed, and carried
into it, and sent away with acclamations. Mrs. Carlyle pondered
for some time what to do, but finally decided that it was her
duty to call and thank the author of this magnanimous sacrifice.
Entirely fearless of remark by nature, past the age, and never of
the temperament to be alarmed by any idea of indecorum, she
was also, it must be allowed, a little curious about these extra-
ordinary neighbors. She found a person noted among her kind,
a bright and capable creature, as she described her, with sleeves
rolled up on her round arms making a pie ! almost, one would
have said, a voucher of respectability: who accepted her thanks
with simplicity, and showed no alarm at the sight of her. It was
characteristic that any thought of missionary usefulness, of per-
suading the cheerful and handsome sinner to abandon her evil
life, never seems for a moment to have suggested itself. Was it
something of that disgust with thehollownessof the respectable,
and indignant sense of the depths that underlie society, and are
glossed over by all decorous chroniclers, which appears in every-
thing her husband wrote, that produced this strange impartiality ?
It would be hard to say ; but she was a much closer student of
actual life than he, and \vith a scorn beyond words for impurity.*
which to her was the most impossible thing in life, had sufficient
experience of its existence elsewhere to give her something of a
cynical indifference to this more honest turpitude. She went
with no intention of judging or criticising, but with a frank grat-
itude for service done, and (it cannot be denied) a little curiosity,
* I have been told a most characteristic anecdote on this point : how returning
one evening alone from a friend's house, in her dauntless way, she was accosted,
being then ia young and pretty woman, by some man in the street. She looked at
him with, one can well imagine what immeasurable scorn, uttered the one vofii
*♦ Idiot ! " and went upon her way. . '
THOMAS CAKLYLL, ^ 1 99
t6 se^ hdw life under such circumstances was made possible.
And there must have been perceptions (as the visitor perceived)
in the other woman ; she showed her gratitude for this human
treatment of her by taking herself and her household off instantly
into more congenial haunts.
Even this incident, so small as it is, will show hew little in her
characteristic force such a woman is represented by Carlylc's
compunctious, tender apostrophes to his "little darling." The
newspaper tributes to his ** gentle wife." and the " feminine soft-
ness" which she shed about him, which abounded at the time
other death, struck me with a sort of scorn and pain as more
absurdly conventional and fictitious, in reference to her, than any
blind panegyrics I had ever heard — the sort of adjectives which
are applied indiscriminately, whether the subject of them is a
heroic Alcestis or a mild housewife. It was to the former, rather
. than the latter, character that Mrs. Carlylc belonged, notwith-
standing the careful orderliness of which her husband was so
proud — ^the gracefulness and fitness with which she made her
home beautiful, of which he brags with many a tender repetition :
and that fine gift of household economy which carried them
safe through all their days of struggle. Her endless energy,
vivacity, and self-control, her mastery over circumstances, and ,
undaunted acceptance for her own part in life of that min-
gled office of protector and dependent, which to a woman con-
scious of so many powers must have been sometimes bitter if
sometimes also sweet — it is perhaps beyond the power of words
to set fully forth. It is a position less uncommon than people
are aware of ; and the usual jargon about gentle wives and fem-
inine influences is ludicrously inapplicable in cases where the
strongest of qualities and the utmost force of character are called
into play. Equally inadequate, but far more touching, are those
prolonged maunderings (forgive, O Master revered and vener-
able, yet foolish too in your greatness as the rest of us.*) of her
distracted and desolate husband over his Jeanie, which one loves
him the better for having poured forth in sacred grief and soli-
200 \ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
tude, like heaped up baskets of flowers, never too many or too
sweet, over her grave, but which never should have been pro-
duced to the common eye by way of showing other generations
and strange circles what this woman was. It will never now in
all likelihood be known what she was, unless her letters, which
we are promised, and the clearer sight of Mr. Carlyle's biographer
accomplish it for us — a hope which would have been almost cer-
tainty but for this publication, which makes us tremble lest Mr.
Froude should have breathed so long the same atmosphere as
the great man departed, to whom he has rfcted the part of the
best of sons— as to blunt his power of judgment, and the critical
perception, which in such a case is the highest proof of love.
Doubtless he felt Carlyle's own utterances too sacred to tainper
with. We can only with all our hearts regret the natural but
unfortunate superstition.
It has been said that these " Reminiscences" are^full of com-
punction. Here is one of the most distinct examples of the
husband's inadvertence — so common, so daily recurring — an in-
advertence of which we are all guilty, but such as has been sel-
dom recorded with such fullness of after-comprehension and
remorseful sorrow :
'• Her courage, patience, silent heroism '^meanwhile must
often have been immense. Within the last two years or so she
has told me about my talk to her of the Battle of Mollwitz on
those occasions [i.e., the half-hour he spent with her on return-
ing from his walk] while that was on the anvil. She. was lying
on the sofa weak^— but I knew little how weak — and patient,
kind, quiet, and good as ever. After tugging and wriggling
through what inextricable labyrinth and slough of despond I
still remember, it appears I had at last conquered Mollwitz, s*w
it all clear ahead and round me. and took to telling her about i
in my poor bit of joy, night after night. I recollect she answej
little, though kindly always. Privately at that time she
convinced she was dying; dark winter, and such the weig
misery and utter decay of strength, and, night after nigb
THOMAS CARLYLE, ^ 20I
theme to her, Mollwitz f This she owned to me within the last
year or two, which how could I listen to without shame and
abasement ? Nevef in ray pretended superior kind of life have
I done for love of any creature so supreme a kind of thing. It
touches me at this moment with penitence and humiliation, yet
with a kind of soft religious blessedness too."
This and a hundred other endurances of a similar kind had
been her daily use and wont for years, while she too toiled
through the "valley of the shadow of Frederick," her mind
never free of some preoccupation on his account, some expe-
dient to soften to him those thorns of fate with which all crea-
tion wais bristling. She showed me one daj* a skillful arrange-
ment of curtains, made on some long-studied scientific principle
by which " at lasi,t" she had succeeded in shutting out the noises,
yet letting in the air. Thus she stood between him and the
world, between him and all the nameless frets and inconven-
iences of life, and handed on to us the reK:ord of her endurance,
with a humorous turn of each incident as if these were the
amusements of her life. There was always a comic possibility
in them in her hands.
While we are «.bout it we must quote one short description
more, one of those details which only he could have given us,
and which makes the tenderest picture of this half-hour of fire-
side fellowship. Carlyle has been describing his way of work-
ing, his long wrestling "thirteen years and more" with the
"Friedrich affair," his disgusts and difficulties. After his morn-
ing's work and afternoon ride he had an hour's sleep before din-
ner: "but first always came up for half an hour to the drawing-
room and her; where a bright kindly fire was sure to be burn-
ing, candles hardly lit, all in trustful chiar-oscuro, and a spoonful
of brandy in water with a pipe of tobacco (which I had learned
t6 take sitting on the rug with my back to the jamb, and door
n^er so little open, so that all the smoke, if I was careful, went
tip the chimney) this was the one bright portion of my black
day. Oh those evening half-hours, how beautiful and blessed
202 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
they were, not awaiting me now on my home coming I She was
oftenest reclining on the sofa, wearied enough she, too, with her
day's doings and endurings. But her history even of whati«ras
bad had such grace and truth, and spontaneous tinkling mel-
ody of a naturally cheerful and loving heart, that I never any-
where enjoyed the like."
This explains how there used to be sometimes visible reposing
in the corner of the fireplace, in that simple, refined, and gra-
cious little drawing-room so free of any vulgar detail, a long
white clay pipe, of the kind I believe which is called church-
warden. It was g,lw:iys clean and white, and I remember think-
ing it rather pretty than otherwise with its long curved stem,
and bowl unstained by any " color." There was no profanation
in its presence, a thing which could not perhaps be said for the
daintiest of cigarettes; and the rugged philosopher upon the
hearthrug pouring out his record of labors and trpubles, his bat-
tles of Mollwitz, his Dryasdust researches — yet making sure " if
I was careful" that the smoke should go up the chimney and
not disturb the sweetness of her dwelling-place—makes a very
delightful picture. He admired the room, and all her little
decorations and every sign of the perfect lady she was, with an
almost awe of pleasure and pride, in which it was impossible not
to feel his profound sense of the difference which his wife, who
was a gentlewoman, had made in the surroundings of the farm-
er's l5on of Scotsbrig.
My first interview with Mrs. Carlyle was on the subject of
Irving, her first tutor, her early lover, and always her devoted
admirer and friend. To have been beloved by two such men was
no small glory to a woman. She took to me most kindly, some-
thing otj the score of a half imaginary East Lothianism which
she thought she had detected, and which indeed came from no
persanal knowledge of mine, but from an inherited memory of
things and words familiar there. And I shall not easily forget
ths stream of delightful talk upon which we were instantly set
afloat, she with all the skill and ease and natural unte^chabl^
^ THOMAS CARLYLE. JOJ
grace of a born min§trel and improvisatore, flowing forth in
story after story, till there stood before me, as clear as if I saw
it, her own delightful childhood in quiet old-fashioned Hadding-
ton long ago, and the big grand boyish gigantic figure of her
early tutor teaching the fairy creature Latin and logic, and
already learning of her something more penetrating than either.
There were some points about which she was naturally and grace-
fully reticent — about her own love, and the preference which
gradually swept Irving out of her girlish fancy if he had ever
been fully established there, a point on which she left her hearer
in doubt. But there was another sentiment gradually developed
in the tale which gave the said hearer a gleam of amusement
unintended by the narrator, one of those side-lights of self-reve-
lation which even the keenest and clearest intelligence lets slip
— which washer perfectly genuine feminine dislike of the woman
who replaced her in Irving's life, his wife to wh6m he had been
engaged before he met for the second time with the beaotiful
girl grown up to womanhood, who had been his baby pupil and
adoration, and to whom — with escapades of wild passion for
Jane, andwild proposals to fly with her to Greece, if that could
be, or anywhere — he yet was willingly or unwillingly faithful.
This dislike looked to me nothing more than the very natural
and almost universal feminine objection to the woman who has
consoled even a rejected lover. The only wonder was that she
did not herself, so keen and clear as her sight was, so penetrat-
ing and impartial, see the humor of it, as one does so often even
while fully indulging a sentiment so natural, yet so whimsically
absurd. But the extraordinary sequence of this, the proof wh'ch
Carlyle gives of his boundless sympathy with the companion of
his life, by taking up and even exaggerating this excusable aver-
sion of hers, is one of the strangest of mental phenomena. But
for the marriage to which Irving had been so long pledged, it
is "pYobableHhat the philosopher would never have had that
brightest, " beautifullest" of companions ; and yet he could not
forgive the woman who healed the heart which his Jeanif^ bad
204 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
broken \ glorious folly ^rom one point of view, strangest, sharp,
painful prejudice on the other.
All that Carlyle says about his friend's marriage anvi wife is
disagreeable, painful, and fundamentally untrue. He goes out
of the way even to suggest that her father's family "came to no
good" (an utter mistake in fact), and that the excellent man
who married Mrs. Irving's sister was " not over well " married,
an insinuation as completely and. cruelly baseless as ever insin-
uation was. It is no excuse perhaps to allege a prejudice so
whimsical as the ground of imputations so serious, and yet there
is a kind of mortal foolishness about it, which, in such a pair, is
half ludicrous, half pitiful, and which may make the offended
more readily forgive.
Other instances of his curious loyal yet almost prosaic adop-
tion of suggestions, taken evidently from his wife, will readily
be noticed by the judicious reader. There is a remark about a
lady'^ dress, which "must have required daily the fastening of
sixty or eighty pins," unquestionably a bit of harmless satire
upon the exquisite arrangement of the garment in question
flashed forth in rapid talk, and meaning little; but fastening
somehow with its keen little pin-point in the philosopher's seri-
ous memory, to be brought out half a lifetime after, alack ! and
give its wound. It is most strange and pitiful to see those
straws and chips which she dropped unawares thus carefully
gathered and preserved in his memory, to be reproduced with a
kind of pious foolishness in honor of her who would have swept
them all away, had she been here to guard his good name as she
did all her life.
I must say something here about the tone of remark offensive
to so many personally, and painful above measure to all who,
loved or reverenced Carlyle, which is the most astonishing pecu-
liarity of this book. The reader must endeavor to call before
himself the circumstances under which all of it, except tKe
sketch of his father, was written. He had lost the beloved com-
panion whom, as we all do, yet perhaps with more remorse and
THaMAS CARL^LE, 20$
a little more reason than most, he for the first time fully per-
ceived himself never to have done full justice to : he had been
left desolate with every circumstance of misery added which it is
possible to imagine, for she had died while he was absent, while he
was in the midst of oneof the few triumphs of his life, surrounded
by uncongenial noise of applause which he had schooled himself
to take pleasure in, and which he liked too, though he hated it.
It was when he found himsejf thus for the first ti»Tie in the midst
of acclamations which gratified him as signs of appreciation and
esteena long withheld, scarcely looked for in this life, but which
in every nerve of his tingling frame he shrank from — at that
moment of all others, while he bravely endured and enjoyed his
climax of fame, that he was struck to the heart by the one blow
which life had in reserve for him, the only blow which could
strike him to the heart ! How strange, how Qver-appropriate
this end to all the remaining possibilities of existence ! He was
a man in whose mind a morbid tendency to irritation mingled
with everything; and there is no state of mind in which we are
so easily irritated as in grief. If there is indeed **a far-off inter-
est of tears," which we may gather when pain has been dead-
ened, this is seldom felt at the moment save in the gentlest
nature. He was not prostrated as some are. On the contrary,
it is evident that he was roused to that feverish energy of pain
which is the result in some natures of a shock which makes the
whole being reel. And' after the first terrible months at home,
kind friends, as tender of him as if they had been his children,
would not let him alone to sit forlorn in the middle of her room,
as I found him when I .saw him first after 4ier death, talking of
her, telling little broken anecdotes of her, reaching far back into
the forgotten years. They insisted onappl5Mng to him the usual
remedies which in our day are always suggested when life
becomes intolerable. Not to take away that life itself for a time
which.would be the real assuagement, could it be accomplished,
but to take the mourner away into new scenes, to "a thorough
change," to beautiful and unfamiliar places, where it is supposed
ao6 ' THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
the ghdsts of what has been cannot follow him, nor associations
v(ound him. He was taken to Mentone, of all places in the
world, to the deadly-liveliness and quiet, the soft air, and invalid
surroundings of that shelter of the suffer ng. When he came
back he described it to me one day with that sort of impatient
contempt of the place which was natural to a Borderer, as **a
shelf " between the hills and the sea. He had no air to breathe,
no space to move in. All the width and breadth of his own
moorland landscape was involved in the description of that
lovely spot, in its stagnant mildness and monotonous beauty.
He told me how he had roamed under the greenness of the
unnatural trees, "perhaps the saddest," he said with the linger-
ing vowels of his native speech, "of all the sons of Adam."
And, at first alone in his desolate house, and then stranded there
upon that alien shore where everything was so soft and unlike
him in his gaunt and self-devouring- misery, he seized upon the
familiar pen, the instrument of his power, which he had laid
aside after the prolonged effort of ** Frederick," with more or
less idea that it was done with, and rest to be his henceforth,
and poured forth his troubled agony of soul, his restless quick-
ened life, the heart which had no longer a natural outlet close at
hand.
" Perhaps the saddest of all the sons of Adam J" In this short
period, momentary as compared with the time which he took to
his other works, fretted by solitude and by the novelty of sur-
roundings which were so uncongenial, he poured forth, scarcely
knowing what he did, almost the entire bulk of these two vol-
umes, work which would have taken him three or four times as
long to produce had he not been wild with grief, distraught, and
full of somber excitement, seeking in that way a relief to his
corroding thoughts. Let any one who is offended by these
" Reminiscences" think of this. He never looked at the dis-
turbed and unhappy record of this passion again; "did not
know to what I was alluding," when his friend and literary-
executor spoke to him, two years later, of the Irving sketch.
THOMAS CARLYLE. 20/
Miserable in body and mind, his nerves all twisted the wrong
way, his heart rent and torn, full of sorrow, irritation, remorse-
ful feeling, and all the impotent longings of grief, no doubt the
sharpness of those discordant notes, the strokes dealt blindly all
about him, were a kind of bitter relief to the restless misery
of his soul. This is no excuse; there is no excuse to offer for
sharp words, often so petty, always so painful, in many cases
entirely unfounded or mistaken ; but what can be a more evi-
dent proof that they were never meant for the public eye than
Mr. Fronde's "did not know to what I alluded"? He who
would spend an anxious week sometimes (as Mrs. Carlyle often
told) to make sure whether a certain incident happened on the
2 1st or 22d of a month in the Sixteen or Seventeen Hundreds,
it is not credible that he should wittingly dash forth dozens of
unverified statements — statements which, if true, it would be
impossible to verify, which, if untrue, would give boundless pain
— upon the world. And there is nothing of the deliberate pos-
thumous malice of Miss Martineau in the book; there is noth-
ing deliberate in it at all. It is a long and painful musing, self-
recollection, self-relief, which should have been buried with
sacred pity, or burned with sacred fire, all that was unkind of it
— ^and the rest read with reverence and tears.
The first sight I had of him after his wife's death was in her
drawing-room, where while she lived he was little visible, except
in the evening, to chance visitors. The pretty room, a little
faded, what we call old-fashioned, in subdued color which was
certainly not "the fashion" at the time it was furnished, with
the great picture of little Frederick and his sister Wihelmine
filling up one end, was in deadly good order, without any of her
little arrangements of chair or table, and yet was full of her still.
He was seated, not in arty familiar corner, but with the forlorn-
est unaccustomedness, in the middle of it, as if to show by harsh
symbol how entirely all customs were broken for him. He
began to talk 'of her, as of the one subject of which his mind
was full, with a sort of subdued, half-bitter brag of satisfaction
208 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
in the, fact that her choice of him, so troublesome a partner, ^o
poor, had been justified before all men, and herself proved right
after all in her opinion of him which she had upheld against all
objections; from which» curiously enough, his mind passed to
the •' mythical," as he calls it, to those early legends of childhood
which had been told by herself and jotted down by Geraldine
Jewsbury, our dear and vivacious friend now, like both of them,
departed. He told me thereupon the story of the "Dancing-
School Ball " — which the reader will find in the second volun^e
— without rhyme or reason ; nothing had occurred to lead his
mind to a trifle so far away. With that pathetic broken laugh,
and the gleam of restless, feverish pain in his eyes, he began to
tell me of this childish incident ; how she had been carried to
the ball in a clothes-basket, "perhaps the loveliest little fairy
that was on this earth at the time." The contrast of the old
man's already tottering and feeble frame, his weather-beaten, and
worn countenance agitated by that restless grief, and the sug-
gestion of this "loveliest little fairy r* was as pathetic as can be
conceived, especially as I had so clearly in my mind the image
of her too — her palest, worn, yet resolute face, her feeble, ner-
vous frame, past sixty, and sorely broken with all the assaults of
lifei Nothing that he could have said of her last days, no record
of sorrow, could have been so heart-rending as that description
and the laugh of emotion that accompanied it. His old wife'
was still so fair to him, even across the straits of death — had
returned indeed into everlasting youth, as all the record he has
since made of her shows. When there was reference to the cir-
cumstances of her death, so tragical and sudden, it was with
bitter wrath, yet wondering awe, of such a contemptible reason
for so great an event — that he spoke of — "the little Vermin of a
dogue" which caused the shock that killed her, and which was
not even her own, but left in her charge by a friend ; terrible
littleness and haphazard employed to bring about the greatest
individual determinations of Providence — as he himself so often
traced them out.
I
THOMAS CARL YLE. " 209
My brief visits to Carlyle after this are almost all marked in
my memory by some little word of individual and most charac-
teristic utterance, which may convey very little indeed to those
who did not know hiki, but which those who did will readily
recognize. I 4iad been very anxious that he should come lo
Eton, at first while he was stronger, that he should make some
little address to the boys — ^and later that he might at least be
seen by' all this world of lively young souls, the men of the
future. His wife had encouraged the idea, saying that it was
really pleasant to him to receive any proof of human apprecia-
tion, to know that he was cared for and thought of ; but it was
not till several years after her loss that, one bright summer
morning. I had the boldness to suggest it. By this time he
seemed to have made a great downward step and changed into
his later aspect of extreme weakness, a change for which I had
not been prepared. He shook his head, but yet hesitated. Yes,
he would like, he said, to see the boys: and if he could have
stepped into a boat at the nearest pier and been carried quietly
up the river . But he was not able for the jar of little railway
journeys ^nd changes ; and then he told me of the weakness
that had come over him, the failing of age in all his limbs and
faculties, and quoted the psalm (in that version which we Scots
are born to) :
Threescore and ten years do sum up
Oiu* days and years, we see ;
And if, by reason of more strength,
In some fourscore' they be ;
Yet doth the strength of such old men
But grief and labor prove.
Neither he nor I could remember the next two lines, which are
harsh enough, Heaven knows ; and then he burst forth suddenly
^into one of those unsteady laughters. " It is a mother I want,"
he said, with mournful humor: the pathetic incongruity amused
his fancy: and yet it was so true. The time had come when
anotbfiT should gird lii«i and carry him— often where he would
2JI6 THE LIBkAnV MAdAZlNE.
not. Had it but been possible to have a mother to care for that
final childhood !
The last time I saw him leaves a pleasant picture on my mem-
ory. In the height of summer I had g<5fte a little too late one
afternoon, and found him in the carriage just setting out for his
usual drive, weary and irritated by the fatigue of the movement
down-stairs, encumbered with wraps though the sun was blazr
ing ; and it was then he had §aid, ** It is death I want — all I want
is to die." Though there was nothing really inappropriate in
this utterance, after more than eighty years of labor and sorrow,
it is one which can never be heard by mortal ears without a pang
aiid sense of misery. Human nature resents it, as a slight to the
life which it prizes above all things. I could not bear that this
should be my last sight of Carlyle,and went back sooner than
usual in hopes of carrying away a happier impression.
I found him alone, seated in that room which to him, as to
me, was still her room, and full of suggestions of her — a place in
which he was still a superfluous figure, never entirely domiciled ^
and at home. Few people are entirely unacquainted with that
characteristic figure, so worn and feeble, yet never Ipsing its
marked identity ; his shaggy hair falling rather wildly about his
forehead, his vigorous grizzly beard, his keen eyes gleaming -from
below that overhanging ridge of forehead, from under the shaggy
caverns of his eyebrows; his deep-toned complexion, almost of
an orange-red, like that of an outdoor laborer, a man exposed
to wind and storm and much *' knitting of his brows under the
glaring sun;" his gaunt, tall, tottering figure always wrapped in
a long, dark gray coat or dressing-gown, the cloth of which,
carefully and with difficulty sought out for him, had cost doubly
dear both in money and trouble, in that he insisted upon its
being entirely genuine cloth, without a suspicion of shoddy ; his
large, bony, tremulous hands, long useless for any exertion —
scarcely, with a great effort, capable of carrying a cup to his lips.
There he sat, as he had sat for all these years, since her depart-
ux^ left him stranded, a helpless man amid the wrecks ol life.
tirOUAS CARLYL^, 111
fever ddurteous. full of old-fashiondd politeness, he would totter
to his feet to greet his visitor, even in that last languor. This
time he was not uncheerful. It was inevitable that he should
repeat that prevailing sentiment always in his mind about the
death for which he was waiting ; but he soon turned to a very
different subject. In this old house, never before brightened by
the sight of children, a baby had been born, a new Thomas Car-
lyle, the child of his niece and nephew, a$ near to him as it was
possible for any living thing in the third generation to be. He
spoke of it with tender amusement and wonder. It was " a bon-
nie little manikin," a perfectly good and well-conditioned child,
taking life sweetly, and making no more than the inevitable
commotion in the tranquil house. There had been fears as to
how he would take this innocent intruder, whether its advent
might disturb or annoy him; on the contrary, it gave him a
half-amused and genial pleasure, tinged with his prevailing sen-
timent, yet full of natural satisfaction in the continuance of his
name and race. This little life coming unconscious across the
still scene in which he attended the slow arrival of death, awoke
in its most intimate and touching form the self-reference and
comparison which was habitual to him. It was curious; he said,
very curious ! thus to contrast tfie new-comer with " the parting
guest." It was a new view to him, bringing together the exit
and the entrance with a force both humorous and solemn. The
" bonnie little manikin," one would imagine, pushed him softly,
tenderly, with baby hands not much less serviceable than his
own, towards the verge. The old man looked on with a half-
incredulous and wondering mixture of pain and pleasure, burst-
ing into one of those convulsions of broken laughter, sudden
and strange, which were part of his habitual utterance. Thus I
left him. scarcely restrained by his weakness from his old habit
of accompanying me to the door. For he was courtly in those
little traditions of politeness, and had often conducted me down-
stairs upon his arm, when I was fain to support him instead of
accepting his tremulous guidance.
212 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. ^,
And that was my last sight of Thomas Carlyle. I had parted
with his wife a day or two before her death, at the railway, after
a little visit she had paid me, in an agony of apprehension lest
something should happen to her on the brief journey, so utterly
Spent was she, like a dying woman, but always indomitable, suf-
fering no one to accompany or take care of her. Her clear and
expressive face, in ivory-palehess, the hair still dark, untouched
by age, upon her capacious forehead, the eloquent mouth,
scarcely owning the least curve of a smile at the bright wit and
humorous brilliant touches which kept all her hearers amused
and delighted, seem still before me. She was full of his Edin-
burgh Rectorship, of the excitement and pleasure of it, and pro-
found heartfelt yet half-disdainful satisfaction in that, as she
' thought, late recognition of what he was. To this public. proof
of the honor in which his country held him, both he and she
seemed to attach more importance than it deserved ; as if his
country had only then learned to prize and honor him. But the
reader must not suppose that this gallant woman, who had pro-
tected and fought for him through all his struggles, showed her
intense sympathy and anxiety now in any sentimental way of
tenderness. She had arranged everything for him to the mi-
nutest detail, charging her deputy with the very spoonful of
stimulant that was to be given him the moment before he made
his speech — but all the same shot a hundred little jibes at him
as she talked, and felt the humor of the great man's dependence
upon these little cares, forestalling all less tender laughter by
her own. I remember one of these jibes (strange! when so
many brighter and better utterances cannot be recalled) during
one of the long drives we took together, when she had held me
in breathless interest by a variety of sketches of their contempo-
raries— the immediate chapter being one which might be called
the " Loves of the Philosophers" — I interrupted her by a foolish
remark that Mr. Carlyle alone, of all his peers, seemed to have
trodden the straight way. She turned upon me with swifty
rejoinder and just an amused quiver of her upper lip. **Mi>
THOMAS CARLYLE. 213
dear," she saidK^if Mr. Carlyle's digestion had been better there
IS no telling what he might have done !" Thus she would take
one s breath away with a sudden met, a flash of unexpected
satire, a Reen swift stroke into the very heart of pretense— which
was a thing impossible in her presence. Not love itself could
blind her to the characteristic absurdities, the freaks of nature
in those about her — but she threw a dazzling shield over them
by the very swiiftness of her perception and wit of her comment.
There are many senses known to ajl in which the husband is
the wife's protector against the risks of life. It is indeed a com-
monplace to say so, universally as the truth is acknowledged ;
but there is a sense also in which the wife is the natural pro-
tector of the husband, which has been much less noted. It is
she who protects iiim from the comment, from the too close
scrutiny and criticism of the World, drawing a sacred veil be-
tween him and the vulgar eye, furnishing an outlet for the com-
plaints and grudges which would lessen his dignity among his
fellow-men. And perhaps it is the man of genius who wants
this protection most of all. Mrs. Carlyle was her husband's
screen and shield in these respects. The sharpness of his dys-
peptic constitution and irritable temper were sheathed in her
determined f culty of making the best of everything. She stood
between hihi and the world, with a steadfast guardianship that
never varied. When she was gone the veil was removed, the
sacred wall of the house taken down, no private outlet left, and
nothing between him and the curious gazer. Hence this revela-
tion of pain and trouble which nobody but she, so fully con-
scious of his greatness yet so undazzled by it, could have toned
and subdued into harmony.
And yet. he, with the querulous bitterness and gloom which
he has here thrust upon us, in the midst of all the landscapes,
under the clearest skies ; and she, with her keen wit and eyes 1
which nothing escaped, how open they were to all the charities !
One day when she came to see me, I was in great agitation and
anxiety with an infant just out of a convulsion fit. By the next
214 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
post after her return I got a letter from her, suggested, almost
dictated, by Mr. Carlyle, to tell me of a similar attack which had
happened to a baby sister of his some half century before, and
which had never recurred— -this being the consolatory point and
meaning of the letter. Long after this, in the course of these
l^st, melancholy, and lonely years, I appealed to him about a
project r had, not knowing then how feeble he had grown. He
set himself instantly to work to give me the aid I wanted, and I
have among my treasures^a note writ large in blue pencil, the
last instrument of writing which he could use, after pen and ink
had become impossible, entering warmly into my wishes. These
personal circumstances are scarcely matters to obtrude upon the
wortd, and only may be pardoned as the instances mostat hand
of a kind and generous readiness to help and console.
It would scarcely be suitable to add anything of a more ab-
stract character to such personal particulars. Carlyle*s work,
what it was, whether it will stand, how much aid there is to be
found in it, has been discussed, and will be discussed, by all who
are competent and many who are not. A writer whose whole
object, pursued with passion and with his whole soul, is to pour
contempt upon all falsehood, and enforce that "truth in the
inward parts" which is the first of human requisites, how could
it be that his work should be inoperative, unhelpful to man ?
The fashion of it niay fail for the moment, a generation more
fond' of sound than meaning may be offended by the "harsher
accents and the mien more grave" than suits their gentle fanc)';
but so long as that remains the grand foundation of all that is
possible for man, how can the most eloquent and strenuous of
all its modern evangelists fall out of hearing? He had indeed
few doctrines to teach us. What his beliefs were no one can
definitely pronounce ; they were more perhaps than he thought.
And now he has passed to where all knowledge is revealed.
Mrs. Oliphant, in Macmillan's Magazine.
POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION, 21$
POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION.
The general law that like units exposed to like forces tend ta
integrate was in the last chapter exemplified by the formation
of social groups. The clustering of men who are similar in kind,
when similarly subject to hostile actions from without, and sim-
ilarly reacting against them, we saw to be the first step in social
evolution. Here the correlative general law, that in proportion
as the like units of an aggregate are exposed to unlike forces
they tend to fprm differentiated parts of the aggregate, has to
be observed in its application to such groups, as the second
step in social evolution.
The primary political differentiation originates from the pri-
mary family differentiation. Men and women being by the un-
Hkcnesses of their functions in life exposed to unlike influences,
begin from the first to assume unlike positions in the social
group as they do in the family group : very early they respecr
tively form the two political classes of rulers and ruled. And
how truly such dissimilarity of social positions as arises between
them is caused by dissimilarity in their relations to surrounding
actions, we shall see on observing that the one is small or great
according as the other is small or great. When treating of the
status of women it was pointed out that to a considerable degree
among the Chippewayans, and to a still greater degree among
the Clatsops and Chinooks, " who live upon fish and roots,
which the women are equally expert with the men in procuring,
the former have a rank and influence very rarely found among
Indians." We saw also that in Cueba, where the women join
the men in war, " fighting by their side," their position is much
higher than usual among rude peoples ; and. similarly, that in
Dahomey, where the women are as much warriors as the men,
they. are so regarded that, in the f)oHtical organization, "the
woman is officially superior." On contrasting these exceptional
cases with the ordinary cases, in which the men, solely occupied
tl6 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
in war and the chase, have unlimited authority, while the women,
occupied in gathering miscellaneous small food and carrj'ing
burdens, are abject slaves, it becomes manifest that diversity of
relations to surrounding actions initiates diversity of social posi-
tions. And, as we before saw, this truth is further illustrated by
those few uncivilized societies which are habitually peaceful,
such as the Bodo and Dhimals of the Indian hills, and the
ancient Pueblos of North America — societies in which the occu-
pations are not, or were not, broadly divi(Jed into fighting and
working, and severally assigned to the two sexes; and in which,
along with a comparatively small difference in the activities of
the sexes, there goes, or went, small difference of social status.
So is it when we pass from the greater or less political difler-
entiation which accompanies difference of sex to that which is
independent of sex — to that which arises among men. Where
the life is permanently peaceful definite class divisions do not
exist. One of the Indian hill tribes to which I have frequently
referred as exhibiting the honesty, truthfulness, and^ amiability
accompanying a purely industrial life may be instanced. Hodg-
son says, " All Bodo and all Dhimals are equal — absolutely so in
right or law, wonderfully so in fact." The like is said of another
peaceful and amiable hill tribe: **The Lepchas have no caste
distinctions." And among a different race, the Papuans, may
be named the peaceful Arafuras as displaying a " brotherly love
with one another," and as having no divisions of rank.
As at first the domestic relation between the sexes passes into
apolitical relation, such that men and women become, in mil-
itant groups, the ruling class and the subject class, so does the
relation between master and slave, originally a domestic one,
pass into a political one as fast as, by habitual war, the making
of slaves becomes general. It is with the formation of a slave-
class that there begins that political differentiation between ^he
regulating structures and the sustaining structures which con-
tinues throughout all higher forms of social evolution,
Kane remarks that "slavery in its most cruel form eiista
POLITICAL DI)FFERENTIATIOI^, 217
among the Indians of the whole coast from California to Beh-
ririg's Straits, the stronger tribes making slaves of all the others
. they can conquer. In the interior, where there is but little
warfare, slavery does not exist." And this statement does but
exhibit, in a distinct form, the truth everywhere obvious. Evi-
dence suggests. that the practice of enslavement diverged by
small steps from the practice of cannibalism. Concerning the
Nootkas, we read that •* slaves are occasionally sacrificed and
feasted upon ;" and if we contrast this usage with the usage
common elsewhere, of slaying and devouring captives as soon
as they are taken, we may infer that the keeping of captives too
numerous to be immediately eaten, with the view of eating them
subsequently, leading, as it would, to the employment of them
in the meantime, led to the discovery that their services might
be of more value than their flesh, and so initiated the habit of
preserving them as slaves. Be this as it may, however, we find
that very generally among tribes to which habitual militancy
has given some slight degree of the appropriate structure, the
enslavement of prisoney^^becomes an established habit. That
women and children taken in war. and such men as have not
been slain, naturally fall into unqualified servitude, is manifest.
They belong absolutely to their captors, who might have killed
them, and who retain the right afterward to kill them if they
please. They become property, of which any use whatever may
be made.
The acquirement of slaves, which is at first an incident of war,
becomes presently an object of war. Of the Nootkas we read
that " some of the smaller tribes at the north of the island are
practically regarded as slave-breeding tribes, and are attacked
periodically by stronger tribes;" and the like happens among
the Chinooks. It was thus in ancient Vera Paz, where period-
ically they made "an inroad into the enemy's territory ....
and captured as many as they wanted ;" and it was so in Hon-
duras, where, in declaring war, they gave their enemies notice
"that they wanted slaves." Similarly with various existing
2ift fH^ LiBi^ARY J^AGA^mE.
peoples. St. John says that "many of the Dyaks are tiiort
desirous to obtain slaves than heads, and in attacking a village
kill only those who resist or attempt to escape." And that in
Africa slave-making wars are common needs no proof.
The class-division thus initiated by war afterward maintains
and strengthens itself in sundry ways. Very soon there begins
the custom of purchase. The Chinooks, besides slaves who
have been captured, have slaves who were bought as children
from their neighbors ; and, as we saw when dealing with the
•domestic relations, the selling of their children into slavery is
by no means uncommon with savages. Then the slave-class,
thus early enlarged by purchase, comes afterward to be other-
wise enlarged. There is voluntary acceptance of slavery for the
sake of protection ; there is enslavement for debt ; there is en-
slavement for crime.
Leaving details^ we need here note only that this political
differentiation which war begins is effected not by the bodily
incorporation of other ^c)cieties or whole classes belonging to
other societies, but by the incorporation of single members of
other societies, and by like individual accretions. Composed of
units who are detached from their original social relations and
from one another and absolutely attached to their owners, the
slave-class is, at first, but indistinctly separated as a social
stratum. It acquires separateness only as fast as there arise
some restrictions on the powers of the owners. Ceasing to
stand in the position of domestic cattle, slaves begin to form a
division of the body politic when their personal claims begin to
be distinguished as limiting the claims Of their masters.
It is commonly supposed that serfdom arises by mitigation of
slavery, but examination of the facts shows that it arises in a
different way. While during the early struggles for existence
between them, primitive tribes, growing at one another's ex-
pense by incorporating separately the individuals they capture,
thus form a class of absolute slaves, the formation of a servile
'^Jass, eensidcrably higher and having a distmct social stafms.
POUTICAL D/I^PEM^rTlATtON. tig
accompanies that later and larger process 6f growth under
which one society incorporates other societies bodily. Serfdoi?i
originates along with conquest and annexation.
For whereas the one implies that the captured people are
detached from their homes, the other implies that the subju-
gated people continue in their homes. Thomson remarks that
"among the New Zealanders whole tribes sometimes became
Rominally slaves when conquered, although permitted to live at
their usual places of residence on condition of paying tribute in
food, etc." — a statement which shows the origin of kindred
arrangements in allied societies. Of iht Sandwich Islands gov-
ernment when first known, described as consisting of a king
with turbulent chiefs, who had been subjected iif comparatively
recent times, Ellis writes: "The common people are generally
considered as attached to the soil, and are transferred with the
land from one chief to another." Before the late changes in
Feejee there w6re enslaved districts, and of their inhabitants we
read that they had to supply the chiefs' houses "with daily food,
and build and keep them in repair." Though conquered peoples
thus placed differ widely in the degrees of their subjection-
being at the one extreme, as in Feejee, liable to be eaten when
wanted, and at the other extreme called on only to give specified
proportions of produce or labor — yet they remain alike as being
undetached from their original places of residence. That serf-
dom in Europe originated in an analogous way there is good
reason to believe. In Greece we have the case of Crete, where,
under the conquering Dorians, there existed a vassal popula-
tion, formed, it would seem, partly of the aborigines and partly
of preceding conquerors, of which the first were serfs attached
to lands of the state and of individuals, and the others had become
tributary land-owners. In Sparta the like relations were estab-
lished by like causes : there were the helots, who lived on and
cultivated the lands of their Spartan masters, and the perioeci,
who had probably been, before the Dorian invasion, the superior
class. So was it also in the Greek colonies afterward founded.
220 > THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
such as Syracuse, where the aborigines became serfs. ' SimHarfy
in later times and nearer regions. When Gaul was overrun by
the Romans, and again when Romanized Gaul was overrun
by the Franks, there was little displacement of thp actual culti-
vators of the soil, but these simply fell into lower positions :
certainly lower political positions, and M. Guizot thinks lower
industrial positions. Our own country, too, furnishes good illus-
trations. In ancient British times, writes Pearson, "it is prob-
able that, in parts at least, there were servile villages, occupie4
by a kindred but conquered race, the first occupants of the soil."
More trustworthy, but to the like effect, is the evidence which
comes to us from old English days and Norman days. Pro-
fessor Stubbs a^ys :
The ceorl had his right in the common land of his township ; his Latin name,
villanus, had been a symbol of freedom, but his privileges were bound to the land,
and when the Norman lord took the land he took the villein with it. Still the villein
ret^ned his customary rights, his house and land and rights of wood and hay ; his
lord's demesne depended for cultivation on his services, and he had in his lord's
sense of self-ince»'esu the sort of protection that was shared by the horse and the ox.
And of kindred import is the following passage from Innes :
I have said that of the inhabitants of the Grange, the lowest in the scale was the
ccorl, bond, serf, or villein, who was transferred like the land on which he labored,
and who might be caught and brought back if he attempted to escape, like a stray
ox or sheep. Their legal name of netivus, or neyf, which I have not found but in
Britain, seems to point to their origin in the native race, the original possessors of
the soil. ... In the register of Dunfermline are numerous '• genealogies," or
stuU-Vxxiks, for enabling the lord to trace and reclaim his stock of serfs by descent.
It is Dbservable that most of them are of Celtic names.
Clearly, a subjugated territory, useless without cultivators,
was left in the hands of the original cultivators because nothing
was to be gained by putting others in their places, even coiild
an adequate number of others be had. Hence, while it became
the conqueror's interest to tie each original cultivator to the
soil, it also became his interest to let him have such an amouQt
of produce as to maintain him and enable him to rear o£[sprii^
POLITICAL DIFFEREN'IIATION, ^21
Caiid also to protect him against injuries which would incapaci-
tate him for work.
To show how fundamental is the distinction between bondage
of the primitive type and the bondage of serfdom, it needs but
to add that while the one can, and does, exist among savages
and pastoral tribes, the other becomes possible only after the
agricultural stage is reached ; for only then can there occur the
bodily annexation of one society by another, and only then can
there be any tying to the soil.
Associated men who live by hunting, and to whom the area
occupied is of value only as a habitat for game, cannot well have
anything more than a common participation in the use of this
occupied area: such ownersJiip of it as they have must be joint
ownership. Naturally, then, at the outset all the adult males,
who are at once hunters and warriors, are the common posses-
sors of the undivided land, encroachment on which by other
tribes they resist. Though, in the earlier pastoral state, espe-
cially where the barrenness of the region involves wide disper-
sion, there is no definite proprietorship of the tract wandered
over ; yet, as is shown us in the strife between the herdsmen of
Abraham and those of Lot respecting feeding grounds, some
claims to exclusive use tend to arise ; and at a later half-pastoral
stage, as among the ancient Germans, the wanderings of each
division fall within prescribed limits. I refer to these facts by
way of showing the identity established at the outset between
the militant class and the land-owning class. For, whether the
group is one which lives by hunting or one which lives by feed-
ing cattle, any slaves its members possess are excluded from
land-ownership : the free-men, who are all fighting men, become
as a matter of course the proprietors of their territory. This
connection, in variously modified forms, long continues through
subsequent stages of social evolution, and could scarcely do
otherwise. Land being, in early settled communities, the almost
exclusive source of wealth, it happens inevitably that during
times ift which the principle that^might is right remains unqual-
222 THE LIBRARY MAQAZINE.
ified, personal power and possession of land go together. Hence
the fact that where, instead of being held by the whole society,
land comes to be parceled out among component village com-
munities, or among families, or among individuals, possession
of it habitually goes along with the bearing of arms. In ancient
Egypt, "every soldier was a land-owner" — "had an allotment of
land of about six acres." In Greece the invading Hellenes,
wresting the soil from its original holders, joined military ser-
vice with the land-ownership. In Rome, tpo, "every freeholder
from the seventeenth to the sixtieth year of his age, was under
obligation of service ... so that even the emancipated slave
had to serve who, in an exceptional case, had come into posses-
sion of landed property." The like happened in the early Teu-
tonic community. Joined with professional warriors, its army
included " the mass of freemen arranged in families fighting for
their homesteads and hearths ;" such freemen or markmen own-
ing land partly in common and partly as individual proprietors.
Similarly with the ancient English. " Their occupation of the
land as cognationes resulted from their enrollment in the field,
where each kindred was drawn up under an officer of its own
lineage and appointment;" and so close was this dependence
that "a thane forfeited his hereditary freehold by misconduct in
battle."
Beyond the original connection between militancy and land-
owning, which naturally arises from the joint interest which
those who own the land and occupy it, either individually or
collectively, have in resisting aggressors, there arises later a fur-
ther connection. As, along with successful militancy, there
progresses a social evolution which gives to a dominant ruler
increased power, it becomes his custom to reward his leading
soldiers by grants of land.. Early Ec:vptian kings "bestowed on
distinguished military officers" portions of the crown domains.
When the barbarians were enrolled as Roman soldiers, "they
were paid also by assignments of land, according to a custom
which prevailed in the imperial armies. The possession of these
POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION, t^%
kinds was given to them on condition of the sOn becoming a
soldier like his father." And that kindred usages were general
throughout the feudal period is a familiar truth : feudal tenancy
being, indeed, thus constituted ; and inability to bear arms being
a reason for excluding women from succession. To exemplify
the nature of the relation established, it will suffice to name the
fects that " William the Conqueror . . . distributed this kingdom
into about 60,000 parcels, of nearly equal value, from each of
which the service of a soldier was due," and that one of his laws
requires all owners of land to "swear that they become vassals
or tenants." and will " defend their lord's territories and title as
well as his person" by '• knight service on horseback."
That this original relation between land-owning and militancy
long survived, we are shown by the armorial bearings of county
families, as well as by their portraits of ancestors, who are mostly
represented in military costume.
Setting out. with the class of warriors, or men bearing arms,
who in primitive communities are* owners of the land, collec-
tively or individually, or partly one and partly the other, there
arises the question, How does this class differentiate into nobles
Jlnd freemen?
The most general reply is, of course, that since the state of
homogeneity is by necessity unstable, time inevitably brings
about inequality of positions among those whose positions wer6
at first equal. Before the semi-civilized state is reached the dif-
ferentiation cannot become decided, becpuse there can be no
large accumulations of wealth, and because the laws of descent
do not favor maintenance of such accumulations as are possible*
But in the pastoral and still more in the agricultural commu-
nity, especially where descent through males has been estab-
lished, several causes of differentiation come into play. There
is first that of unlikeness of kinship to the head man. Obvi-
ously, in course of generations, the younger descendants of
the younger become more and more remotely related tO
the eldest descendant of the eldest, and social inferiority
2.?4 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. ^
arises: as the obligation to execute blood-revenge for a
murdered member of the family does not extend beyond
a certain degree of relationship (in ancient France not beyond
the seventh), so neither does the accompanying distinction.
From the same cause comes inferiority in point of posses*
sions. Inheritance by the eldest male from generation to gen-
eration, brings about the result that those who are the most
distantly connected in blood with the head of the grodpare also
the poorest. And then there co-operates with these factors a
consequent factor ; namely, the extra power which the greater
wealth gives. For when there arise disputes within the lribe»
the ridier arc those who, by their better appliances for defense
and their greater ability to purchase aid, naturally have the
advantage over the poorer. Proof that this is a potent cause is
found in a fact named by Sir Henry Maine: "The founders of a
part of our modern European aristocracy, the Danish, are known
to have been originally peasants who fortified their houses dur-
ing deadly village struggles* and then used their advantage."
Such superiorities of power and position once initiated, are
increased in another way. Already in the last chapter we have
seen that communities are to a certain extent increased by the
addition of fugitives from other communities — sometimes crim-
inals, sometimes those who are oppressed. While, in places
where such fugitives belong to races of superior type, they often
become rulers (as among many Indian hill-tribes, whose rajahs
are of Hindoo extraction), in places where they are of the same
race, and cannot do this, they attach themselves to those'of
chief power in their adopted tribe. Sometimes they yield up
their freedom for the sake of protection : a man will make him-
self a slave by breaking a spear in the presence of his wished-
for-master, as among the East Africans, or by inflicting some
small bodily injury upon him, as among the Fulahs. And in
ancient Rome the semi-slave class distinguished as clients, orig^
inated by this voluntary acceptance of servitude with safety.
But where his aid promises to be of value as a warrior, the fugi^
POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION, 22$
tnre offers himself in that capacity in exchange for maintenarce
aiid refuge. Other things equal, he joins hinreeii to some one
marked by superiority of power and property, and thus enables
the man already dominant to become more dominant. Such
armed dependents, having as aliens no claims to the lands of the
group, and bound to its head only by fealty, answer in position
to the comites as found in the early German communities, and
as exemplified in old English times by the " huscarlas" (house-
cArls), with whom nobles surrounded thenr.selves. Evidently,
too, followers of this kind, having certain interests in common
with their protector, and no interests in common with the rest
of the community, become, in his hands, the means of usurping
communal rights and elevating himself while depressing the
rest.
Step by step the contrast strengthens. Beyond such as have
voluntarily made themselves slaves to a head man, others have
become enslaved by capture in the wars meanwhile going on,
others by staking themselves in gaming, others by purchase,
others by crime, others by debt. And of necessity the posses-
sion of many slaves, habitually accompanying wealth and power,
tends still further to increase that wealth and power, and to mark
of! still more the higher rank from the lower.
Certain concomitant influences generate differences of nature,
ph)rsical and mental, between those members of a community
who have attained superior positions, and those who have re-
mained inferior. Unlikenesses of status once initiated, lead to
unlikenesses of life, which, by the constitutional changes they
work, presently make the unlikenesses of status more difficult to
alter.
First there comes difference of diet and its effects. In the
habit, common among primitive tribes, of letting the women
subsist on the leavings of the men, and in the accompanying
habit of denying to the younger men certain chcice viands which
the older men eat, we see exemplified the inevitable proclivity
of the strong to feed themselves at the expense of the weak ; and
L. M. 8.-8
226 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
when there arise class-divisions, there habitually results better
nutrition of the superior than of the inferior. Forster remarks
that in the Society Islands the lower classes often suffer from a
scarcity of food which never extends to the upper classes. In
the Sandwich Islands the flesh of such animals as they have is
eaten principally by the c hiefs. Of caiinibalism among the Feejee-
ans, Seeman says : " the common people throughout the group,
as well as women of all classes, were by custom debarred from
it." These instances sufficiently indicate thfe contrast that evety^
where arises between the diets of the ruling few and of the sub-
ject many. And then by such differences of diet, and accompa-
nying differences in clothing, shelter, and strain on the energies
are eventually produced physical differences. Of the Feejeeans m^e
read that "the chiefs are tall, well made, and muscular; while
the lower orders manifest the meagerness arising from laborious
service and scanty nourishment." The chiefs among the Sand-
wich Islanders " are tall and stout, and their personal appearance
is so much superior to that of the common people, that some
have imagined them a distinct race." Ellis, verifying Cook, says
of the Tahitians, that the chiefs are, "almost without exception,
as much superior to the peasantry ... in physical strength as
they are in rank and circumstances ;" and Erskine notes a par-
allel contrast among the Tongans. That the like holds ^mong
the African races may be inferred from Reade's remark that —
The court lady is tall and elegant ; her skin smooth and transparent ; her beauty
has stamina and longevity. The girl of the middle classes, so frequently pretty, is
very often short and coarse, and soon becomes a matron ; while, if you desccn;! to
the lower classes, you will find good looks rare, and the figure angular, stunted,
sometimes almost deformed.* ~~
Simultaneously there arise between the ruling and subject
classes, unlikenesses of bodily activity and skill. Occupied, as
those of higher rank commonly are. in the chase when not occt
* While writing I find in the recently issued " Transactions of the Anthropolog-
ical Institute" proof that, even now in England, the professional classes are both
taller and beavter than the artisan classes.
N*
POLITICAL DIFFERENTIA TION. ' 22/
pied in war, they have a life-long discipline of a kind conducive
to various physical superiorities; while, contrariwise, those
occupied in agriculture, in carrying of burdens, and in other
drudgeries, partially lose what agility and address they naturally
had. Class-predominance is, therefore, thus further facilitated.
And then there are the respective mental traits produced by
^ily exercise of power, and by daily submission to power. Th$
ideas, and "sentiments, and modes of behavior, perpetually re-
peated, generate on one side an inherited fitness for command,
and on the other side an inherited fitness for obedience ; with
the result that in course of time there arises on both sides the
belief that the established relations of classes are the natural
ones.
By implying habitual war among settled societies, the fore-
going interpretations have implied the formation of compound
societies. The rise of such class-divisions as have been de-
scribed, is therefore complicated by the rise of further class-
divisions determined by the relations from time to time estab-
lished between those conquerors and conquered whose respective
groups already contain class-divisions.
This increasing differentiation which accompanies increasing
integration, is clearly seen in certain semi-civilized societies,
such as that of the Sandwich Islanders. Ellis enumerates their
ranks as :
I, King, queens, and royal family, along with the councilor or chief minister of
the king. 2. The govenK>rs of the different islands, and the chiefs of several large
divisions. M«my of these are descendants of those who were kings of the respective
islands in Cook's time, and until subdued by T-amehameha. 3. Chiefs of districts
or villages who pay a regular rent for the land, cultivating it by means of their
dependents, or letting it out to tenants. This rank includes also the ancient priests.
4. The laboring classes — those renting small portions of land, those working on the
land for food and clothing, mechanics, musicians, and dancers.
And, as shown by other passages, the laboring classes here
grouped together are divisible into— artisans, who are paid
! wages ; serfs, attached to the soil ; and slaves. Inspection
makes it tojerably dear that the lowest chiefs, once independ-*
228 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
ent, were reduced to the second rank when adjacent chiefs
conquered them and became local kings ; and that they were
reduced to- the third rank at the same time that these local
kings became chiefs of the second rank, when, by conquest, a
kingship of the whole group was established. Other societies
in kindred stages show us kindred divisions similarly to be
accounted for. Among the New Zealanders there are six grades;
there are six among the Ashantees ; there are five among the
Abyssinians; and other more or less compounded African States
present analogous divisions. Perhaps ancient Peru furnishes
as clear a case as any of the superposition of ranks resulting
from subjugation. The petty kingdoms which were massed
together by the conquering Yncas, were severally left with the
rulers and their subordinates undisturbed; but over the whole
empire there was a superior organization of Ynca rulers of vari-
ous grades. That kindred causes produced kindred effects in
early Egyptian times, is inferable from traditions and remains
which tell us both of local struggles which ended in- consolida-
tion, and of conquests by invading races ; whence would natu-
rally result the numerous divisions and subdivisions which
Egyptian society presented : an inference justified by the fact
that, under Roman dominion, there was a recomplication caused
by superposing of Roman governing agencies upon native gov-
erning agencies. Passing over other ancient instances, and
coming to the familiar case of our own country, we may note
how, from the followers of the conquering Norman, there arose
the two ranks of the greater and lesser barons, holding their
land directly from the king, while the old English thanes were
reduced to the rank of sub feudatories. Of course, where {per-
petual wars produce, first, small aggregations, and then larger
ones, and then dissolutions, and then reaggregations, and then
unions of them, various in their extents, as happened in mediae-
val Europe, there result very numerous divisions. In the Mero-
vingian kingdoms there were slaves having seven diiTerent
origins ; there were serfs of more than' one grade ; there were
'POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION. 229
frjeedmen — men who, though emancipated, did not rank with
the fully free; and there were two other classes less than free—
the liten and the coloni. Of the free there were three classes —
independent land-owners; freemen in relations of dependence
with other freemen, of whom there were two kinds ; and free-
men in special relations with the king, of whom there were three
kinds.
And here, while observing in these various cases how greater
political differentiation is made possible by greater political
integration, we may also observe that in early stages, while
social cohesion is small, greater political integration is made
possible by greater political differentiation. For the larger the
mass to be held together, while incoherent, the more numerous
must be the, agents standing in successive degrees of subordina-
tion to hold it together.
The political differentiations which militancy originates, and
which for a long time acquire increasing definiteness, so that
intermi>xture of ranks by marriage is made a crime, are at later
stages, and under other conditions, interfered with, traversed,
and partially or wholly destroyed.
Where, throughout long periods and in ever- varying degrees,
war has been producing aggregations and dissolutions, the con-
tinual breaking up and reforming of social bonds obscures the
original divisions established in the ways described : instance
the state of things in the Merovingian kingdoms juct named.
And where, instead of conquests by kindred adjacent societies,
which in large measure leave standing the social positions and
properties of the subjugated, there are conquests by alien races
carried on more barbarously, the original grades may be prac-
tically obliterated, and, in place of them, there may arise grades
originating entirely by appointment of the^despotic conqueror.
In parts of the East, where such over-runnings of race by race
have teen going on from the earliest recorded times, we see this
state of things substantially realized : there is little or nothing
of. hereditary rank, and the only rank recognized is that of ofii-
.^3^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, .
cial position* Besides the different grades of appointed state-
functionaries, there are no class-distinctions, or none having
political meanings.
A tendency to subordination of the original ranks, and a sub-
stitution of new ranks, is otherwise caused : it accompanies the
progress of political consolidation. The change which has oc-
curred in China well illustrates this effect. Gutzlaff says :
Mere title was afterward (on the decay of the feudal system) the reward bestowed
by the sovereign . . . and the haughty and powerful grandees of other countries are
here the dependent and penurious servants of the Crown. . . . The revolutionary
principle of leveling all classes has been carried, in China, to a very great extent
This is introduced for the benefit of the sovereign, to render his authority supreme.
The causes of such changes are not difficult to see. In the
first place, the subjugated local rulers, losing, as integration
advances, more and more of their power, lose, consequently,
more and more of their actual, if not of their nominal, rank —
passing from the condition of tributary rulers to the condition
of subjects. Indeed, jealousy on the part of the monarch
sometimes prompts positive exclusion of them from influential
positions : as in France, where " Louis XIV. systematically
excluded the nobility from ministerial functions." Presently
their distinction is further diminished by the rise of competing
ranks created by state authority. Instead of the titles inher-
ited by the land-possessing military chiefs, which were descrip-
tive of their attributes and positions, there come to be titles
conferred by the sovereign. Certain of the classes thus estab*
lished are still of militant origin : as the knights made on the
battlefield, sometimes in large numbers before battle, as at
Agincourt,when five hundred were thus created, and sometimes
afterward in reward for valor. Others of them arise from the
exercise of political functions of different grades : as in France,
"jvhere, in the seventeenth century, hereditary nobility was con-
ferred on officers of the great council and officers of the cham-
ber of accounts — officers who had habitually been of bourgeois
extraction. ^ The admmistration of law, too, presently Originates
POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION, 2%X
tfUes'of honor. In France, in 1607, nobility was granted to doc-
tors, regents, and professors of law; and "the superior courts
obtained, in 1644, the privileges Of nobility of the first degree."
So that, as Warn keen tgf' remarks, ^'the original conception of
Bobilky was !a the course of time so niuc • wfdened that its
primitive rd«tioo to the possession of a I'ef is no longer recog-
nizable, and the whole institution &eems' changc(!/' 'These, with
kindred instances^ which our own country and other European
countries^ furmsh, «how ulf both how the original dass-divisipns
become blurred, and how the new class-dh^isioiis arc distin-
guished by bemgd€-k)cali2e^.-' Thsy are strata which run through
the integrated society, having, many of them, no reference to
the land, and nO more connfectiori with on^ place than another.
his Crtie that of the' titles artificially conferred, the higher are*
habitually derived from the names of districts and towns : so '
shnolatlng,- but only'^lmulating, thfe ancient feudal titles expres-
sire of actual lords h?|) over territor?es. The ot'her modern titles,
bowierer, which 4yave arisen with 't'he gro\nh of political, jiidi-
cial,«and -bther fuftdtlbns, have' not even? nominal tefer^nces to '
locaikiesr.- This change naturally afccompanies the growing'
iotegration of' t;h<^ parts intb a whole, and the rise of an oi^^ani- '
zatiori of :^he'wh»ld which didiiegardi the divisfioHsf adnong the '
parts. - ' ''f .■ ■" '" : ' ■ - ^"■' ■■''■•.'
More effbctlve still in weakfening those primitive political
dfvtstons initiated by militancy, is increasing industrialism.
Thisactd ki two ways — firstly: by creating a class haying power '
derived otherwise than- from territorial possessions or official
position; andv secondly; by generating ideas and sentiments at
variance wi tit the ancient asstimptkm^ of class-superiority. As
we ihavft already .seien. rank and'wealth are'at the outset habitu-
ally associated. Existing uncivilized' people stHl show us this
rclsabn. The^ chief oi a kraal among the Koranna Hottentots
is 'f usually the person of 'greatest property." In the Bechuani
language " the word kosi . . . has a double acceptation, denot-
ing ei^^ -a dvief oi" a 'rich «ian." Such small authority aS a
Z32 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
Chinook chief has " rests on riches^ which <ons«at8 In ixvives,
children, slaves, boats, and shells." So it was oriffinftlly in
Europe. In ancient Spain the title ricos hombres, applied to
the barons, definitely ideatified the two attributes. Isdced
it is manifest that before the; development of cointiicrce, aed
while possession of land could ak>ae ^ive. h^'geitesb of means,
lordship and riches w^re direptly connected;, so that, as Sir
Henry Maine remarks, ,"rt»e oppositton comoDOitly set up be-
tween birth apd we^kh. ^ihI paiticulariy .wealth other, than
landed property, is entirely modern." Whdn, howcYer,*witb the
arrival of industry at that 3t|ige in wjjich wh^teale transactions
b^ing large profits, thore ^rise graders wlhp vie with,. and exceed,
many of the landed nobility ia woal^lv, and w-J^en by coaferring
obligations on kings and nob)es« ^ch tr^^er^rg^in ao^^l tnfiu-
ence, there comes an occasional jremoval of ^he 4)af rier betHcen
them and the titled classes. In France 4he progtess ^gao as
early as 1 271, when there were issucjd Juters eiinpbliog Reoul
the goldsmith — "tlie fir^t letters conferring ttoMity inexist-
epce.** The precedent pw^ established . is ^fOiUowed wifck inorete-
ing frequency, and .sometimes^ uinler pressure of fitidncial ncecte,
there grows up the practice of selling titles«iii disguised ways or
openly : in France, in. 1703, th^ king ea«Obled two^undred per-
sons at three thousand livres a head ; in 1706, five hundred at
six thousand. And thcQ the bre^l^in^ dOwn of the ancient
political divisions thus caused is furthered by that weakenttig
of them consequent on the growing fi^pirit of equality fostered
hy industrial life. In proportion as men are daily haibituated to
maintain their own claims while respecting the claims of ethers,
w.iich they do in every act of exchange, whether of goods for
money or of services for pay, there is produced a mcntaJ atti-
tude at variance with that wiiich accompatii^ subjection ; and,
as fast as this happ ns, sqch political diatiiiction^ as imply sub-
jection lose more and more of that respect which gives them
strength.
Class-distinctions, then, date bac)c to ih.e );^imliigs d social
PO£tTI€AL LhlFPERENTIATWN', 233
Hffe. Omitting those smaU wamtering assemblages which are so
incoherent thAt their component parts are ever changing their re-
lations to one another and to the environment, we see that wher-
ever there is some coherence and some permanence of relation:
among the parts, there begin to arise political divisions. Rela-
tive superiority of power, first causmg a differentiation at once
domestic and social, between the activities and po^kions of the
sisxes. presently begins to cause a diffei^entfeition among males,
shown in the bondage of captives: a o^aster-class and a slave-
fclass are formed.
Where men continue the wandering l?fe ?n pursiiit of wild
food for themselves or their cattle, the groups they form are
debarrefd from doing niore by war than appropriate one anoth-
cfr's umts- individtialty; but where men hax'e parsed Into the
agricultural or settled state, it becomes possible lor one com-
Inunrty to take possession bodily of another community, along
With the terrhory it occupies. When this happens there arise
additional dass-divisk>ns. The conquered and tribute-paying
conimunity, besides having its Iteadmen induced to subjection,
ha» its pe6ple reduced to a state su<ih that, while thejr continue
to Hve on their l2^ids,4hey yield up, thrdugh the ihtermedtation
of their chiefs, part of the produce to the conqueror^ : so fore-
ehf^ufowing what eventu^ly becot)ie& a eet^-cli^.
From the bcgkm«ftg the n^litant ciasi^, being by terfee of afms
the domkianH el^s,- beeonlte^ tfoe da^ whkh owns the source of
food-^h* land. During the hutitiog and past<)r&t stages, the
warriors of the group hold the* land collectively. On passing
into the settled state their tenures become partly collective and
partly irtdlVidual in sundry ways, and eventually almost wholly
individua^. But throughout long stagte of social evolution,
land-owning and militancy continoe to be associated.
The clasB-differentfation of which iiaiflflaiKry is the active cause
lft^itrtl»^red by the estaWishinaent of d<3finiiie descem, and espe*
cially «tade<lescent, and the transmission of pofeftion and prop^
•ac^to^s^ ekkst acxi of the eld^t cpnttntMdfyv Tbi^ eonidtic^A
234 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
to inequalities of position and wealth between near kindred and
remote kindred ; and such inequalities of weakU'Once initiated,
strefigthen themselves by giving to the superior, increased ipeans
of maintaining their power, by. accumulating appiiancos (or
offepse and defease. . , • : ■ . ^
Such diifler^tiationisi increased at the ^aine tin^je ;ha^ ^. q^w
differen^iatipa is init^ated,/by ^he in?fpigra^iqn pf {ugitiy^.ttihp
attach th^n^elves to the ipq^t.powerlul uwjml^r of thegi^oup.;
now. a^, dependents, who^.wprk, ^nd now as ^med.foUowers— r
armed followers who form a class bound to tliq domifiant man
and uncpnnecjt^ed with the land^ And since, in clusters pf ^uch
groups, fugitives ordinarily flpqk most tp, the strongest^ gro^up^
and become adherents of its liea4» they ^rje, instf umentfd in fur-
thering, those §ubs^uent. integrations and ^iflerfsptiati^as which
conquests bri^g.ahpwtj , , , i ... .
Ingquajiitijes of ^o^ial position, bring^ig inequalities ip^the supr
pli(^^ and kinds of {ood, clothifig» and ^ch^Jter, tend xp est^lr^lis^
physgical di^^nces, ^9 the further adyap;tdge pi the rulqrs ^4
disadvantage of the rul^* ,.An^ beyond tl^e.physiqal differences
there iare pro^u.ced by the, respective Ijabiis.qf di(€ wen^al differr
ences» en^otional and inteUectual, streqgtheoii>g the gei^^al oon^
trasii of nature, . , ; .,
When there come the conquests which produce compoun4
societies, and, again, dqnbly compound ones, there coni^ super-
positions <A ranks. And the general effect is.that,,whil^ the
ranks of. the conqujering society become respectively higher than
those which existed before, those of the conquer^ become
respectively, lower, * : ,
The class-divisions thMsi formed, dudng the eajrlier stages of
militancy, are traversed and obscured as fast as the niany emaU
societies are coftsolidatedihita cdjc laq^e society. Ranlw refers
rin^ to local OTga;niaation arc graduaUy replaced by Tanks refer-
ring to general organization* InsUiedd of deputy and enb^Jdeptity
governing agenta who are^the militant owners of the subdwisfons
they rule, thcfire come governing agents who more or less dear]
1
POLITICAL BIFFERENTIATION-. 235
form strata running throughout the society as a whole — ^a con-
comitant of developed political administration.
Chiefly, however, we have to note that while the higher
political evqlution of large social ^gregates tends to break
down the divisions of rank which grew up, in tjie small com^po-
tient social ag^egate^ by substituting other divisions^ these
original divisions are still more broken down by grQwing indus-
trialism. Generating a wealth that is not connected with rank,
this initiates a competing power, and at the same time» by estab-
lishing the equal positions of citizens before the l^w 'w^ respect
of trading transactions, it weakens those- divisions which at the
outset expressed inequalities of position before ^he law.
As verifying these interpretations I may add that , they har--
monizewith the interpretations of cerepionial institutions re-
cently given. A^ t^e ppimary difference? of r^nk result irom
vi<:torie$,^nd fis the primary forms of propitiation priginjite in
the behavior of the vanquished to the vanquishers, so the later
differences of rank result from differences of R9wer, whi<?h, in
the last resoru express ttiemselves in physical coercion, and so
the pb^ervanc^s between ranks are recognitions o{ si|ch* differ-
ences of power. Ay hep the conquered enemy is.road^. a .slaver
and mutilated by taking a trophy from his body^ we pep simul-
taneously originating the deepesf. political distinptijoin an4 the
ceremony which iparks it ; and with the cqntinueid u^jlitancy
that compounds and re-compounds social group^, ther^ goes at
once the development pf political distinctions and the develop-
ment of ceremonies marking them. A^^d as we before saw that
growing industrialism dinunishes the rigpr of ceremonial rule,
so here we see that it tends to destroy those class-divisions
which militancy originates,. an4 to establi^ others which indi-
cate differpnces of position consequent pn, differences of apti-
tude for Uxe various functions \vhich an industrial society needs,
* ' Herbert Spencer, in The Fortnightly Review.
2^6 THE LfBkARY MAGAZINE,
>IODERN ITALIAN POETS.
One tii the first specimeiw I saw of the " iiiuova scuola,** the
reah'itit School of Italian poetry, hatppened to be Lorenzo Stec-
chetti's ** Postuma/' It Cartie'to me accompanied by a feeling
complatfit o^f the usual sad fate and early death o¥ men of genius,
and the little \^Iume itself contained a shoVt biography of the
departed poet; telling how he wa^ bOrn m 1845, iand was left an
orphan ^t fiVe years oM, how fie Ifved' and studied and loved,
and fkiaHy- ffeH a victim to a lingering arid pafnful chest disease
at the eaHy age of thirty-bne. The final scene is described with
graphic touches : To the suggestion of seeing a prrest he stoutly
answered B0 1' With his dying breath h^ asked that the window
should' be Open to let him see the sun once more, but t'hcre wa^
»o sun. *^ FiHe** (the end) N^-as his last u'Ord! ' "He is buried,*'
the account -comfcludes, *' Jnthe <;hurchyard of his viWage (Fin-
ftiana), uhda' the fifth cypress t6 the left as you enter. The
tombsto^ be^rs sfmply th« names and dat^s. ffe left af! his
prop^y t^ charities." The account i^ signed by Eh-; OKnda
Guei^i, a cousin of SteCchetti'S'; "* le hostre madri furono sor-
clle** is added for the sake of accuracy. ' < -
Sorne ti¥ne' after receiving the Volume, T mentioned Stecchetti
to my fr%n<f Si^noi^ Mazzifcato, expressing my regref at the un-
timely eietinctioit of hl^ unmistiak'dbre, a^Fthough as' vet under-
veloped,'gi^; -whereupkin Signor MaiztK:at6 aske^ me With a
smile to be comforted, for' that the author of ''Postuma." so far
from bfeing dead, was, on' tlie contrary, iii excellent heakh. and
might be seeri ev^ry evefning m Bbfogna drinking beer and play-
ing ** tresettie'* at the brasserie oif th^c5cce!lent*Otto Hofmeister,
to whom one of his volumes is aflfe(itfOfiately dedicated. " Stec-
chetti," I was further informed, is a^ pseudonym, the poet's real
name being Olindo Guerini, the name which stands at the end
of his own obTtuary ndtfce. - • - -
The reason for this elaborate hoax in the style of Edgar Poe
^ems to 4^vf t>eeii that Steii^chcui, who hadliedii skrigeity at-
tacked rby ^e critics* wUhcid to see bow they iRKbdki modify
their qpiaioa ot him whea defunct. Moreover, b& appears to
have thougt^t tfiat a dead, po«?t had a better ohaacein Italy than
a living Qi^e, ^nd in this he waa evidemly not mistalcen ; for
'' Postuxna" went through six ^UioAs in a Jhi£l& OKire than a
year, and jt haiS certainly ((contributed moce to ks author^ repu^
tation tl^aR anything be had done before. . .
A t^ick .of thi3 kind •appears > at .fixst ^ight . acaroely ttiore ac-
countable and digni^d tton the dedioatida of a.serioas volume
of poetry to a t^yen^k^per. But all ,tiii8 and more is folly
esjp^ain^4 ¥rhen we cpnie. to .oondidor the pecaliar.rpQsltion of
SteccheU;i .^ijid his litersMry companions, Jheir yantitfal eccea-
triciti^;b^Abe^o tbeobject of ,m0st,«ava©e attacks .off the part
of Vr^spegta})le". critics./. A^l(the crimes ia.t be Newgate Calen-
dar of lit^ratu^e and mP^raUty iwene Jaidto their charge ; they
w^e compared tQ unclean animals (vide ProL Rizei'6 "Sonetti
al X^ajale")* apd igenerisUly handled ,in a stjrlc CQm|iiired;with
which the t^^tmen^pf the ." Satanic Sdftool" by the Quarterly
woul4 apppar jJhe pink of courte3yii Their natorat retort was .
the assumption <^, ^a 4»xQg|^mted iCynicism aqd Bohetntaniam,
which,: if in.spme m^as^e i% seemedi to JAUtify:the< attack of
their , a^ver^ri^s, at ithe^ametwlwe.seinfed to irritate them.
Tliis, ^.Jea^, is the attitude aasvM»ed byStecobetti inihe elab-
orate fsss^y iQ defense of the aew school which he has pcvfined
tojiis*; Nova Pplemica*" and which, in a. convenient for n»,aums
up .tjie charges piftde gainst cbe movement* iuid,,by:infenBnce,
its owi^ aifp an^ raison ^'etre* r:
. Steqchctti begins by crowing over hfa critics 'for. havirig gone
into the trap §et them by the rumorof his deatii. ** When they
thought me defunct," he ^iplaims. "they were willing to bury
me in the Capitol with every honor ; now that they see me 'come
forth from the hearse,, they will no doubt: con tinue to throw rtic
from the T^peia^ rock." To iivJuce >sudi a vtolent bourse his
••5j|)pij?gia" i§ iff§leed iveJJ j^dapted. "Plrima di tiittoi dici,iche
238 THE^ LiBRAR Y MA iSA^firM,- ^
non dcodoriB Dm" he address^ the " nlaleVoTertt ftftSef* M^ihi^
outset, and b^msi to discuss reU^otrs questidris iW ^ W^lhriier
which shpws that the foi-6idden charm 6i wickedness an^©yfohi-'
ism still Bttadtes:t6 flippant unbelief in Italy. Ih-England the
days are fortunately over when Shelley thotigltt it nete^iiry td
proclaim JiiSi atheism jn the vl«hor»s' album at the Chartreuse
at Montanvert* bwt young. Ftatiaii^ evidently ^111 feveto pbse in
the interesting attitude- of militant unbelievers, a cfrttimistance
scarcely Jess oreiKtable tc^ theiif owti tafet than to the wrsdoin of
the oitthodosccritidS' whom ihey hbipfe't^irHtateu '
Stecehetti metxti turiis to ih^ charge ol imhi^raiity raised
against tbejuew 8chpol,>€lnd again reveals^a mind rather tynftal "^
than thooghtlui His gloriftoation of th^ lenses remfinds one of
the early writiags of Heinft,- wherein he used to preach the dod- -
trine of the ** third testament^ o^ Joy* wliich would be so true
andso'pleaBtntif youtWand health and money would only laist
forever' Stecchetti ' elsewtoerfe proelaimfe Byron, Hfeine, and
Alfred :de iMnsset tb be his pbetic tflnity.-artd he has evidently"*
studied hi$ Jiiotlrfs tosofise purpose. Mis pl^a in excuse of the
cynical temHencyof his poetry 'iasingtilaf'eriou'gh.* He sifnply;
declares that the public are tired 6f i46sft W6ttie^. that tftejrtrarit
realities, and thfit th^se deaUdes Are a^nyt^iiig' but what nibral
and religions ; people might defei re. Thife method is at test as *
good as^hat of paintiflgiL id use Schiller's word^,** vke a^ the
devil. b^T'^he side of it,"' so as to please both the Wicked tmd the *
virtuous -iSignor Stecchetti d^^s not pretend io kny'^eat de- '
gree of »viftu^,. neither does -be attend pt -to cov^ hts Hcdntious
pictures with the mantle of an ulterior m6*M and dldiictic jjur-
pose;. all he slays is that whkt he de^tnbfe* is true, a^d therefore
a legitimate' objett rtf modern matistic as opposed to conven- •
tional "ideal" poetry. This ptea, aUhoiigh it does not justify '
the tone of some of Stecchetti's ^x>erts, explkins well the raisori
d'etre of. the new school. It does not materially ciiffer from the
I'art ^ur I'lfft-^inciple, of whfkh feo much has been* heard of •
1^ botli. ia Fmace and ^England; ^neith^t- do the v^ristl^|h6«f.
MODBkN ITALIAN POETS, 239
mach origiftality ih ^scirlbing thdr pro^mme as a * fetum to
nature." That pliable tertn has beeh the battle-cry <Jf every
new movement in literature, and its significance fe to a great
extent detfermtned by the double question whence that return
Is made and whether it leads. In Italy, however, Some such
movement was'needed beyond a tioabt. ' Htr last great poet, Leo-
pardi, died half a century ago, and he left ho school. Only what
was kast' Individual in him, his sorr<iw for the fate of his coun-
try, found ait echo in the patriotic songs which record thfe long
strife for Italian unity. But even thii motive has lost its mean-
ing now that the goal is reached. This is well pointed out by
Stecchettl. who, as soon' as he forgets his cynicism and his griev-
afices ag^insit the critics,' becomes sensiWe and eVeti 'eloquent.
"In 1^60,'' he says, "thett was the ideal of a tmited Italy. At
pl^serit, whert th^ unity fs no longer ' discussed or threatened,
how can we have and sing the same ideal? Should we, ptr-
haps, hold m^eet4ngs for ITtalia irridehta? Whkt woiild 'II
Ptfrtgolo'-and ^* La P^severariza' siy theri > Realism, in short,
i^ 'nothing but t%e ^etit'of ^ social bnditT6\i— a moment 1n a
social evolution. . / . We sdannot have an ideal, b^dause we can-
not find -bn^ in thi? ^iresent state brf thiiigi and the old ones
w^Hild be no longef ill their ^ace fn Ofirt" State, our s6ciety, our
family. Give u^ a neW idea, at oncfe de^^atfed and irt' accordance
with the demands of the epoth, and the singer of that idea will
be fbi*th<*omfng Without delay ^ neither will' ther^ be' wanting
the eorifess6i*S: and mattyrs, such ^s there Were for dther Meals."
-And' here we touch iipon the really important side 6f the new
movdmrent. The altei^ state of the political condition' in Italy
ha^ btVMight about a commehslirate change of public feeling. A
long period of political and' social lethat^ is naturally followed
by a powerful impulse at iirst in the practical direction ; and,
however archaeologists and artists and poets may deplore the
external changes involved in such a movement, it is impossible
td deny its-'-neccfssityfin the natliral order of things. Students
oHite^rtlireh&^^ at^t?he'same timt been curious to see ti^h^the^
2^^ THE UBitAR Y MAOAZINEi
th^ te^yival of Italia^i un.ity wpuJd infuse new life into Italiai^
poetry, whether the yaited nation would produce a= great na-
tional poet. To answer that question in the affirmative would be*
to say the least, premature. The " nuova scuola" has not at
present produced a man worthy of being named bj the side of
Leopardi, but it has as undoabie,dly paved his way if he should
kppear. This merit is beyond dispute ; it may be proved by
figures and statistics. "^ few years ago," Steochetti says^
"only French books i^e^e r^ad ia Italy, and our. country was
the drain into which; third and fourth rate Ffec^ch novelist^
emptied their inanities. Pope Gregory— ^g(;>od old- so^l— wia^ an
enthusiastic admirer of Pau^ de Kock's. novels. Italian books^
had no sale. How is it> then, that our. little emancipation from
the gre^t Parisian niarket, our little revival of literature,, has •
come to pass exactly when our poets bave g^ven up swimming •
agaii^st tbe stream of the time with their tr^;efiies» idyls,r historic
romance?, and sacred hymns?" The final sentence alludes to
Manzopi and his school, against which the veristiw^ge inces",
santwar, without, however, in their c^lm momeats faiUngto
acknowledge the genius of the autbor of " I prpmefisi Sposi."
But, although an ex part^ statement, Steqcheui's remarks are
true in most respects. M^nzoni's poetry is sublio^e, dignified in ,
expression, and strictly religious; modern Italians are practical,,
matter-of-fact in speech, and, among the intelligent classeq,,
thoroughly skeptical, at least anti-Catholic. The ooasequencQ ;
has been for a number of years a total wan^ of rapport between
the public and the Manzoniani, and a general decline of inter^t
in any poetry. what9ver. Stecchetti's statement in this respect
is fully confirmed by independent testimony. Signor Enrico
Panzacchi. for example, by no means a blind admirer of the new
school, states how in former days *'e:^&a the aw)st celebrated
poets, Prati and Aleardi, had to bow to the indifference of the
public spirit, and to wait for some event in order to justify in
some meiasure the publication of a ii^wpoem." vA^l this is
aUeo6d»;andth£'^fdtQr yoluLmqg; in wj^^:,^ty:|tegyy.BPfl^|j|^.TQ»
.lippear before tiie.worid, zjbA to whiich they owe their «econd
nickname of '• Elzeviriani," are fouod on every bookstall. To
^ve revived .the Interest ^of Italians in their native poetry is,
absc^^^tely speaking, a feat well worthy of notice apart from the
intfiiwcinerit of ti»at poetry;
The faqt i& the moce Curious as the nuova octtola derives its
poetjf? cachet dijjtinctiy from French sourcea. those Who re-
saeoiher the movement of the *" Panuttsietis" in France, or have
.^e^e^ U^ir ei^centric organ La R^ubiique des Lettres, will at
^^nc$,irecog«i«e:a kind of elective adinicy with the- Italian poets.
Ther^ is npt, as in the case of some English writers, adiredt im-
itation^ ILtalian poetry is too .rich in heautilyil and varied foi^ms
tp have to borrow rondeaiix atidiXMidets and tridtets fixim VlMon
thfp^h the mediuQi mf M. Theodore de Banvtile. • An innate
leeli^ for beaaty ateo has protected even Stecchetti and -other
e^tre^ne membeit of. the j9dKx>llroni the delight ih^lhh and
abominai^ioQ wht^constiuitssthe higher moml$tyof Zola. But
theex^rAftlleattfres^thebattle-^cry of realism at any pnKoe, the
i:evival;p( ^Id v^rseioniiSr the violent radicalism in rel%idn and
m politics^ the indifforenoe as to ocher people's pi^ejodkies— all
this w^-tinf} i< Milan awl Bokgna asweH as in Pads. For ft
should h^ noted that the new nioveroent belongs exttoslvely to
the no4:ti> o(, Jt«aly. it '\%\ti the two cities alHsady i^med that
most of thp Vf^isti rieside^ and here theiir works are jpbbM^hed,
^nd ^^odqubt chi^y mad^ By birth aiso the leaders oi -the school
belong to th/e fltfwrth. .
T9 return to the paralteiism with the modern French school,
it extends .to the taate for certain congenial itiot'etrtents in the
sister arts of painting and music. When Wagner •s"'^*anrthaoser"
was hissed of! tl}«.9ta^ in Paris itiwas Grautier and Baudelaire
and CatuUe Mendez who bc^me his champions ; ;and the appear-
ance of " Lohengrin" at Bologna was received with poetic accla-
mations of the highest enthusiasm by the young bards of the
ancient university city. I may mention in this ,cp.pnectio?i/'that
*r^d^i pi-oihisirig "comjiospr ftf^ jaod^aJiaJji-^^^
242 THE UBKA^RT ^AGAZmS,
Boito, the autlK)r of **Miephistopheie»'!.is at the same time a.di^
tinguished poet of the nav schooL
It is tin%e that we should kave generalities for individual cases,
and inquire into the merits of. some of the leaders of the new
movement. To begin with Stecchetti himself, he may be char-
acterized iiv comparatively ffew words. Therels nothing complex
or occult in his .poetical iConstitution, arid the themes hie hds
chosen are of the simplest, One may say most primitive kind.
Love,, of course, stands at the head'of them ; and as to the nature
of that love the r^der will be able to form an idea by what has
been said before. To condemn obvious jtfveniHa of this kind
with the stem mind of thfe moralist would be. obvJoilisly out of
place. But even from the acsthctical point of view, which Stec-
chetti justly asks hiai criticafto occupy*, then© is a great deal that
is highly o^>jeci:ionable in the tone- pf his aihofous raptures, in
his frequent referenced to ** la carhe," and similar exCrcscetices
of a youthful imagination.. Thatanytbin^ a^>pfbaching to a di*-
rectapp^l to |he senses, whether m the way? of^ |>leasore or of
horror,^ ceases ta be aHU ks.an axiom acknowledged > hf the best
opinions <p| all ages.; Siteqchetti here has out^Musseted Musset
and out-Heitied the youthful ; {ieirie m o: mianner which does
more credit to his powers of assimitation- than ^to His discretion.
Of Heine '^ " WeltfedMniera "> also we have aknple supply in such
poems of "Noia," in which the po^ regT«3the happiness of lits
" Cari vent* anni.!' and k>Qk8 upon the wortd in general thtoijgh
the black spectacles of his ennui. Again, we find him in other
poems of the V Po^uma": develop thiac vtaleni; de chambfe^ de
malade/' which supplies a kind «if poetic commentary ta the story
of his own <)eath in the preface.
Quaato 2ak6r^^^amtk gidta in Quegto mendo
Di pocbi passi che si dc^,a] sol^ !
Oh quanta viu ! Ed io son moribondo ♦
he exctalms at the end of one of his most melodian sonnets, and
* '"'' What lovii, what ]oy in this world of a few paces (his garden) wbicb widccQa
to tlMt^4ML^«iui^;^^aodf^am doomed to d!^**'- w ^^^''
JUVDMJ^AT ITAZIAK POETS, 243
the same sad note is faintly Audible in many of his poems. In
the outbursts of jealousy and other troubles caused the poet by
the fickleness of his various mi$tre$ses. the influence of Heine's
early work gains prominence. Stecchetti is alternately cynical
and sad ; and by saying that he is influenced by Heine I do not
wish to deny that there is much that is fine and powerful in such
lines aJs those which I subjoin in a literal translation :
And since that night I never more saw thee.
And never knew thy fate or heard thy name.
At tW« ho»r. it nay bie.
ThoM aunde^^at ^e gate in tin and ihame^
Expecunt who woMld buy
Thy venal kisses. Maybe thou didst die.
Pferhaps— the thou^t ftf bitterer' to my heart—
) ' - Ti»trliaBtfdrgoittenUiyd8i>antdIllt,
. y . . ,^itoawcolntetHecri^t
In the chaste duty jof a happy wife ;
Tending wfth love divine
The chUdrsn of a lo^eifi^ifth is iidt mlM.
Bat iir spite of admirable detached passages, it must be owned
that Stecchetti's love poetry, with it^ raptures and regrets, has
about it a touch of the mechanical, which extends even to his
description of external appearance. Hfe has the love of all south-
em poets forfan"-hah^ beauties, and in Milan no doubt the
type is by no means fincomthon. At the same time it is scarcely
credible that the stereotyped phrases of "testa biondaV'"capelli
biohdi ** should appTy to all the numerous ladies whose charms
the poet celebrates.
For this and other reasons onefindis the poet most satisfactory
where he forgets his Byr6nic attitudes, and gives utterance to
simple, unsophisticated feeling. The subjoined lyric, in k nieter
which St^cchetti's reserve for poems of this kind, may not con-
tain nmch depth of thought or originality of diction, but it has
the true ring of lyrical poetry :
' Un organettd siiona per la via
La mia finea&A 6 apena e vien la aefi,
^i«w^.<:.«« 'vSal#dalcMttpija]kis(a^zacciaAit
344 THE UBRAI^T MAGAZiME.
Nonao percMmi trnniao i-gfioQCchi
Non so perch^ mi saiga il pianto agli occhi.
Ecco, io chino la testa in suUa mano
E penso a te che sci cosi lontano.*
Almost equally sweet is the sentiment of the stanzas b^ginping
"Quando tu sarai vecchia," which he has borrowed from Beran-
ger, Beranger from Ronsard, and Ronsard from TibuUus. Only
in the last line there is a harsh dissonance peculiar to the Italian
poet.
But Stecchetti is not always in thse m^ftijig mood. He has a
quiet humor of his own, and his attacks oa his detractors are
sometimes very quaint and pretty, as. for instance, where in a
poem of anything but vuximpeachabje. Latin and morality he
comforts his muse by the sweeping assertioD,'^' Nesciunt critici
latinum, quamvis macaronicum." He has aba admirably caught
Heine's trick of throwing, as it were, cold water on the enthusi-
asm called forth by the passionate begiisiningjDf a love poem.
Thus he describes with great intensity how« in ^rbeautjfuJ ^''^m.
he floats in a frail bark op the se^ alone with hi^ loved o#^
rocked by the waves and seen only by the stai;?: ' 'Suddenly ^e
is silent, and, struck by a thought, she lifts her blaa.de head froqi
.my 4»houlder8, and with her fac^ stra^qg^ly fi;[^ed ,Qn the cjeep
darkness of the ni^ht she whispers*/ Be ^^ilj^t, yondef 9^e, tb£
lights of Lissa.' "
Take him all in all Stecchetti i$ a literary phenomenon of no
small interest. He is evidently young, and his work ^.lw?ws the
sins and sillinesses pf youth, but there is unmi^aHable pow^ ol
a more or less undeveloped mind. Among the veri^ti l?e repre-
sents the Bohemian side of the movement; and his faulty ma^
be to a great extent explained from the false and exaggerated
position in which he was placed by the injudicious attack^ o4 his
critics.
* '"■ An organ sounds In the street; my window in open, and evening b coming. {
From the fields comes to my chamber jigeoUe breath o( <9priiig. I do not know
why my knees tremble ; I do not kn. w why-D^ai^^riae; to agr f ycs> Behold, I kaa
myfaead OB my hand, aad think ol lhiM4llllk^4V04» IMT.** . '^
MOD&RN ITALIAN POETS. 24$
Anothenr exponent ^ the same extreme principles, to whom we
must now turn, is Emilio Praga, one of the most interesting
poets of the new school. He is a kind of tragic pendant to
Stecchetti. What the latter frequently pretends to be the
former is in sad earnest. There is in the first instance, unfor-
tunately, no doubt as to Praga being dead. His premature end
made a painful sensation in Italy, and Domenico Milelli, another
verista, has laid his volume of - Odi Pagane " on the " grave
marked No. 10 in the cemetery of Porta Magenta (Milan),"
where Praga is buried. His life is soon told ; it is typical of a
phase too common in the rapid transitions of modem existence :
a man of high imaginative power, in ^arch of new ideals, dis-
satisfied with established law and custom, and at the same time'
unable to keep his moral equilibrium without them. Bom in
1339, Emilio Praga started in life as a landscape painter, it is
said, of no ordinary power, and with the same tendency towards
the somber and melancholy which is observable in his poetry.
But he soon seems to have discovered his vocation for litera-
ture, and published his first collection of verse at the age of
twenty-three, under the title "La Tavolazxa" (The Palette).
It wAs brought out against the advice of pmdent friends, and
With little hope of success. All the poet asks for is a stray
flower or sprig of Isiurel; and he compares himself to a Savoyard
boy going about the cafes pkying his fiddle, and too grateful if
any one has a ki«ri word tor him. Of kind words, or, indeed,
of any words, he was not to have many. In those days the
public interest was entirely taken up by the great political
changes which had gone before and were impending, and
Praga's volume fdl dead from the press. But, nothing daunted,
the poet continued to work, and two years after his first book
he published a-second of 'increased import and maturity. On
this second effort, called "Penombre" (1864), Praga's claim to
immortality must mainly rest. He still published another vol-
ume of verse, consisting of " Stories and Xflgends"; but narra-
tive poetry was evidently not- cong^Bkiai^to his intensely Individ-
246 THU L/mU/^ r MACAZIMM.
u^l mind. . Neither dp; hi$ di?ariatic efforts seem 1 to 4iave been
condemned without good reason, if one may j^dge by the speci-
men printed in a posthumoiLis. volume. It is called ** Fantasma,"
and ij?„ indeed, of a very shadowy character* Its motive is that
constant wavering between sin and. repentance, which is the
key-note also of Praga's lyrical poetry; and the author has suc-
ceeded in cramming intQ a few scenes aauimberof painfjil inci- ,
dents and some very beautiful lines of rhetorical poetry. The
**Fantasma'' was pjayedat Milan in 1870, and seenJs to have met
with a moderate success Two pieces, ^'Le.madri galanti'* (writ-
ten in collaboration with Arrigo Boita) and " II capolavpro
d'Orlando,-' preceding it, had. been hissed off the stage ; a roman-
tic drapa, "Altri Tempi," written subsequently, was rehearsed at
various theaters, but never performed. Praga's solitary dra-
ipatic success was his faithful and elegant translation of
Coppee's "Le Passant."; The detached lyrics of his latter
years Praga intended to collect in a volume of "Trasparenze;"
bi;t death overtook him in 1874, and the work -ixras published
posthumously. There is, unfortunately, little doubt that that
death Wi^s ;^cqelerat^d by his own excesses, although Signor
Molineri, his biQgrapher, detiies the assertions of- charitable
critics that Praga died of delirium tremens, and that his later
poems were written tender the influfintecjof absinthe. Of his pri-
vate life it is ascertainable only that h? was intensely fond of his
littje spn, a fact, moreover, which is beatitifuUy apparent from
his poetry. From that son and from his wife he was separated
shortly before his death ; fip^r what reason we are nbt toM.
It would have been unnecessary to dwell on these common
and melancholy Incidents but for the curious reflex they find in
Praga's poetr}^ Never has the interconnection between a man's
life and a man's work been illustrated in a more striking man-
ner. In the opening " preludio " of "Penombre" the poet
exclaims —
Oiaochft canto ana mtscracansoiM
. M^^liatgtil vero,
UOI)E/tN TTALIA^r POETS, 247
ahd to tbis programtne he has adlici^d thvoughoot his poetical
career. He is in the first instancie true, a verista in a sense
more literal and more tragic than the more aesthetic realists of
the school ever dreamed of. Hence the strong tone of individ-
ual suffelring which gives to Praga's work an almost painful
interest. For hfs is not a healthy attitude of life and raind.
Like Alfred de Musset'fe " Rolla," " il est vcnu trop tard dans un
mbnde trop vieux ;*' and in that world of doubt and temptation
and practical strife he is as one in a wilderness. Unlike Stec-
chetti, Prag^is hot a bold unbeliever or an open sensualist. He
loves the good but does thfc evil j and at the gay banquet,
amidst the clinking of glasses and the laughter of girls^ he hears
the distant bells, which rennfind him of childhood and pure love.
•'Poor child!" he sa>*s in another poem, "-^hat can you say of
me ? i am m>t a fool nor a coward ! I have loved you in good
days and evil, and love thee still with a pure holy love. But
there are days When ' my heart grows famt, when the mud
threatens to choke me ; pray, pray for a pure sky.- For do you
riot know that man ts also a brute ? Fly, fly from me."
That this frame oltnind leads in its ultimate conseqnences to
a m6rbtd delight in the horrible will not surprise psychologists.
This side of Praga's poetry finds its climax in the Hnes ad-
dressed "A un feto," and is expressed in a less crude, though
hardly less powerful, form in a poem on the death of Seraphina,
the twin-sister of Heine's **K5nigin Pomare." Fortunately there
is a bright cburftbrpart to this dark iide of thfe pictutiei. The
happy chiidhoiad of pKiga has left its echo in such charming
creations as the poem called ''Noli,'- after the fishing village of
i^t name ; and another, dedicated to the memory of the good
village priest to whom he owed his early education. The poet
here is genuinely at home, quite as much, at beast, as in the
vicious atmosphere of a great city, and his r^fret of the past is
entirely free from the affectation too common in such moral
effusions. He is, mor^eoEver, a reaMover^ nature, which is not
$aytitg a iittte 9! an Italian poet; for tbt resp^dttAt^icetiuiqr ^
24? Tim LIBHAR Y MAGAZINE-.
the South has curiously ertoiigfe lelt $%ht tmees in the poetsy-
of southern nations. The troubadours of Ppovencc refer to
blue skies and spring blossoms in- the most conventional man-
ner, and the great Italian poets of the middle ages were not at
least par excellenoe lovers of nature, any nH>re than Raphael
and Leonardo were landscape painters^ Piaga's early artistic
training may tq soone extent account k»r his gei^ainie love of the-
country. At the same time he is not a minute observer of every .
little flower add every chaise of eloudsJn the sense, for instance,,
that Wordsworth' i&;. neither does he ever attempt an actual
pictorial ejffect. It would be ea^ to guess^ if one did not know,,
that the hand which penned' the. descriptions of scenery in the.
" Princess of Thule" mustatonetidie have held the' brush; but
there is nothing in Praga to belray the old landscape painter
beyond the intense sympathy with nature already- all uc)ed to.
The beautiful' poems addressed by Praga to hia^ child; should
finally be mentioned. The sentiment in these- is^as true as it is
pure. They are not, as some readers might in fen specimens of
Italian baby-worship, The poet looks upon his l>oy with the.
eyes of a thoughtful and even a sad man ; b^ at the same time
he sees in a child's smile at once the hope and the mystery qI
man's destiny.
Un vagito di bimbo, ecco la fedc,
Bcco il segi'eto dei d«8tidi vmani.
1
It wotrid be idle to prophesy that Praga, had he livedo would)
have been a gneat poet. Of the attributes bdortging to such im:
had at least two— mtensity and trtith of feeling; but two othera
seem as conspicuously wanting in the work he has^ left beWndr
him. These are balance of mind and beauty of form. With re^'
gard to the latter it may seem presumptuous for a foreigner to:
speak m an authoritative manner. But judged by the staadardi
of Dante and Petrarch and Leopardi, and even of Carducci and
Stecehcttt, Praga seeois to cnei.to.lack tk^ perfect g^mmetKy ot
^ophte;4<wifepimi<r« and ^l^at tatrmonip^s jrhytbm:,ql ^wt^
^ffteiioot wtdch ati ftaliati poet, albek x>f Hie Re«t?!stic Schoc^,
can scarcel3r be 'inraglned.
Stecchetti and Pwiga. vfkth inany others, fe{>res**it, a^ it wete,
^he extreme left of the vwlw!. Th^ey ane Bohemia As by prbfes-
sicii, :and in«6oiicl*slble enemies to lltemiy proprieties. Their
'worics «pe pvfbKshed by a eeita^n fiitD, 4and' their readers^, in afl
pn^sabilliy, 4ifltited t^ a eertain— although, no doubt, a wide —
circle of reaiders. All t*»i^ is (twanged as soon as we come to
«peak: of fittest' ae^nowkdg«d leader <rf the school, Oiosw^ Car-
dticd. ife^te ttdrtiitted by wrieers o^ all parties to be t^
leaxlliig poet of Itriy; the roost estaked bi*d rtost b^uti*-
fu* lady <rflJi»c<ktfitTy has' paid trfbtfte tty his ^ius; and hts
liteMry re^i^^fiabiliiy Is coiffir^^d 'by « hand^^>wie Mit^on of his
collected poems under the a&sptees of tte c61ebrat^d firm of
Barbara in Florence. In short, tie is oh the straight road to
classical dignity; And alf- thlshe has achieved without forfeit-
ing theaddf^atAott of hfe own imtnediate followers. Donienico
MftetK, a thorcwgh-paced Bc^emiari, dedi<dateS to hhn a pc>et-
ical confession Of iaiHh, and Steechetti calls him '* nostro duce
ihtanto <e nostra ibrea." It may be snrtnbed that a poet who is
thus able to' please Oppositfe parties tnuSIt possess high qualities
independent of all party considerations.
• Giosu^ Carducci's Hfe is devoid of stirring incidents ; with
few interruptions ?t has been • that of the poet and the scholar.
He was born in 1836, at Val di Castello, near Pietrasanta, in the
prtwrince of Pisa, the son of a physician of moderate means.
His elrly youth was passed In a small village of the Maremma,
where his father had an appointment as inedlcal man to a Fren<^h
mining company, The dreary solitude of this fc vet-haunted
region did not depress the spirit of the boy, who itere received
his fearllest poetic impression*, and who, moreover, was at liberty
to follow his studious inclinations under his father's gaidance.
The latter was by literary creed a member of that school of
Man;R>ni wOrt(hipers which his son was destined to destroy, bt
itPliiM'^tlymw^to'the backgmcrhd^otase^^ ^Wnt^bit
250 THB %IBRART MAGA^N^,
hitolUgent raetr.of His day Dr. M^chele GardtiCQt^A;^^^ a €atb6-
naro, and his liberal views were developed by! his son iirte ihc
extreme lorms of radicaHsm. , As- early a»^l849! trhe youthful
republican execrated ftbth name of ChaHesAlberC^dndpersua^d
his friend the village tailor aiida^eat politician^ t^.rftise theciy
of " Abasso tutti i re: viva la arepuWic^!'' To' this >CRecd tlie
poet remained faithful in after-life» and it ^as ^n a, rc^l»)iean,
although law-abiding, p^tform tiiat he wgfs in iSK-retlurned'iis
member for Lugo di Rooiagna. On thai oceaaion' 'hb m&de a
very remarkable speech, which deserves bHftf notiees^i^re itonl^
on account 0(f its fundamental 4ifferepce !fr0m anydectioneei*-
ing address that could possibly be d^livemd in>itliis c«>uiitry.
His chief fu-guiaent isrtbe fitnes9-ei poets fora poltf^cal care^,
which he tries to provie by both ancient and modem ih8tant:*es^
Plata be says, would not tolerates poet in hi»feptiblic. but tlife
Platonic Republic itself was: mot^ lyrical than aft-ode of Pindar*
Solon, OH' the other hand, composed elegies-; Mikon t^enaed the
"Apologia del Popoiio fd'Ingiiiljert^r* Uhlaad was a stanch
advocate of liberty in the Frankfort Parjlaoieiit, and Lmnartrne
braved the fury oftheiriioob lor days together, •* Perhaps my
adversaries i^ay exclaimi -You are not a Milton pr an Uhland
or a Lamartine;' 'Neither are you a Plato,' I should reply/*
Fancy anyone talking of Plato and Uhland; and liamartineto
the enlightened electors of Gloucester 0|r Boston, and -being
rewarded with " Ilaritaeapplausi," besides obtaiping the seat.
It may be mentioned in this connection that on one oooasioa
Carducci is accused of having sunk; his stern republicaA priji^
ciples.- It appears that lie was introduced to the Queen of Italy^
who received him. in the most gracious manner, and paid hira
the compliment dearest to the poet of showing intimate ac-
quaintance with his works. Soon afterward Carducci wrote the
ode "Alia Regina d'ltalia," of which an: enthusiastic ^ublisber's
circular states, " Una distintissima copia"-^"priflted on parch*
ment and bound in white silk" — was presented to Her Majestft
and. wlHch raided a »hau^of derisioa in'U^ Co98*fyatfv#*'Pie9l.
CMiicd'^ .jmotive; -anid/^evon' th« tmeanis^g' oC His '.vcrsesr were
misrepfdsented tfi: the grossest raannef, till atl^t be was com*
pelkxi to pobUib an. explanatory letter^ Tq tbe > putslder it
soems.fiatluml enough tkiftt ev<Qii a republican poet. need opt be
debarred jfraiinid^idg bonu^^e toa. beaidtiiui a«4 ^iftinguishpd
tac^ because^ alte*haippena>t9 bQ a q^een.
it is^luiy IQ tb^ credit ol tbe, Italian Goyenuneot^s^^ii^-r
deed»C3rdit<^iribifn3elf aGknowledg<)9*Hi;hata i9ano( diaextfem^
yieira ' should 'nb(t^4» aay^way have sMgciffd la bis prof esS)iaai4
career. He was*' ou tbe OQHtrary^ f rom^ the firf^t treated with, tb^
disiiafitiofti ^no. doubt' fnUjrdtf^nred by bi^ s«l^)av}y att^Mm^nt^.
In ji^5f9rat the eariy age of tweptynfive, be^was^ appojiited Pfo^
f^orof/G«eek in ^ the University, 4j>4 Pisia, jand in^tliefollovv jng
>^r obtained the^aafaedt^ingtfisn^ positlc^^t 3ologaat>wl^icl^
he^si^m. hold& ? Otoly >pn^<>ne OQQ^io(i» in i8^> he i^ras wi^h twp
ai^his GcHleagnesHSus^nded; foe a short ticfte; iqr /s^gnjng an^r
dnessto .Maanni^*"^ fitight iajuryi quite excu^ble," Qar(4ucd
himself xemarks; " in those d^s rof- political contention."
, Cardocci's poetical i^orkiis comprised und0<^ the following
UUes^, V Juvenilia," "Levla .Gravia, " **. Decennalia*!' "N^jov^
i?oeste." andi** Qdi; Barbane/'.the^grst: three f>ubl*sbed i^ axol-
lectjed . f^rm^ as *' PiOesie" <Flomnc^. the- Ifist two . belonging to
the pretty Elzeyir< edition of.modi^n poets appearing at Bpiogiw^
it must; bef churned that in the early poems there is- little, to be^-
trajf tjbefuttine yeristaor to distingHrish CardMcqi from, the pchoql
af literature then- iposti ia vagtie.. The stately march pi hi^ stan-
za •the: dig>nified grace of the.idio%iong;do no^ in any, w^ differ
fi?cxmrtj^, style 0f Montiand-Mananni. And tbecft, is little vari-
sttiontof manner-tn the^tneatoicnt of the varipus ijubject^ ; Venus
s^ Bacekus swre rftily invoked i* a love song or a '■ brin^isi'* is
attempted, and the patriotic/ addxesees t^ ."'Liberty" and the
italians^^re full, of.tlieelassiie jnagniloqueneeof Ai^i^to wbotx^,
iildeed, the foroser is dedicated^ ; -
,7 .The pheatomenoo is - ^sy- of ^ e^splaa^oktion^ Carducgi '& father
l^iai|(.«i« #aAfeL»&efin* a<ist«iifih<^M2ift9Qoiap^;.ift94' tbo.p^^t
i§2 r}f£ i/^i^jj^y MA^dimB,
himseff joined a society of yiyvmg \h%i^»ryttittnmhofm.wtkim;mif
chance of Mlkm poetry in t¥ft '^titicv^dhertnce moJl^pHMi
models of the medieval and R«iiais^nce periods, to tks Hadm
slori of aH foreign a«d m€Wte*«'^e*n*iii|g. Ifwas [a tliftriiettawy
organ 4^ ihh 'iftii&vemem,9\gniQcsanJbfiMA\pA^Amgf^
that Carducci earned his'SrHiaurels^-and lm> siM^k)ttS'«auiieftat
this ^Mt -^iitHed^ hi^"sybs^«i)tiy to appear Mioiigst the
learned editor^ of l4i* c^iarmkig' ^'diaiBt^nd-'uedttioit'Of. JtiHali
daissi^ piilillsfhed <by8arb^rs(. 1^^ poerkiiiiieelf is by Jio immmw
ashamed of these antecedents. -^'I <8tert«lv" h© writes, "aad i
am t^rottd of it, frt>m Alfieri/PaHnV Montis vS>wcdte,fijeop«fdfc;
through them asid i^h tlKkn i Went kmk to the anideiitaian^
Inibued mysdf with Dante imd Pmrnrdi/' Tlie ^ame ttene prti-
vaiils e^sekitiaHy ill the *^ LeVia OmvisU^^sMd ^begiai %o disappear
oftty in the •* DWjennfafia,'*' 6otnp^kitvg i<h^ po0ni«k mostly polklcat,
wftidt were 4^itt«^n^tiring «he teti 4ifetnM years piecedingf tbe
oeenpatfonof Ronne by the Iialians. The la^t^naiDed cdlectkNi
contains ohe^ the author's most famous^ or as some wwiM
«ay most wbtoridus, poems, the ^ Inino a Satana.'' whkh on its
appearance in 1869 evoked all the thunid^rs of a CoaservatiUlft
press, and ih the^tyes Of pious persons still surrounds the poet
^it^ a sort of itiHd iglow of unholiness. A'ddllo Bi^vgogni re*
lates how on^ evening when walkkig with the poet at Bologna
they 'Were met by co old priest, who gr^«ted Carducci to the
m6st cardial manner. Turning to Borgc^t' the kind cM, man
added : "A very good excellent person the prtofe^or, an-^ic^
lent p)ersan1 What a pity "he sh6ald have wdtteii *'Qv^
Demone* r meaning the " Hymh td< Satan." That sucfe'a'titie
alone would >e sufficient to frighten a shnple-minded priest or
a ptours lady is not a matter for ^rpri^e. Those, howevte*", who
had the courage to read must have seen that Cardudci's mean-
ing is n6t qnitk as teriil>le as might appear at first sight* Thie
Satan glorified by him is not tbe*^ northern phantom**^ of die
middle agea Justly despised 'by>Mephistophete%< nor ly^ that
^spirit kA tiegatioift Iiim8etl^^{>erhaps.^he .imareMuig iwo^itf alK
^Vmom d- Ju<)ff»«fit'*>i9' Ihe. iwarest approach to a pritu^pl^
y/lmk^ ait once tl^ " kittg ol torms and phenomena m mauer**^
thQ^rit of i^oble resMitaAce which tived. in Hussand Sa^vanaroia
and Luther, and finally the "ribellione e forza vindice deUa
regios^*' It may be readily .adnoitted that in this sense many
enlightpi^ • mem a/re ^evil^worshipers botk in and out of
It«Jy. ' yi. w^s^no doitbt this perfect rapport with the spirit of
mod^Oi progfOM which attitacted Cardueci'fr ireaders, and mad€»
him.t^A^ol Ot ItaUan, more especialiy ctf North Italian/
J:h«:^fl|l3hUfeenury impoftaace ^f Cankicci'^work belongs ta
a ^pjoop^caitiv^l^. l^t^r period. 1st his career the process of sowv>
log wild qaits has been CMfiously delayed. Speaking oi. the
"l^v^n^a^" Ef^ricoj P^nzacchJ, pne^ol the leading Italtaji cftt*.
ics«,iren(uu;k^ i/*li ycmtb in artaa in- life signifies- power and lib^
ei^, %h&tith€.pf^j^& of ,C^dac,ci> a( foirty ajre more juvenile
thfi^^tjbpse he^^rpl^ a]t» twenty." This process of.r^^eration
\&i^ccQ\xr}^(ir.iqr, l^ th^. ^udy of nmdeirn/ fooe^ literatures, es-
p^aUyth^^of ;^r^pe£^d;Geraiiaay» Victor Hug^ in the ior-
m^^and i^eii^ my%hmls^%^ being the. poets to whom Carducci.
sterns totl^inl^, hin^self mosib indebted* Hence the. accusation.
ofho^tUecriMc^ that-G^rduoci ha&.beeit all his^ life,. an4 remains*
little mor^ than .a ^kilU^^^aitd learned Temodeler of other peo-
ple's ideas^ that l^e l;»iegan by imitdting Dantcand Leopardi, and
e^dedjbjf p^ia^c^ing HeinQ lM»d the. modern FrencTi: school.
Ther^ jisr^ griMO ol jtru^th to a .whole heap of etroi^ in this sweep**
u|g asscrtioiK. U CardMcci adopts his ideas ixom other poets,
h^.l^nows %t least bow to remodel them. in bis own way so that
h^4)y ,a trace i^ . th^ origin remains. He has, for example, in
CQfmnoa wth V4ctor Hugd, a perfect horror of Caesart$m< as
represfsntedr in modern tinies by the Bonapartes; and he than-^
d^fs against the vice^ ol noyiil Versailles as if all philosophers
mpA R^poblicaaa — Dkierot* and Mirabeau, and Danton->^had
hjfif^ nipf|^l^j[>|yYi(?#!!^. , PMt.^t; these conclusions a stanch Re>
puja^ican might well arrive without ^b^jaiiLof the^gasBat^Fi^ochi
^54 THE UBRAItY JdACAZlNS.
poet. And here^aa to as>L cair ^ecf 'Caftl«cer« indebtedness
ends, if one excepts a certain imore personal and less conven-
tional pathos which distinguishes his later from his earlier
work.
It is very similar with the relations of the Italian poet to
Heine. Froin:him he is said to have borrowed his " paganism."
Now Heine's paganism was never of ^ gfennine or of a lasting
kind. Even when he was in the full vigor of health » and when
the golden diicats of his unde Salomon jmgled in his pockets,
his enjoyment of life and beauty was mingled with the melan-
choly note of romanticismi When e^Eperteifce ^nd ifhieiss had
chastened him and developed the true gtefctness^Of • Ws genius
the n&ask of Greek optimism fell from his* face. ''For the old
gods he has only a rc^etful farewell in *Les Dieux en Exil>"
and the .finest of his poems is concerned wkh a true man of ^r-
row. the roediflBval Jewish poetv Jehuda ben Hakvt. Of all this
theire is oot a trace in CardvJicci. He Is ar genuhie imd healthy
pj^an in the style of Goethe^ or perhaps stiM' more in tharof
Piacen^ Heine's ignai enemy, whom Carducci quote* freqaently.
and with whom (he -shares the lote of ^classical meters. The
lossonhe has learued from the modem poet is of a negative rather
than, of a positive kind. In the " Nuove P<^»ie" his style, with-
out Ipsing anythivig^ of its sonorous breadthris more simple, and
therefore more. intense., moie- personal. • Tlie im^ryalso has
grown in boldness i and color. Sffid the tyipiieal dMies of Gfeek
roythology.are less freqmently called npon.* Ii^ addHton^to this
the subject matter is more.substamiali nf^ore tangible. Instead
of vague addresses to Italy or Liberty we ha\«e now st meihorial
poem on the battle of Mentana, and another "On the Seventy-
ninth Anniversary of the French Rerpoblic, filst September.
1 87 1.*' To quote detached portions of these poems would give
little idea of their continuity of thought and of t*i^r 'foi*ce of
doclftmatory pathos. It will be better txj give the final stSn^as
of the address to the *' wild eotirsm*.*' his genius with Which the
poetfitrefacesJu&**NeAv^oagSv';. .' . - - 'o--- ^-^•♦"-
J/OaXSJKA^ ITAMAl^ PORTS, 255
■ '{ i C0riiaiiid«gli«nNnikrii3ovni]fctaMe«ifait£ . •-
E a noi rida Tapril !
L'apri) ^^ ^^' itf^icl yw^\ di i^pwi ;e .fiorj ,
L'april san^o.deir anima piena di nu9vi amori
■* ' * ' ■> /- L*aprile (del i5ens!er.'
Voliap^ sin, cbela iol^pr^ |di Gk)vie tra la ?oUa- ^
Nubc ci arda e punfichi, o che il torrente inghjotta
-•••••' '•♦ ^ '•'•'*'■ dafviHortarrilicr.' '* '"
-,.''.- • .''■ ^ ■-:.'. I ;.."• ,.',■.!■,'!.■:: -^ •. fi r..
O cbMo disceqda placido dal tuo stellanteiu-clone
' Ctfh l*<itdiiio'anc<5fa[*grtivfd6 in Iwbcc vision^ i • '■ ' *' '* '
,.i ., . 1. '.vAi ';.i .' i\ -} 'Sul4M0EMio:i*to«Sdl.i. ^i '■-■ *
' Ea ai'fraterno ^umulo posTcIa la fatica.
His clifthajt' of deV^lopftiei^t Ctfrdticd has; accordifi^ ^6 sGink
<^hy lirttk^ tiBftcHed !hJ hi^4dst'V61urtt6.'the ^•Ocfi eartrdre,"*
The title immediately suggest? Leconte de Lisle's ** Poemes-Bki*-
bares," but those woalcJbejeptirely mistaken M'ho from a kindred
name would guess^t a j&bidiwd spirits H«;re, indeed, the differ-
eat instincts of French and'lteliatilftfefafttif^ are strikingly illus-
trated. The •• Parnarissiens" and their great master and model,
V1«:t>r'«u^ii^6i**tftftei€'df^>ftid»l8E^^ReHaissah T*he
ltali44 mk¥(J*irti*tih<Jtf^My^a&hb«rs't^e' Middlfe^ Age^, knd'^esee'
aGcordif*gfjFthM'tl»6' leid6¥iof- tbe'verlsti bMbose^ ^)ag^i^ni'fbr
bis fettttte-cty,'^^^ «ffesf tJo revive •f*6«at5kti'yetffr&:' fri these-
o^et^rs^th^ ffOtfi Biiarfe*#e!'"ai-e wfltterii'fliWl brt*t?hat'^fc<5c6{iht' ex-
tolk*i'tto*thte-skMd by' 'fenthiisra^tife' Itkliang;:ihd''nbt */them^
aloBC. Th^ -cetebbted- Prof.'JMommsert ts a gtfeat ^rf^'h-er of
— ,-«, — ».^'--i*(ii — "mo 111 — ijii, >>) ,. •■■.•.{ * u — ;, «;?», f .J.;.' ,;-r;-t.t;. j ■»
♦ \' I^^ u^;iVi5^9^ |l>e liea4ft,av»d;^caat§ 9^ .t^ifl'^B^mij^i .let,||ie V*<M of^he
monsters dye purple thy iron knee-caps ; and on us^shalj smile April— the Aprjl of
Italian h/Us,tt<ih'Wit6Har vests aild ItoVerS ; the /holy ApriTof the soul, full of new*
ldv« ; iftd A^ of tlfdogHi;' rLdt>U9^'tIy tmth^ liichtnfnir't)^ Zeltd f rdm tile dcUttcM'etf
c}9M4(^rfl ^P4 P"r»^Vfv*«' MJIih? «MTep*» e«»«ilif Jwrse .an4 rider. ;Or/ti|I14!&-
sceni calmly from vour starry s^ddl^. wjth my ey^s, fitill besiyy from thQ iighj.and
the' vision,' on my Tuscan soil, to rest from niy fatigue on my brother^s tomb, while
jovt uate tile ^lif^'ftotii^ a beautilul ahtk|ue nana,' t<iwaM' th^ dyitag* «un.*' '■•\^' ■
?56 vim S^BM'ity MA€iAZmAi,
these odes, and^lms kinisdlf translated ^sevetad 4>fiJiem into Ger-
man. In spheof this high authority, and atth^i-isk of being
classed among irresponsible, indolent reviewers, I must own thafC I
cannot see the valuc'Of these metrieai eJipcilmetits- in a language
which has not only lost the sense of quantity, but even to a ^reqit
extent that of rhetorical accent. The latter is the vital metrical
principle in English and German, but the romapce language
have abandoned even this J?ist rhythmical stronghold, and .iH(W3-
ure their verses entirely by the number of syllabies. That even
on this principle fine rhythmical effects may b^^ produced by
great poets is a tcuisai w^ioh need not be here insisted upon,
but it is a very different thing where a.cerjain. Aythm is to be
repeated in a o^rtalg pai^ of (^^chline.. Hore tbc> impotence of
the modem language ^jecomev noticeable at every step* I doubt
M ^n ju^wsuy reader woul4^&ufP<<^ H^ratiAP, |f9fft^, if»dbtl^fallO|v-
ing dainty st^aiwa ^4d£es$ed Jto U^dk^ t^ prosAdJfig^fHy <^ ii^
'0<ti';.: ^ . ■ -■ ! ■■• -'■>_ --' . •■ -.r..' , '. .;
O deviata veadc solitudine
' Lungidalrutnbrd^gHuomhii! ' '
To ma the mo«^ sM<^«W fes^t«of *ft«tt|«eari$hA<^|ib)i«K::5{
of rhyn^, which i^^ to i9ey ^i^^Ma^ol ^o^^l^iff^mi^ Ai^.tte
same time U; is yeqrpps^blje tiiat, ,aA Italian ?ear,f|ia^ 4i9afW^
subtle b^ut^cs^f f l^ythm^nd jpi^eMy hi^diaii fcpm xh^^Ptgo^T.
And tt^ft ;Bame,Te?erv^ipf> sho»ki^ iwde m iJMdgi%'iof Gar-
<Uicci's. literary in^pprtanoQ in iu .^eattfety* He is ippt^a* lyrical
poet, and, seldi^ t^ouches ^e bqart;. .< His sttb^^ic^ ^f^ indeed,
seldom chosen with such a view, being in most instances sug-
gested by the' great ^events aftd the leading v&€^ of tfhe present
day. For all these he finds an expression fully satisfactory to
the rising generation of Italians, who* imoreoiwer, ftdmife the
nobility <5f his thought and diction; the depth of his %chol^^
Ship. Atl this glve^ hirrt a pronilnent jjlace in the modern de-
velopment of 4iis couotry ; but it i« of CQurse 4ifbrQBit wh^ihis
A NIGHT ON MOVNT WASHINGTON. 25?
posittoa in Internatiomil literature comes to be examined. The
latter, however^ is of little importance for our present purpose.
It was the aim of. this article to show that Italian poetry has
entered upoa a^^new phase, which, whithersoever, it may ulti-
iaateiy lead^ has at any late the. sympathy of the ypux^ and the
intelligent among the^natioiv* By the side^^pf thM fact jtkfi; i^ice
distinctions of more or lesa individual m^it are of comparatively
little significance^
F&jhNCis HusPFER^ in the FoortnightJiy Review.
A NIGHT fON MOUNT WASHINGTON.
The Amerioans were a ,long time. discovering th^ WJ;iite
Mountains^ Not exactly c^iscovjering ihenK i^t ,is tru^ for they
are^seen in the horizon of New Knglund from.^f^, s^1d in the
upper portions of the State of New Hamps^hire they are as^conr-
spkuious as the Welsh mountains from the west of England* or
the Cumberland; anid Wes^tmoreland hiijs in the north, f ven
from Portland on the sea^shoire, eighty or a hundred miles
away, the niountain range stretches, along l^he south-western
hodTon, and in a clear day the ^las&i^ .fcffm of Mount Wash-
ington, \% seen above allies Ae|ghbors., But though the hills
wereJcnown to exist, nobody; thought ol exploring them. , The
inhabitafits of a. new counlry h^ye.np time tp igll in loye with
thepidur^esque^ The battle with, the fore^ and the soil is too
hard and too universal to admit of p^i^nic excursions in pursuit
cA the^UJirise qr thQ sunset. Anjd soothf to say, if you wish to
see beautiful sunrises and sunsets in New Ei;i^laj>d. you do not
need to go very far for them. The veranda^ot the, frame hc^se,
qr Its bedroom window, will' in ntiost oases afford admirable op-
portunities for feasting the eyes of^, these glories of, the sky.
We shall not readily forget the woiulefful succession of autumn
sttijisets. Wrhich evening .after evening; presented themselves, as
•we satswii^ng. ont^erQckil»s^chair-in th^v^randa pf a friend V
L. M. 8.— o
258 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
house, with the beaotiftt! Contteetieut River and vallejr before
lis. And the exquifeite ca!m thAl breathed from' the 'artit)er sky
after the sun had set, atid from the bosom of the ri^'er, ^'here
crag, ^nd tree, and sky were kll so softly mfrrored, ^terned to
supply ^ that cobl^^ and reposb that tbiHrig tnen and wom^
needed after the'heat and burden df the day. ' * '•• -
It Ts !ittlewdftder,- therefore; thkt for the^great^ p^rt^of hro
centuries the White Mountains, and Mount Wii^ihgtoil iheii-
king, wetTe virt-iraHjr tihktiown: ' After ^H/-\^ hat* did people in
Scotland know of the Trosachs and Lake Katrine before Sir
Walter Scott ? or of Rydal and Grasmere before Wordsworth ?
There arediscov^f^tr ilnd^ ^^tkeitxi: THe White Mountains
as protuberances on the earth's surface were one thing; as the
hdm^s 6f pictureisque beatity i^mte -anotlier. The Americans .
have found them^drthkhowing ih th6 latter sense, and so mdy
persons more l-emote. To niost "fenglifehmfen, we'believe', they
have a ver}'- vague arnd sh^dbv^y existence.' AHthonyTrolTope.
we snppbse, exjire^'sed'his otvn notion before seemg thertn, when
he ^id that by 'E?rtg!i^hmeri rri general' they w^^ sup|36^e<} to
lie someWhere between the* R6cky Mountahis' and the Alle-
ghanieS,'and to'be homes of the Red Indian and 'the buflfald.
To him, as to many ti istran^er, it Was quite k -sufpHse t6 find
within a few hours 'by rail fh>ni "Boston a mbuntftirf plateau,
some forty-five rti ties loVig and thirty w^de, fismghighet thati
any mountains in Grekt BHtaln, and claiming, though not with-
out challenge, to be called the Switzerland of New England.
As for Red Indians and' buffaloes, it^is perhaps unfortunate that
there are none thereabout. If there had been riesident Red In-
dians, the grand old Indian names would no doubt have been
continued for the mountaihs, afe they have been over" all Ameri-
ca, for the rivers.' What i^ the result?' Why. that the old fiames
are discarded, and these h6ary Veterans, thtit*(*krty us back into
the dim ages of the geofogfcal past, are now distinguished from
one afnothcr by nothirig^- better than the few mod ^rh names that
America ddights to' honbh Thter^ly liitmnt WebStCr IU1<1
A NIGHT ON MOUNT WASHINGTON 259
Mooot Adams and Mount Fjrankliet and Mo^t J^ffecson* and
so forth, and». towering of j^urae above thepa i^« Mount Wash-
ingtom Wie cannot s«^ we 4ike the choice. K seeio^ to scamp
litUeneas ^hezie nature ^as(giMeii.majiesAy*,a^d u> qov^r the n^r
noorials of theougfa^r past.mth thei m^morieil of yesterday. In
some..greai:moi«ntainbtlttM. you S0e on ;^ POfite tJi^^^evident
Bsaicka olgUctiia tsxic^ aiidiyou^are^iar^Fi^ h$ifikJn^nmgination
to . the far i cHstei^li vage when ioe reigned in. hovy majep^ over
the whole J^egi^n. When, you karn tthait the 9M>Mntain be^rs the
name of Jacksoa or Webster,, you seem to hftvii^iQwnd ^le ?tep
between tlie,atthUn»e and. the. ridicolpus, ; . . .
It is iesd than>ft hi»ndred. years; since Moiwt We^hingtoni
which the Indiana.oaUed Agiochook» receiYet^its^ipr^entn^ni^
ItJs.Iittle mor&than.hialf tlvi^ time since thQ tot foQtpat,hw9^
made to thesummit.^ Abotiit' twenty yearst^ ago a path ior <^-r
riages was completed.., in. iS^ a r^i^Mray .w^ begun, and cofnn
pleted iaj869. ,.The height of the 4no!i*ntai^ is $,^93 feet, spn\e
five hundred more4^an> any ot the, svdiaaent. hills. There, Jiave
been hotels. on the top fe>r)abQu*.thii:;tyj^?a|s,oqcaftioi^lly blown
down by stoijD5fcs*^,i;rhe,pr*se«t;fe)^el^ rS»in,|ai^, Hous^/' dates
from. 1372, , , . ..,.-. " .• . r. . • t ..1 ,n .....* <
If thft Americans m^ liuteiof .tb^ WWte-MpuQtaHiis daring
the eariy period; of therr hist^vy^t^ey have* a» ply ;eofppensa^ed
their >e^rly iiegJect^y, what Jthpy.BwJ^ of tb^m noF^, Th^ dis-
trict is ttow tr^versod by ffailtfrays bringing' xi^ tonrist aj& near
to the mountaifis as the ii^tnre of the coumtry allows. Wjhftfje
the, railway cannot her built„ or rather where .it h^ not been
budt as yet, stagecoaches supply its place»r /Hotels».accomrao*
dating four or &ve hundred guests, havebeon-run upat various
coavenient.poiots^of the district, reaqhed jeA^hert^y the railway
or the .road, ;*Very often, theee hotels with- their annexes ^d
offices are. the o^x*-^^^^ within, reaoh pf ,the'/vailway station.
If you see " Faji^an" or ":Crav«[fojd " on the m^r do nc^ flatter
yourjselt that ili.te ft.city, or; Qvmn ^ town or vijlage>wiith iho^ses,
stor^a, and f3^ttor> i^3iitutio9» .surronnding* Iv > Jlimply Fa*
26o THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
byan's Gt Citavi^l^d*s housie or k©Ul,' wiih iu eimrbntnente. ^
And tiGitableiMMises they are> indeed, to be louod in tbe heart
of w^at Wfti^ fbt^ntty a wUdemefiB. At Fabyan's^ where we
spent a d^^r^WO/ in' addition to^^ken^Utlbulh^f thane are
two fsedi^odm H^ii8^> aeodMHAodatkig: iQ MJifmx 6t five .hun^
dred. Tlie drawlng^i^oom te otte haiMtredi feet im lei^th/ with
other dimeti^ofisr e6tifesp<»idii$g. Tlve^q^ster inokides- aanes
from aM ptitt9( ^f the Uirited States^ but h^dtyaiyf from £ng-
land or the Coiithiteiit. It is a parely AmerlGaa^hoase, Every-
thing is arranged in American ia$hionand at American houvs*—
breakfast, dinner, and supper. Should i^ou happen to arrive
midway between the canonical pericMls sacred to these neals,
you must amuse your appetite as you best^:£m till the doors of
the Salte-a^manger are thrown open. Thetallcofi the gentle-
men is all American poUti^ The talk of the ladixsis Ameri-
can gossip. If yo«i 'are riot an Am'erkranir ot if you have not
American friends; you' are a ^h oiit of the water, and, indeed,
it is something of pmsufoption for you «o b^ here at all.
What is rails iiiAmerkaj the waH6fs are ait yKMittg women.
A glance isenoug^ td show that^ though ^acting i^w in a menial
capacity, they do not belong to a menial class. Their faces are
intd^igent, their manner smart and self-^ssessed, their fingers
lithe and usually adorned witl^ jewelry.- Wh^ are they? Daugh-
ters of New Englatid farmers,'Of, if you prefer it, landed proprte-
tors, who have no intention of devoting their lives to> service,
but' have coi^ here lor a season to see a little of the worlds and
itt a few weeks wHl return to con^plete their education, or b^n
life in a different way. An^ American* friend wasced eloquent to
us over them. "No such jroung women,*' he said, *• in all
America. They make splendid wives. Presidents and govern-
ors have married such' young women, and r^ht well off they
have been." We could believe it all, for th^ faces were intelli-
gent, the styled work purpose^Iike, aiid th& baring of (he girls
evhficed thorough seH-respec^ > At meab, the Salle^^ manger is
arranged ki tables placed ^ro^-way& along ekter sii^ loithe
A NIGHT ON MOUNT WA$H^NQTON 26l
room, with |^es for a4<^Eon at eacb« A niQ^t^er'in'Chief re-
ceives you at the door, and assigns you your table and place
The bill of fare is as ample and varied as in the best city hotels^
and )«>u order whsuever you like. - The gjri in waiting receives
your order, and quickly your dishes are .planted round you.
That is to say, your minor dishes are nng/td round your princi-
pal oae — ^your. butter, potatoes, tomatoes, peas; tumif^ squash, ,
or whatever else o^ v^^etable produce you have called for, make
up a little solsM? system around the central clish of beef or mat-
too, till^ under your exertions, the whole syatent is annihilated,
and the next course begins. For iiqu<MV.the carte, offers you
wines and liqueurs ^aailpld, bat the^ are seldom called for.
lee water is almost the o^ly tipple. ^ The hotel has a bar, hid
away in some put-offthe-way comer, which gentlemen ificHoed
thereto may (ipd and Irequent as they p]ease> But women aitd
children are, >fpr the most part, practical^ teetotalers, fiod thus
upper American society is secured. one element of purity; wom-
en are not winerbibbers, and, however mueh they may be inter-
ested in their eatings drink water only.
Fai^an's istbe ciOBt- convenient poi«t for tbei ascent, of Mount
Washington, the vpiyimmmit pi which, or tip-top, as they call
it^ may be reached by railway. You may rise from yourchaif
iii^ t^e hojtel, step a<^ros8f the platform into the car, an4, wkh a
siogle chaage of ;caEs< 3t^ o^t six thousand lee^Q and o^ore above
the level pi the se% The ^rst five or six: miles arc aloAg the
lovely and pxpstot no feature of much Interest.. Wheii you reach
^le. ''.base" statl<i>^ you change into the mouatainr car. It is
much the sa^ae as an ordinary American car, accommodating
probably fifty passengers. In ascending the Rigi in Switzerland
by raiA you are placed with your back to the t<^, but in ascend-
ing Mount Washinj^tofi' you sit k) iheiisual way. T-he .engine
ifi ifoehind and poshes yoUr and i« deseen4iog iit is i» front, ar-
r^ing the motion. The principle on whii^h t^ engine works
is«he same as at -the Rigi-Hth^ne is a iic^Checl rail midway be-
tween theordinary rails, into which a cog-wtmHrom the engine
26i T^E LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
fits. The rate of wfdtfon is abotit three rtitei an lidiir. At first
the noifee of the eog-wbcd is loud and disfigrcedble, but in a
few minutes you Refused co it. And as you proc^d a miracle
could hardiy^pffoducd a more remarkable sensatirtrf.' ' Abdvcf you
you see the rbad mounting ovei* a huge precfpite- and fey some
strange. nH«ai*d-lHtfc jX)iiret. you Are swiftly aHd'st^dfljrb6rne
up. Roufid a <*urve you s^hn^aitr fabrie-^I^ndef ivttn ti^te!^
standing with Outsfcretched liitibs over a yaW^iftg ^f. Wlth^
out a moment** fear^ <)i» hesitation, ydut* v*'h?de' paks<»^ o^«^r th^'
gulf, and you=are'safet)A'th<i'o^()b8ite sid^r. P^iff, J«ff, ()iiflf, aftd"
still tlie^ofdis^Ex<JelWlef;'krtd ks you lobfe bia«kv?ii«f you see
what a heigflw you have reafche*?. There «re ftfo'ptiisei^r sta-
tions as at i*ie' Rigi alon^ tbe'linfe, tbt the befet ol fea*ohs-^hat
there no' inhabltatttfel on the rffOumain ^de.* BM l^vlcer'tre
thhik, the^rain stops, that the- engine trta/ be -Waterfed: '^'Th*'
conductor is obligiftg; ilkiws the 'pagsefngetst^g^otit'artd scat-'
terthem'ft**lve$ blfttl« along the ttfoiwitairi ^^^:' ^Yotf afrfef' gazing'
on the view toeloW. Wbe« you^^tffenltJoti id'iWek^'tj/a'hfsS^ng'
noise from above. Can 3'OU b^^ve your'eyes9"» Yotildok- t!|j»
and'Ste certaki of yoiJT fcllo^-ef^atttfesalidfeg 'dowi* th* fafl^t
a velocity of soih€f fifty n*iles'6Wh6u¥. ^00 Arid that th*y seat'
th6ffis€)ve$ on a little sltSd'that fiteon Co bnie of %hfe rails, lihd
you are told. tteitWh^d^theif tmi^t i^ uhiiVi^ded-iAfey catl* tra^;
vetisethe wh^lfe dl^ih^e, fmni ^Mim^h^t5C>=bdS6i Mi fbW niiniitiis.'
The «ted is ilirrrfshfed with A dr^, aftd in ^ite j5rrese?ftt l^s«irice*
the vehicle ti^d'io b6 phlldi U{> befdr^^hey i'eftctmdTobi'^tf^iii.
Anything m<(!)f^nWtdiJ!ikd than the dashirtgcoWi^ 6f thte lii^n lit
full swing yotl'can hatdly Tm4gine. Broken bOn<ts or' brbkeri'
heads sometimes occur, but to on^ thoroughly^ a^l^ to manfa|;e
hissied« and ghtlirig'^ithout interrijp^iori from top to' bottoihi
the motrohj beyond dowbt. is most dtlightluT. '
The aftertiobnt has been clear And sunn3r. rind ^ii> View of the
surrounding couhtfy is glorious; tbough the tn^nt!ains fEt€
much less-crowdidihanf afouiid'th^ R^i,aitd\life whote sc^ttWy
imich'1es8Jgftwd^ati*'varled» As we asccndj tJi^'vc^tiatibh b*-*
A NIGHT OiV MOUNT WASHINGTON 26^
comes manifestly more Alpine. The trees are reduced to pine,
and the pine becomes dwarfed and scraggy, and finally disap-
pears. The rocks become rugged and irregular, as if they had
hard times in the wintry ice and snow. We are yet eight or ten
hundred feet from the summit, when we become distinctly con-
scious of a whiff of vapor. Perhaps it is from the engine ? No,
it is too extensive for that, and now it seems to envelop us as if
a vapor-bath had been part of the programme. It is impossi-
ble to resist the conclusion, that we are caught in a fog. And
as the sun is to set in a few minutes the conclusion is but too
apparent that we are likely to be baulked of our expected view.
We do not despair, however. We remember a similar journey
up the Rigi two years before, when we reached the top in a
storm, and could not see the one end of the Kulm Hotel from
the other. Great was our delight on that occasion when, in an
instant, the fog disappeared, and a clear bar in the sky, between
the clouds and the horizon, gave the sun a splendid opportunity
to gild the whole amphitheater of mountains, and disappear
in a perfect blaze of glory. But no sunset was to be seen from
the summit of Mount Washington to-night. The whole body
of the American tourists rapidly made up their minds to that,
and as soon as they had registered their names and secured
their rooms, abandoned themselves to disappointment and to
supper. It seemed to one of my party and myself that, for once,
we might get an advantage over the Yankees, and by superior
'cuteness see the sun set after all. We remembered that it was
very near the^ summit that the mist had come on, and that a
short walk would bring us into a clear atmosphere again. So,
while the Americans were at supper, we stole down by the car-
riage road, and in some twenty minutes were below the mist.
The summit of the mountain hid the sunset proper, but not far
off we could easily see the clear sky, the clouds flushed with red,
and the bright green vaMeys below. It was no drawback that
the atmosphere around us was still charged with vapor, which
would come rushing along in occasional whiffs. The optical
264 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
illusions that presented themselves between the light and the
dark were very curious. We would observe clear silvery lakes
repwDsing^ in perfect stillness where no lakes had ever been seen
before; or a bright river would be seen wandering among the
mountains, all the more remarkable because the want ot streams
was wh^t wc had remarked as their most conspicuous defect in
the daylight view. While still v/ondering what it could all be,
our surprise reached a climax on our observing a splendid blaze
as if of electric light streaming out in silver lines from a single
spot. By and by the riddle was solved. It was patches of the
sky we had seen, of that white, shining, pearly hue you often
see half an hour after a bright sunset. The dark clouds through
which these white patches shone completed the illusion. We
had the pleasure (or the pain ?) of thinking that no eyes but
ours had seen these curious sights. Retracing our steps, we
were soon enveloped anew in impenetrable mist. As we neared
the hotel another illusion was seen that reminded us of the
Hartz Mountains. Right above our heads a gigantic human
figure was observed, six times the size of an ordinary man. It
moved its huge legs lilce one of the old giants, and waved a
lantern with its enormous arm. But as it neared us, each step
diminished its bulk one-half, and when at length it passed, it
was but our own size — an ordinary Yankee coachman going
down to the stable to look after his horses. It was not difficult
to account for the phenomenon — particles of mist acted as niag-
nifying-glasses under the light from the lantern, hence the gigan-
tic figure of the man. When we reached the hotel we found
that our disappearance had caused some anxiety, and that
opinion was divided as to whether or not we had fallen over
a precipice. The most anxious of our friends, however, had
been soothed by being told that the road was so plafn that
we could not be lost unless we had been bent on committing
suicide. .
It was the beginning of August, and down below people could
hardly bear the lightest clothing; but it was cold atop, and the
r
A NIGHT ON MOUNT WASHINGTON, 265
hotel on the summit was heated, as if it had been the depth of
winter. We fancy that that must be the American taste, but it
did not suit us. Our little bedroom was like an oven, and be-
tween the hot dry air within, and the. mist outside, breathing
was reduced to great difficulty. The night brought little sleep
and less refreshment ; there was little fear of our committing
the mistake of Mark Twain on the Rigi, and sleeping tiW after-
noon, as his *' Tramp Abroad" had, just been informing us.
With the first streak of dawn we were at our window, delighted
to find that, saving an occasional whiff from the north, the
mist had disappeared, and that there was the prospect of a full
view of the sun. In a short time a bell rang loudly, and before
five o'clock the platform in front of the hotel showed all that
variety of impromptu toilets usual on such occasions. Nothr
ing couid have been finer than the dawn. While silver was
stealing over the sky, a puff of mist, as it rolled up from a
neighboring valley, would suddenly glow with a bright red flush,
and as suddenly pass away. By and by the sky showed its
brightest tints of blue and green, and the clouds their richest
crown of gold. Then, on the edge of the horizon, came a speck
of dazzling ruby, expanding with provoking rapidity into a slen-
der red bow, then into a spotless semicircle, and finally a globe
of molten gold. All round, the sea of summits was bathed in
the tender pink of an Alpine dawn, patches of cloud gleamed
on the mountain sides like masses of opal, and below, the val-
leys shone out in their freshest green. In a brief half hour the
^lory was over. The svin and clouds had become common-
place, the poetical appetite of the spectators was satislied, and a
new appetite gave signs of great activity, for every one was ask-
ing when would breakfast be ready ?
Breakfast was not to be ready for three-quarters of an hour.
It was very hard. However sleepy you may be, you cannot
sleep. You have got unsettled, and a meal is necessary to re-
store your equilibrium. The three-quarters of an hour seem
like three hours. At length breakfast comes, your prosaic
266 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
wants are satisfied, and there remains only the settling of the
bill before you are ready to begin the descent.
Of course there are all sorts of souvenirs of Mount Washing-
ton to be had by those who care for them. The only one thkt
particularly took our fancy was the daily newspaper. It was
truly characteristic of America to print a daily newspaper there,
and to draw particular attention to the fact that it is the only
daily paper in the world printed oh the top. of a mountain.
Among the Clouds, as it is called, cannot lay claim to any extra-
ordinary amount of originality. The news is limited to a record
of the weather at the signal station on the previous day, last
night's arrivals at the hotel, and a few notes from the adjacent
tourist stations. Such sublunary matters as the presidential
contest or the war in Afghanistan created little or no interest
so far above the. surface of the earth. The life of the paper is
limited to two months of the year; hotel-keepers and railway
companies use it for advertising; beyond that, it must be con-
tent to be reckoned a curious toy.
There are three ways of getting down from Mount Washing-
ton ; first, by the railway, which most of the visitors preferred ;
second, by a stage-coach, along a road which winds over a
shoulder of the mountain, reaching ** Glen House" after an
eight miles* ride; and thirdly, by the same road on foot. Two
of us preferred the last of these methods, while another mem-
ber of our party took a place on the coach. Nothing is more
surprising to English tourists than the want of inclination for
walking shown by Americans. As far as we could learn, there
was but one pedestrian besides ourselves. The coach had a fair
complement of ladies and gentlemen. It was provided with
three pairs of horses, not for the descent, but for the upward or
return journey — six handsome grays, that looked quite stylish.
It did seem to us for a moment an awkward question what
would happen if one of these animals were to take a frisky fit
on the edge of a precipice. It soon occurred to us, however,
that horses that have to drag a heavy coach daily up eight miler
A NIGHT ON MOUNT fVA SUING TON, 267
of loose sandy road to the top of a mountain no less than four
thousand feet above the base, must have all their frisky moods
pretty well taken out of them in the course of the climb, and
may safely be trusted to perform the descent like lambs. At
the same time we were not without some anxiety about the
safety of the friend who had taken a seat on the coach. We
comforted ourselves by the thought that, as there seemed to be
do drinking-places on the mountain, the driver must be sober,
aawi the driving would be very careful. By and by we came to a
part of the road where a great smash had evidently occurred'
recently among the trees. An American gentleman told us that
a month before the coach had been upset at that spot, a lady
killed, and two or three other passengers seriously wounded.
"How was it possible," we asked, ** to upset the coach at such a
place?" " I believe, sir," replied our informant, "the coachman
was drunk."
The first half of the descent is over a very rough part of the
mountain, and one needs to be careful as to apparently *' near
CtttSi" We saw one that was very tempting, cutting off a long
acute angle ; but the mountain was so rough and the brushwood
so scraggy that it cost us quite as much tir.iC as the regular road,
and double the labor, besides tear and wear of boots and other
garments. Lower down, the path is very beautiful ; it passes
through an avenue of trees, as if you were traversing an English
park, only after a time it becomes somewhat close and monot-
onous. "Glen House," where the descent terminates, is one of
the most celebrated of the White Mountain hotels, and shows
the same* kind of company as we left at Fabyan's. It is situ-
ated in a finer spot, more secluded and highland, more in the
very' heart of the mountains. For those wishing to spend some
time in the district, and plunge wholesale into its characteristic
enjoyments, we should fancy Glen House a most delightful center.
From Glen House to G]en Station, the nearest point at which
yon can strike the railway, is a distance of fifteen miles. Over
thift space you may travel either by the stage-coach or by pri-
268 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
vate conveyance. We chose the stage. An American stage is
a curious combination of mediaevalism and the latest improve-
ments. The latest improvements consist of Saratoga boxes —
the huge wooden trunks in which American ladies carry about
their very valuable and varied supply of dresses. To Accommo-
date these the ^oach is made large, lumbering, and heavy. In-
side are two seats, as in the old mail-coach, but as they are at a
considerable distance from each other, a third seat may be intro-
duced between, having the effect of making the other seats close
and uncomfortable, and subjecting the whole inmates to the risk
of suffocation. Outside there is room for only four passengers.
Six strong horses are needed to drag the ponderous vehicle up hill
and down dale. The roads are noffe of the smoothest, and as the
coach is not set on springs, but only suspended by huge leather
belts, the jolting is absolutely heart-breaking, and something
like sea-sickness is a common result. These great six-horse
vehicles traverse the road in both directions several times a day.
Of course they must meet sometimes. If we had been the driver
our mind would have been agitated with terrible apprehensions
as to the kind of spot where the meeting might take place. The
road is precisely of the width necessary for a single coach. Wlien
two meet one must leave the road and take refuge in the brush-
wood adjoining. This is all very well if the brushwood happens
to be on the same level as the road ; but if the road is a foot or
two higher than the adjacent wood, or along the- bank of a
stream, or the side of a ditch, or the edge of a morass, the prob-
lem is not so simple. To a stranger it seems as if a dead-lock
were inevitable. We fancy the coachmen have some sort of
instinctive apprehension of the advent of another coach, and
forewarned is forearmed. But when a private conveyance
approaches, the consequences to the owner may be somewhat
serious. If there is no room to pass he must unyoke his horses,
lift round his buggy, and retreat before the stage till a passing-
place can be found. It is wonderful how the horses seem to
^mderstand these difficulties, and how much common sense they
« A NIGHT ON MOUNT WASHINGTON, 269
show in adapting themselves to them, and taking the only pos-
sible way to get out of them. For the most part the road lies
through forest, and it would be always beautiful if it were not
just a little monotonous. For miles upon miles no human habi-
tation can be seen. But there is not a spot that is not worth
looking at, and now and again you get glimpses of wooded moun-
tain and winding valley on which the eye loves to linger, knd
which photograph themselves on the memory.
At Glen Station you may get into the railway and drive
through some of the most beautiful scenery of the White Moun-
tains, including the celebrated Crawford Notch, returning to the
Fabyan House. The " Notch" is a valley, some twenty miles in
length, through which a little river, the Saco, makes its way,
while the mountains rise on each side, from the very edge of the
stream to the height of two thousand feet. At one place the
opposite rocks come within twenty-two feet of each other. The
gorge is full of beauty, and here and there small mountain
streams tumbling into it give rise to beautiful cascades; but
during the warm tourist season these unfortunately are generally
empty. The railway winds through the Notch, and as open
cars are provided on this part of the line, the traveler gets an
excellent view, if he can contrive to keep himself from being
blinded by the smoke and cinders from the engine. Of the very
few houses that meet the eye, one called Willey House has a
tragical interest. More than fifty years ago an avalanche of
snow descended from the mountain, burying the whole Willey
family, nine in number, who had fled from the house for safety.
If- they had remained they would have avoided their dreadful
fate; a rock above the house split the avalanche, and the house
escaped and is there to this day. The railway brought us back
to Fabyan's, exactly twenty-four hours after we had started.
The *• round," as they call it, is very interesting, and gives an
excellent idea of the White Mountains.
No one would ever seriously think of comparing them with
Switzerland — they have no snowy summits, hardly even a peak,
270 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
and in magnifcence and variety are never to be talked of in the
same breath. It would be more suitable to compare them with
the mountains of Wales or of Westmoreland. We may be under
the influence of national prejudice, but we cannot award tlie
White Mountains a place of equality to either. There is no
doubt more massiveness — more unbroken stretches of wooded
mountain and grandly sweeping valley ; but there is much less
variety, and far fewer of those complete little landscapes which
a painter would delight to copy. They seemed to us a mighty
whole, a grand tout ensemble, but we did not find those mani-
fold nooks of exquisite beauty which make Wales and West-
moreland a perpetual succession of delights, each with some
features of iis own. As we have already said, there is a want of
lake and river. The landscape wants eyes. The stretches of
unbroken green need crags and peaks to break them up, and
sheets and threads of silver to give them brightness and life.
We believe, however, that all these defects would have disap-
peared if our visit had been paid in '* the fall." From what we
saw elsewhere of the exquisite coloring of the woods at that
season, we believe the White Mountains must be perfectly beau-
tiful. And probably the cascades and streams are fuller, and
the whole aspect of things more bright and lively.
But there is one great want not remedied at any season —
human habitations. For the solitudes are not like the bare,
unclothed solitudes of the Scottish mountains, grand in their
very loneliness: they are wooded glens and mountains that
seem to crave habitations to nestle in their leafy shade. But
of habitations, apart from the big hotels, too big to be pictur-
esque, there is scarcely a vestige. There are no snug hostelries
at the roadside to invite the weary pedestrian to rest. There is
hardly a spot over the whole district, except the hotels, where
one can get even a cup of milk. Strange to say, in democrat^
America, the White Mountains are a strict preserve for
wealthy. Not by any edict of proprietors threatening trespa
sers with prosecution, but by the law of the hotels, whose
r^"
BYIWN IN GREECE, 27 1
practically excludes every poor man. One or two small houses
make more moderate charges, but the usual rate is four or four
and a half dollars, not much less than a pound a day. At the
Summit Hotel, on Mount Washington, the charge for tea, bed,
and breakfast is four dollars and a half. It is singular how ex-
tremes meet. The poor man is not more hopelessly excluded
from the precincts of an aristocratic deer forest in the old coun-
try than he is from the open beauties of the White Mountains
in democratic New England. Of course he may carry a wallet
and sleep in the open air, but young America has no fancy for
such ways. In many respects, as they say, one man is as good
as another in America, and, as the Irishman added, a little bet-
ter; but, if he does not carry a good fat roll of dollars in his
pocket, the White Mountains are forbidden fruit.
Prof. W. G. Blaikie, in Good Words.
BYRON IN GREECE.
At a time when Greece is once more in every one's thoughts
and on nearly every one's lips, it may be interesting to revert to
what were more familiar to the preceding generation of English-
men than they are to the present one — the experiences of Byron
in Hellas, whether in his youth as a traveler, or in his prime and
on the eve of his death as a martyr to the cause of Greek inde-
pendence. For the moment, it ist as a political claimant that
Greece figures in the public eye. We need hardly say, however,
that no political virus will find their expression here, and that
our sole task is to reproduce the impressions made on a suscep-
L tible and lofty mind by residence among a famous and aspiring
^ people at an interesting epoch in their fortunes.
I *, -Byron was in his twenty-second year when, in September,
III Jl^» he left Malta in the Spider, a brig of war, and after eight
272 1 HE LIBRA R y JA / GA ZIXE.
days' sail arrived at Prevesa. Thence he made an inland excur-
sion of some one hundred and fifty miles, to Tepaleen, where he
was received with much distinction by the famous Ali Pasha,
the Governor of Albania, Epirus, and part of Macedonia. After
a nine days' journey on horseback, he reached Tepaleen at five
o'clock in the afternoon, as the sun was going down. He has
left us a description, both in prose and verse, of the scene that
greeted him. In the former he designates it " a new and delight-
ful spectacle I shall never forget." In verse, his more natural
language, he pictures it with the hand of a master, one stanza
of which is worth citing, if only to show, in these days of exces-
sive literary artificiality, what an effect can be produced by the
simplest means — clear seeing and unaffected writing :
The wild Albanian, kirtled to his knee,
With shawl-girt head and ornamented gun.
And gold-embroidered garments, fair to see ;
The crimson-scarfM men of Macedon ;
The Delhi with his cap of terror on,
And crooked glaive ; the lively, supple Greek,
And swarthy Nubia's mutilated son ;
The bearded Turk that rarely deigns to speak.
Master of all around, too potent to be meek.
Ali Pasha was curious to know why a man so young should
have left his own country ; for Turks never travel except to con-
quer, and of literary conquests Ali Pasha had naturally no con-
<ieption. He pleased Byron by admiring his small ears, white
hands, and curly hair, and by remarking that he was evidently
a man of birth — an observation the young poet was careful to
•repeat to his mother, and to set down in his journal. Making
his way back to the coast, he touched at Patras, and passed by
Missolonghi, little conscious that in fifteen years he was to die
there, and that its name and his own were forever to be associ-
ated. "I like the Albanians much," he wrote ; "they are not
all Turks : some tribes are Christians. But their religion makes
little difference in their manner or conduct." This last obsecya-
r
BYRON IN GREECE, 273
tion, I am assured, is as true to-day as it was then. " They are
esteemed the best troops in the Turkish service," he goes on :
I lived on my route two days at once, and three days again, in a barrack, and
never found soldiers so tolerable, though I have been in the garrisons at Gibraltar
and Malta, and seen Spanish, French, Sicilian, and British troops in abundance.
About the middle of November he left Prevesaand journeyed
through Acarnania and ^Etolia to the Morea, having a body-
guard of some forty of the people whom he thus extols. In the
Gulf of Arta occurred the scene he has described so graphically
in prose, yet prose happily never degenerating into pseudo-
lyricism. I feel sure the reader will be glad to look upon the
glowing picture, even though it be not new to him :
In the evening the gates were secured, and preparations were made for feeding
our Albanians. A goat was killed and roasted whole, and four fires were kindled in
the yard, round which the soldiers seated themselves jn parties. After eating and
drinking, the greater part of them assembled round the largest of the fires, and
whilst ourselves and the elders of the party were seated on the ground, danced
round the blaze to their own songs with an astonishing enei^^. All their sonffs
were narratives of some robbing exploit. One of these, which detained them more
than an hour, bcpan thus: "When we set out from Parga there were sixty of
us.^ Then came the burden of the verse :
Robbers all at Parga !
obbers all at Parga !
And as they roared out this stave they whirled round the fire, dropped and re-
bounded from their knees, and again whirled round as the chorus was again re-
peated. The rippling of the waves upon the pebbly margin where we were seated,
filled up the pauses of the song with a milder and not more monotonous music. The
night was very dark, but by the flashes of the fires we caught a glimpse of the
woods, the rocks, and the lake, which, together with the wild appearance of the
dancers, presented us with a scene that would have made a fine picture in the hands
of such an artist as the author of the '* Mysteries of UdoI|pho."
Riding toward Delphi along the sides of Parnassus, he saw
a flight of twelve eagles. He seized on the omen and hoped
Apollo would accept his homage. A few days later he fired at
an eagle and wounded it. He tried to save it — *'the eye was so
bright ;" but it pined and died ; and he never attempted the life
of another bird. He crossed Mount Cithaercn, v^itcd the ruins
274 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
of Phyle. and reached Athens at Christmas. There he stayed
nearly three months. "Our lodgings," wrote Hobhouse, his
traveling companion,
consisted of a sitting-room and two bedrooms opening Into a courtyard, where
there were five or six lemon trees, from which, during our residence in the place^
was plucked the fruit that seasoned the pilaf and other national dishes served up at
our frugal uble.
The eldest daughter of the house was the " Maid of Athens." to
whom was written the exquisite little lyric the whole world
knows by heart. The following lines are perhaps less familiar
to most people. They were an impromptu by Byron, on reading
in a travelers' book, kept by the ladies of the house, some verses
written by an anonymous traveler :
♦
This modest baird; like many a bard unknown.
Rhymes on our names, but wisely hides his own.
Yet whoso *er he be. to say no 'worse,
His name would bring more credit than his verse.
An epigram quite in the style of the " English Bards and Scotch
Rev ewers." During his stay in Athens he made several excur-
sions, bat always within the boundaries of Attica, on one occa-
sion being nearly carried off by a band of pirates lying hidden
in a cave near Sunium. All this time he was writing the second
canto of •* Childe Harold," which was begun at Janina on the
31st of October, 1809. and finished at Smyrna on the 28th of
March following. He had left, Athens on the 5th, striking on
horseback into the olive-wood on the road going to Salamis, and
galloping at a quick, pace, in order to rid himself of the pain of
parting.
He has left but little in prose of the impression his first visit
to Greece made upon him, the reason probably being that there
was no person to whom he could pour out his heart. In one of
his letters to his mother, with whom his sympathies were unifor-
tunately, but not unnaturally, very slight, he say^, *• I have no
one to be remembered to in England, and wish to hearnothing
r
BYRON IN GREECE, 27$
from it but that you are well ;" and if the date be borne in
mind, it will be seen that this was not the cynicism of the man,
"but the loneliness of the boy. He left on record that there are
places in Epirus without a name, and rivers laid down in no
map, which may one day, when more known, be esteemed supe-
rior subjects for the pencil and the pen than *' the dry ditch of
the Ilissus and the bogs of Boeotia." Like all great poets, he
immeasurably preferred the rudest Nature to the most finished
Art. Of the people themselves he observed :
1 see not much difference between ourselves and the Tuiics, save that they have
long: dresses and we short, and that we talk much and they litUe. They are sensible
people. ... I like the Greeks, who are plausible rascals — with all the Turkish
vices, without their courage. However, some are brave, and all are beautiful, very
much resembling busts of Alcibiades : the womeif not quite so handsome.
In another place he says that the Greeks, though inferior to
the Turks, are better Jhan the Spaniards, who in their turn
excel the Portuguese. That this was not said from any political
prejudice, is evident from another passage, in which occurs the
following prophecy: "The Greeks will sooner or later rise
against the Turks, but if they do not make haste, I hope Bona-
parte will come and drive the useless rascals" — presumably the
Turks — " away."
Toward the end of July he was back at Athens, having in the
interim been to Constantinople. He lodged in a Franciscan
convent, making Athens his headquarters till the following
satnmer, though continually breaking his residence by excur-
sions in the Morea. In the course of his wanderings he crossed
the Isthmus of Corinth eight times ; he could say without boast-
ing. " The greater part of Greece is already my own, so that I
shall only go over my old ground, and look upon my old seas
and moutitains, the only acquaintances I ever found improve
Upon me." He was back in England in July, 1811. bringing with
him some marbles, four ancient Athenian skulls afterward given
to Walter Scott, a phial of Attic hemlock, four live tortoises, a
greyhound, and two Greek servants.
2^(> THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Twelve years, as we have said, were to elapse before Byron
again visited Greece. But what twelve years ! He had mean-
while filled the world with his fame. From being the lonely and
friendless youth who had written some fugitive poems that had
been laughed at, and had retaliated with a satire whose ability
every one had acknowledged, but whose existence he was him-
self anxious to forget, he had expanded into a man whose works
were in everybody's hands and whose deeds awakened universal
curiosity. In those twelve years he had written " Childe Har-
old," the " Bride of Abydos," the " Corsair," " Manfred," ** Cain,"
" Don Juan," and a crowd of other poems and dramas of which
these are but the loftiest types. He had contracted an unfortu-
nate marriage, had turned his back upon his country, and had
identified himself with the sorrows and hopes of Italy, where he
had found as much consolation as was possible to a nature that
found contentment neither in society nor in solitude, neither in
obscurity nor in renown, neither in action nor repose.
And now once more he turned to the land, in singinor of
whose decayed state and shattered fortunes he had won his ear-
liest bays. Writing to Mr. Blaquiere on the 5th of April, 1823,
he said :
I cannot express to you how much I feel interested in the Greek cause, and
nothinfif but the hopes I entertained of witnessing the liberation of Italy itself pre-
vented me long ago from returning to do what litUe I could as' an individual in the
land which it is an honor even to have visited.
Mr. Blaquiere, who was proceeding on a special mission to
Greece, on the part of the London Committee of Emancipation,
was instructed by them to touch at Genoa on purpose to confer
with Byron, and the result was a letter from the latter to the
Committee,, written on the 12th of May, much too long to
transcribe, but containing the most valuable information and
couched in the most practical and business-like terms imagin-
able. It ended with the assurance that the Committee might
command him "in any and everyway;" and the Writer added,
" If I am favored with any instructions I shall endeavor to obey
I
BYROX nv GREECE. 2'j7
them to the letter, whether conformable to my own opinion or
not."
Before the end of the month it was decided that Byron should
betake himself to Greece, "the only place," he wrote to Tre-
lawney, ** I was ever contented in. They all say I can be of use
to Greece, I do not know ho»v — nor do they; but at all events
let us go." That he did not go from a mere impulse of self-
indulgence and from a craving for excitement is quite certain.
He did not see his way clearly to rendering that practical service
to the Greeks which alone was worthy of consideration, and he
had a personal presentiment, which he expressed to Lady Bless-
ington and Count D'Orsay, that he should never return from
the expedition. Lady Biessington recounts that after giving
vent to this feeling he leaned his head upon the arm of the sofa
and burst into tears, which he vainly strove to explain away by
attributing them to hysterical nervousness. Madame Guiccioli,
too, with whom the present writer had some acquaintance dur-
ing the closing years of her life, always narrated that for some
weeks beforfe his departure his mind was evidently the theater
of a painful and protracted struggle.
He slept on board the Hercules on the night of the 13th of
July, off Genoa, and the next day was supposed to be on his
way. But at first there was little wind, and when it rose it
waxed to a furious storm, and the party were driven back into
port. Byron remarked it was a bad omen, and others observed,
though he did not, that the start had been made on a Friday,
which in a queer sort of way, in common with many other peo-
ple, he usually regarded as an inauspicious day. The only con-
solation for the mishap was the discovery that some verses had
arrived for the illustrious adventurer from Goethe, who after-
ward, referring to the incident, left it on record that "there
cannot be any doubt that a nation which can boast of so many
great names, will class Byron among the first of those through
whom she has acquired such glory." Byron had only time just
to write a graceful letter of acknowledgment, before he was
278 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
again on the waters. He left Leghorn on the 24th of July, and
ten- days later cast anchor at Argostoli, the chief port of Cepha-
lonia. He brought with him about ;£9,ooo, a portion of which
sum he had at the time in hand, some of which he had raised
on bills of exchange, while some had been procured by the sale
of his furniture and books. As for the future, his intentions
were thus expressed in a letter written on the eve of departure
from Italy:
If I remain in Greece, \rhich will mainly depend upon the presumed probable
utility of my presence there, and of the opinions of the Greeks themselves as to its
propriety— in short, if I am welcome to them— I shall continue, during my residence
at least, to apply such portions of my income, present and future, as may forward
the object ; that is to say, what I can spare for the purpose. Privation I can, or at
least could once, bear ; abstinence I am accustomed to ; and as to fatigue, I was
once a tolerable traveler. What I may be now I cannot tell, but I will try. I await
the commands of the Committee. It would have given me pleasure to have had
.some more defined instructions before I went ; but these, of course, rest at the
option of the Committee.
There is a modesty of tone, a subordination of self, in these
passages, which is very pleasing, and whiph serves to indicate
better than any other second description the frame of mind in
which the great poet entered upon his solemn and heroic mis-
sion.
He soon found that he had a difficult part to play, for there
were two parties in Greece; one nominally having the direction
of the movement for independence, the other seeking to wrench
from them their authority. Byron soon made up his mind that
he must have nothing to do with these rivalries, unless it were
to reconcile them. The National Government was necessarily
only ostensible; there were a number of military chiefs, each
sighing for supreme command, and each trying to intercept as
much of the revenue collected for patriotic purposes as possible ;
tliere was a fleet furnished by private adventure, and an army
counting more on plunder than on pay. Perceiving the state of
affairs, and resolved not to be compromised by it, he lingered in
Cephalorua in considerable discomfort, collecting as best he
r
- BYRON IN GREECE. 279
could the requisite information for his guidance. The brave
Marco Botzaris, who soon afterward fell in action, besought
Byron to join him in his campaign in the mountains. Metaxa,
the Governor of Missolonghi, urged him to repair to its rescue,
for the Turks were directing against it a blockade both by land
and sea. Colcotroni sent urgent messages inviting him to a
congress to be shortly held at Salamis ; while Mavrocordato was
imploring him to travel in all haste to Hydra. " It is easier to
conceive than to relate." says Count Gamba, " the various means
employed to engage him in one faction or the other : letters,
messages, intrigues, and recriminations, nay, each faction had its
agent exerting every art to degrade its opponent."
His letters to Madame Guiccioli were frequent. In one of
them, after expressing a doubt whether he or any foreigner
could be of use to the Greeks, he added :
Pray be as cheerful and tranquil as you can, and be assured that there is nothing
here that can excite anything but a wish to be with you again, though we are very
kindly treated by the English of all descriptions. Of the Gredcs I can't say much
Rood hitherto, and I do not like to speak ill of them though they do of each other.
His letters to the General Government of Greece at the time
were models of dignified frankness and good sense. Again and
again he repeated that the Greeks had no enemy to fear except
their own tendency to discord. The Turks had retreated from
Acamania; Corinth had been captured, and Missolonghi had
been relieved ; and to the latter place, before the end of the
year, the poet repaired to meet and confer with Mavrocordato.
" I need not tell you," wrote the latter, " how much I long for
your arrival, to what a pitch your presence is desired by every-
body, or what a prosperous direction it will give to our affairs.
Your counsels will be listened to like oracles."
A good deal of this anxiety, no doubt, was caused by the
eagerness, the pardonable eagerness, to get hold of the money
Byron had resolved to embark in the Greek cause. While mak-
ing for Missolonghi he and his party narrowly escaped capture
by a Turkish frigate. They had to conceal themselves among
280 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
some rocks off Dragomestri. Count Gamba and all the more
valuable articles of the expedition were not so fortunate, and
were towed by the Turkish frigate into Patras. He had the
skill to concoct a plausible account of himself, and was accord-
ingly released.
Once in the midst of the Greeks, Byron never vacillated in his
determination to throw in his lot with tiiem. He was angry
with them, disgusted with them, disappointed by them over and
over again ; but, as he said, " others may do as they please ; they
may go, but I stay here — that is certain." In a fit oif extreme
irritation at one of their exhibitions of incapacity and indiffer-
ence, he declared they were such barbarians he would pave the
roads with them if he were their master. Yet in quieter mo-
ments he made every allowance for the effect of centuries of
oppression ; and Colonel Napier has recorded the opinion that,
with the exception of Mr. Gordon, Byron was the only man that
seemed justly to estimate their character. It was an infinite
relief to him at last to be promised a chance of action ; and in
the middle of January he found himself appointed commander
of an expedition to be directed against Lepanto. His little army
was to consist of a force of Suliotes, who turned out to be the
most unmanageable rascals ever got together. Nearly half of
them insisted on having the rank of officers. Byron at once
discharged the whole lot. This brought them to their senses,
but they soon again mutinied, and both Colonel Stanhope and
Count Gamba have given striking accounts of the scene that
ensued. Each is too long for quotation. Byron was suffering
from an attack of convulsions, the first symptom of what was to
follow. The Suliotes broke into his aparment and brandished
their costly arms. ** Byron," says Colonel Stanhope, " electrified'
by this unexpected act, seemed to recover from his sickness ; and
the more the Suliotes raged, the more his calm courage tri-
umphed. The scene was truly sublime." Finally they had to
be got rid of, and the expedition, to Byron's infinite chagrin,
was abandoned.
BYRON IN GREECE. , 28 1
Among his other vexations was the desire of some of his asso-
ciates to promote the cause of Greece by a free use of the
printing-press. He at once discerned the danger of allowing
people who could not agree, to publish their grievances to the
world ; and he, who had been all his life battling for freedom of
speech and utterance in every form, saw himself regarded as a
reactionary because he insisted on keeping the main end in
view, and shaping the means in conformity with it. But he
stuck to his point, and as, to use his own words, he was main-
taining nearly the whole machine at his own cost, he carried it.
His firmness caused him to be regarded as a sort of mediator
among all the rival chiefs, who on one occasion offered, through
Colcotroni, to submit their differences to him. Incidents of this
character encouraged him in spite of his failing health and the
manifest insufficiency of military resources. *' It were better,"
he wrote, "to die doing something than nothing. My presence
here has been supposed so far useful as to have prevented con-
fusion from becoming worse confounded." No offers, however
flattering, made him deviate from his purpose of attending to
the practical everyday wants of the government and the army.
When it was suggested that he should be made governor-general
of that part of Greece which was already free from the presence
of the Turks, he troubled himself far less about so vague a pro-
posal than concerning the condition of the fortifications of Mis-
solpnghi, the state of discipline among the patriotic levies, the
strictest observance of international law, so as not to predispose
any of the powers against Greece, and, finally, about the proper
method for launching a large loan.
As far as he cherished any personal wish in connection with
the enterprise, it was that he should have an opportunity of dis-
tinguishing himself in some brilliant military exploit, for he had
rhat Virgil terms an " immense yearning for fame," and it is
pretty certain that he would have been well content to find in
some such adventure a glorious death. The lines he had written
on the 22d of January previously, his thirty-sixth birthday, the
282 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
only lines he wrote during this second visit to Greece, and the
last that ever proceeded from his pen, were no mere heroics of
the Muse. They betrayed his innermost thought :
The sword, the banner, and the field.
Glory and Greece, around we see !
The Spartan borne upon his shield
Was i)ot more free.
Tread those reviving passions down.
Unworthy manhood ! Unto thee
Indifferent should the smile or frown
Of beauty be.
If thou regret'st thy youth, why live ?
The land of bororable death
Is here. Up to the field, and give
Away thy breath !
Seek out, less often sought than found,
A soldier's grave, for thee the best ;
Then look around, and choose >thy ground.
And take thy rest !
But it was not to be. Had Heaven granted his prayer it
would have shown itself too partial to one upon whom it had
already lavished an exceptional number of its favors. Nor, to
be just, and though Byron ' has been roughly handled and even
unfairly aspersed by austere moralists, did he deserve the glori-
ous end he begged for. Great as was his genius, and splendid
on the whole as was the use he made of it, his life had not been
uniformly noble enough to close with the honors of a patriot's
and martyr's death on the battlefield. But if that first place of
honor was denied him, at least proxime accessit. Though repos-
ing with his head upon his pillow, he died for Greece, which to
this hour finds in the recollections of his name, his Muse, and
his sword, one of the strongest claims to the sympathies of
mankind.
Temple Bar.
CARL YLE 'S LECTURES, 283
CARLYLE'S LECTURES ON THE PERIODS OF
EUROPEAN CULTURE,
From Homer to Goethe.
" Detestable mixture of prophecy and playacforism " —
so in his " Reminiscences " Carlyle describes" his work as a
lecturer. Yet we are assured by a keen, if friendly, critic,
Harriet Martineau, that " the merits of his discourses were
so great that he might probably have gone on year after year
till this time with improving success and perhaps ease, but
the struggle was too severe," i. e., the struggle w4th nervous
excitement and ill-health. In a friendly notice of the first
lecture ever delivered (May i, 1837)* by Carlyle before a Lon-
don audience, the Times observes : " The lecturer, who seems
new to the mere technicalities of public speaking, exhibited
proofs before he had done of many of its higher and nobler
attributes, gathering self-possession as he proceeded."
In the following year a course of twelve lectures was de-
livered "On the History of Literature, or the Successive
Periods of European Culture," from Homer to Goethe. As far
as I can ascertain, except from short sketches of the two lec-
tures of each week in the Examiner, from May 6, 1838, on-
wards, it is now impossible to obtain an account of this
series of discourses. The writer in the Examiner (perhaps
Leigh Hunt) in noticing the first two lectures (on Greek liter-
ature) writes : " He again extemporizes, he does not read.
We doubted on hearing the Monday's lecture whether he
would ever attain in this way to the fluency as well as depth
for which he ranks among celebrated talkers in private ; but
Friday's discourse re^lieved us. He 'strode away' like
Ulysses himself, and had only to regret, in common with his
♦ %B ist of May was illustrious. On the evening of that day Browning's " Straf-
ford" was produced by Macready at Covent Garden theater. Dr. Chalmers was at
this time also lecturing in London, and extensive reports of his lectures are given in
tb« Times and the Morning Chronicle. ^
284 " THE LIBRAR V MAGAZINE.
audience, the limits to which the one hour confined him."
George Ticknor was present at the ninth lecture of this
course, and he noted in his diary (June i, 1838): "He is a
small, spare, ugly Scotchman, with a strong accent, which I
should think he takes no pains to mitigate. . . . To-day he
spoke — as I think he commonly does — without notes, and
therefore as nerarly extempore as a man can who prepares
himself carefully, as was plain he had done. He was impress-
ive, I think, though such lecturing could not well be very
popular ; and in some parts, if^ he was not poetical, he was
picturesque." Tichnor estimates the audience at about pne
hundred.
A manuscript of over two hundred and fifty pages is in ray
hands, which I take to be a transcript from a report of these
lectures by some skillful writer of shorthand. It gives very
fully, and I think faithfully, eleven lectures ; one, the ninth,
is wanting. In the following pages, I may say, nothing, or
very little, is my own. I have transcribed several of the most
striking passages of the lectures, and given a view of the
whole, preserving continuity by abstracts of those portions
which I do not transcribe. In these abstracts I have, as far
as possible, used the words of the manuscripts. In a few
instances I have found it convenient to bring together para-
graphs on the same subject from different lectures. Some
passages which say what Carlyle has said elsewhere I give for
the sake of the manner, more direct than that of the printed
page ; sometimes becoming even colloquial. The reader will do
well to imagine these passages delivered with that Northern
accent which Carlyle's refined Bostonian hearer thought "he
took no pains to mitigate."
At the outset Carlyle disclaims any intention to construct
a scientific theory of the history of culture; some plan is
necessary in order to approach the subject and become more
familiar with it, but any proposed theory must be viewed as
one of mere convenieticc.
n
CARL YLE^ 'S LECTURES, 285
Ttere is only one theory which has been most triumphant — that of the planets. On
so other subject has any theory succeeded so far yet. Even that is not perfect ; the
Btronomer knows one or two planets, we may say, blit he does not know what they are,
where tbcy are going, or whether the solar system is not itself drawn into a larger sys-
tem of the kind. In short, with every theory the man who knows something about it,
knows mainly this — that there is much uncertainty in it, great darkness about it, extend-
ing down to an infinite deep ; in a word, that he does not know what it is. Let him
take a stone, for example, the pebble that is under his feet ; he knows that it is a stone
broken out of rocks old a.s the creation, but what that pebble is he knows not ; he
knows nothing at all about that. This system of making a theory about everything is
what we may call an enchanted state of mind. That man should be misled, that he
should be deprived of'knowing the truth that the world is a reality and not a huge con-
fused hypothesis, that he should be deprived of this by the very faculties given him to
tmderstand it, I can call by no other name than enchantment.
Yet when we look into the scheme of these lectures we
perceive a presiding thought, which certainly had more than
a provisional value for Carlyle. The history of culture is
viewed as a succession of faiths, interrupted by periods of
skepticism. The faith of Greece and Rome is succeeded by
the Christian faith, with an interval of pagan skepticism, of
which Seneca may be taken as a representative. The Chris-
tian faith, earnestly held to men's hearts during a great epoch,
is transforming itself into a new thing, not yet capable of
definition, proper to our nineteenth century; of this new
thing the Goethe of "Wilhelm Meister" and the **West-
ostlicher Divan " is the herald. But its advent w^s preceded
by that melancholy interval of Christian skepticism, the
eighteenth century, which is represented by Voltaire and the
sentimental Goethe of " Werther," which reached its terrible
consummation in the French Revolution ; and against which
stood iut in forlorn heroism Samuel Johnson. Carlyle's gen-
eral view is a broad one, which disregards all but fundamen-
tal differences in human beliefs. The paganism of Greece is
not severed from that of Rome ; Christianity, Catholic and
Protestant, is essentially of one and the same epoch.
There is a sentence which I find in Goethe full of meaning in this regard. It must
he noted, he says, that belief and unbelief are two opposite principles in human nature.
The theme of all human history, so far as we are able to perceive it, is the contest
between these two principles. All periods, he goes on to say, in which belief predomi-
nates, in which it is the main element, the inspiring principle of action, are distin-
guished by great, soul-stirring, fertile events, and worthy of perpetual remembrance :
286 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
and, 6n the other hand, when unbelief gets the upper hand, that age !& unfertile,
unproductive, and intrinsically mean ; in which there is no pabulum for the spirit of
ihan; and no one can get nourishment for himself. This passagb is one of the most
pregnaiit utterances ever delivered, and we shall do well to keep it in mind in these dis-
quisitions.
In attempting "to follow the stream of mind from the
period at which the first great spirits of our Western World
wrote and flourished down to these times," we start from
Greece. When we ask who were the first inhabitants of
Greece, we can derive no clear account from any source.
" We have no good history of Greece. This is not at all
remarkable. Greek transactions never had anything alive
[for us.^]; no result for lis; they were dead entirely. The
only points which serve to guide us are a few ruined towns, a
few masses of stone, and some broken, statuary." Three
epochs, however, in Greek history, can be traced : the first,
that of the siege of Troy — ^the first confederate act of the
Hellenes in their capacity of a European people ; the second,
that of the Persian invasion ; the third, the flower-time of
Greece, the period of Alexander the Great, when Greece
" exploded itself on Asia."
Europe was henceforth to develop herself on an independent footing, and it has faeoi
so ordered that Greece was to begin that. As to their peculiar physiognomy among
nations, they were in one respect an extremely interesting people, but in another un-
amiable and weak entirely. It has been somewhere remarked l)y persons learned in the
speculation on what is called the doctrine of races, ths^ the Pelasagi were of Celtic
descent. However this may be, jt is certain that there is a remarkable similarity in
character of the French' to these Greeks. Their first feature was what we may call the
central feature of all others, exhausting (?)* veheituncey not exactly strength^ for
there was no permanent coherence in it as in strength, but a sort of fiery im^tuosity ;
a vehemence never anywhere so remarkable as among the Greeks, except among the
French, and there are instances of this, both in its good and bad point of view. As to
the bad, there is the instance mentioned by Thucydides of the sedition in Corcyra,
which really does read like a chapter out of the French Revolution, in which the actors
seem to be quite regardless of any moment but that which was at hand.
The story of the massacre is briefly told, which recalls to
Carlyle, as it did to Niebuhr, the events of September, 1792.
But connected with idl this savageness there was an extraordinary delicacy of taste
and genius in them. They had a prompt dexterity in seizing the true relatiooB ti
pbjects, a beautiful and quick sense in perceiving the places in which the things lay,
all round the world, which they had to work with, and this, without being entiidy
^ j^^g ,, existing.'*- "
CAJRL YLE'S LECTURES, 2^7
^dinirable, was in their own internal province )iighly useful. So the French, with
tkeir undeniable barrenness of genius, have yet in a remarkable manner the facility of
9xpits»ni: themselves with precision and elegance, to so singular a degree, that no ideas
or inventions can possibly, become popularized till they are presented to the world by
means of the French language. . . . But in poetry, philosophy, and all things the
Greek genius displays itself with as curious a felicity as the French does in frivolous
exercises. Singing or music was the central principle of the Greeks, not a subordinate
one. And they were right. What is not musical is rough and hard and cannot be har-
monized. Harmony is the essence of Art and Science. The mind molds to itself the
clay, and makes it what it will.
This spirit of harmony is seen even in the earliest Pelasgic
architecture, and more admirably in Greek poetry, Greek
temples, Greek statuary. A beautiful example may be found
in the story of how Phidias achieved his masterpiece at Elis.
When he projected his Jupiter of Elis, his ideas wer^ so confused and bewildered as
to give him great unrest, and he wandered ~about perplexed that the shape he wished
would not disclose itself. But one night, after struggling in pain with his thoughts as
usual, and meditating on his design, in a dream he saw a group of Grecian maidens
approach, with pails of water on their heads, who began a song in praise of Jupiter.
At that moment the Sun of Poetry stared upon him, and set free the image which he
sought for, and it crystallized, as it were, out of his mind into marble, and became as
symmetry itself. This spirit of harmony operated directly in him, informing all parts
of his mind, thence tiansferriog itself into statuary, seen with the eye, and filling the
heart of all people.
Having discussed the origin of Polytheism, Carlyle speaks
of divination.
It is really, in my opinion, a blasphemy against human nature to attribute the whole
of the system [of polytheism] to quackery and falsehood. Divination, for instance,
was the great nucleus round which polytheism formed itself — the constituted core of
the whole matter. All people, private men as well as states, used to consult the oracles
of Dodona or Delphi (which eventually became the most celebrated of them all) on all
the£oacerns of life. Modem travelers have discovered in those places pipes and other
secret contrivances from which they have concluded that these oracles were constituted
on a principle of falsehood and delusion. Cicero, too, said that he was certain two
augurs could not meet without laughing ; and he was likely to know, for he had once
been an augur himself. But I confess that on reading Herodotus there £^pears to me
to have been very little quackery about it. I can quite readily fancy that there was a
great deal of reason in the oracle. The seat of that at Dodona was a deep, dark chasm
into which the diviner entered when he sought the Deity. If he was a man of devout
frame of mind, he must surely have then been in the best state of feeling for foreseeing
the future, and giving advice to others. No matter how this was carried on — by divi-
nation or otherwise — so long as the individual suffered himself to be wrapt in union
with a higher being. I like to believe better of Greece than that she was completely at
the mercy of fraud and falsehood in these matters.
So it was that Pheidippides, the runner, met Pan in the
mountain gorge.* " When I consider the frame of mind he
*CarIyle tells the story of Pheidippides evidently from memory, and not quite
•.Carlyle
acouately.
288 THE LIBRAR V jtfA GAZINE.
must have been in, I have no doubt that he really heard in
his own mind that voice of the God of Nature upon the wild
mountain side, and that this was not done by quackery or
falsehood at all." But above and around and behind the
Whole system of polytheism there was a truth discovered by
the Greeks —
that truth which is in every man^s heart, and to which no thinking man can refuse
his assent. They recognized a destiny ! a great, dumb, black power, ruling during
time, which knew nobody for its master, and in its decrees was as inflexible as ada-
mant, and every one knew that it was there. It was sometimes called " Moira,'* or allot-
ment, part, and sometimes *' the Unchangeable." Their gods were not always mentioiMd
with reverence. There is a strange document on the point, the Prometheus of iEschy-
lus. iBschylus wrote three plays of Prometheus, but only one has survived. Prome-
theus had introduced fire into the world, and was punished for that : his design was to
make our race a little less wretched than it was. Personally he seems to be a taciturn
sort of man, but what he does speak seems like a thunderbolt against Jupiter. ....
Jupiter can hurl him to Tartarus ; his time is coming too ; he must come down ; it is
all written in the book of destiny. This curious document really indicates the prime-
val qualities of man.
Stories from Herodotus, " who was a clear-headed, candid
man," of the Scythian nation who shot arrows in the
stormy air against their god, and of another people who made
war upon the south-wind, similarly illustrate that the^cient
reverence for their deities was not the reverence for that
which is highest or most powerful in the universe.
From the religion we pass (Lecture II.) to the literature of
the Greeks. "The 'Iliad,' or *Song of Ilion,' consists of a
series of what I call ballad delineations of the various occur-
rences which took place then, rather than a narrative of the
event itself. For it begins in the middle of it, and, I might
say, ends in the middle of it." The only argument in favor of
Homer being the real author is derived from the common
opinion and from the unity of the poem.
There appears to me to be a great improbability that any one would compose an epic
except in writing. ... I began myself some time ago to read the Iliad, which I bad
not looked at since I left school, and I must confess that from reading alone I became
completely convinced that it was not the work of one man. ... As to its unity — its
value does not consist in ah excellent sustaining of characters. There is not at all the
sort of style in which Shakespeare draws his characters ; there is simply the cunning
man, the great-headed, coarse, stupid man, the proud man ; but there is nothing so
remarkable but that any one else could have drawn the same characters for the pur-
pose of piecing them into the Iliad. Wc all know the old Italian comedy, their Harie-
' CARLYLE'S LECTURES, ' 289
quin, doctor, and Columbine. There are almost similar things in the characters in the
Iliad.
In fact the " Ilia^ " has such unity — not more and not less
—as the modern collection of our old Robin Hood, ballads.
Contrasting the melodious Greek mind with the not very melodious English mind,
the dthara with the fiddle (between which, by the way, <here is strong resemblance),
and having in remembrance that those of the one class were sung in alehouses, while
the other were sung in Icings' palaces, it really appears that Robin Hood's ballads have
reeeived the very same arrangement as that which in other times produced ** the tale
of Troy divine."
• The poetry of Homer possesses the highest qualities be-
I cause it delineates what is ancient and simple, the impres-
sions of a primeval mind. Further,
Homer does not seem to believe his story to be a fiction ; but has no doubt it is a truth.
... I do not mean to say that Homer could have sworn to the truth of his poems
before a jury — far from it — but that he repeated what had survived in tradition and
records, and expected his readers to believe them as he did.
With respect to the " machinery," gods and goddesses. Homer
was not decorating his poem with pretty fictions. Any re-
markable man then might be regarded as supernatural ; the
experience of the Greeks was narrow, and men's hearts were
open to the marvelous.
Thus Pindar mentions that Neptune appeared on one occasion at Nemean* games.
Here it is conceivable that if some aged individual of venerable mien and few words
% had in fact come thither his appearance would have attracted attention ; people would
have come to gaze upon him, and conjecture have been busy. It would be natural that
a succeeding generation should actually report that a god appeared upon the earth.
In addition to these excellences,
the poem of the Iliad was actually intended to be sung ; it sings itself, not only the
cadenCe, but the whole thought of the poem sings itself as it were ; there is a serious
recitative in the whole matter. . . . With these two qualities, music and belief, he
places his mind in a most beautiful brotherhood, in a sincere contact with his own
characters ; there are no reticences ; he allows himself to expand with some touching
loveliness, and occasionally it may be with an awkwardness that carries its own apology,
upon all the matters that come in view of the subject of his work.
In the " Odyssey " there is more of character, more of unity,
and it represents a higher state of civilization. Pallas, who
had been a warrior, now becomes the Goddess of Wisdom.
Ulysses, in the " Iliad," " an adroit, shifting, cunning man,"
becomes now "of a tragic significance." He is now "the
* Igthmian ? See Pindar, Olymp. viii. 64.
L. M.— 10
290 THE LIBRA R V MA GA ZINE.
much-ehduring, a most endearing of epithets." It is impos*
sible that the " Odyssey " could have been written by many
different people. *
As to detailed beauties of Homer's poetry, we have a touch-
ing instance in Agamemnon's calling not only on gods but
rivers and stars to witness his oath ; " he does not say what
they are, but he feels that he himself is a mysterious exist-
ence, standing by the side of them, mysterious existences."
Sometimes the simplicity of Homer's similes make us smile;
"but there is great kindness and veneration in the smile."
There is a beautiful formula which he uses to describe death :
He thumped down falling, and hb arms jingled about him. Now, trivial as this
expression may at first appear, it does convey a deep insight and feeling of that phe-
nomenon. The fall, as it were, of a sack of clay^ and the jingle of armor, the last
sound he was ever to make throughout time, who a minute or two before was alive and
vigorous, and now falb a heavy dead mass. . . . But we must quit Homer. There is
one thing, however, which I ought to mention about Ulysses, that he is the very
model of the type Greek, a perfect image of the Greek genius ; a shifty, nimble, active
man, involved in difficulties, but every now and then bobbing up out of darknesa and
confusion, victorious and intact.
Passing by the early Greek philosophers, whose most valu-
able contribution to knowledge was in the province of geom-
etry, Carlyle comes to Herodotus.
His work b, properly speaking, an encyclopaedia of the various nations, and it dis-
plays in a striking manner the innate spirit of harmony that was in the Greeks. It
begins with Croesus, king of Lydia ; upon some hint or other it suddenly goes off into
a digression on the Persians, and then, apropos- of something else, we have a disquisi-
tion on the Egyptians, and so on. At first we feel somewhat impatient of being thus
carried away at the sweet will of the author ; but we soon find it to be the result pf an
instinctive spirit of harmony, and we see all these various branches of the tale come
pouring down at last in the invasion of Greece by the Persians. It b that spirit of order
which has constituted him the prose poet of hb country. ... It b mainly throu|^
him that we become acquainted with Themistocles, that model of the type Greek .in
prose, as Ulysses was in song. ...
Contemporary with Themistocles, and a little prior to Herodotus, Greek tragedy
began. i'Cschylus I define to have been a truly gigantic man— one of the latgest char-
acters ever known, and all whose movements are clumsy and huge like those of a son
of Anak. In short, his character is just that of Prometheus himself as he has described
him. I know no more pleasant thing than to study i¥lschylus ; you fancy you hear
the old dumb rocks speaking to you of all things they had been thinking of since the
world began, in their wild, savage utterances.
Sophocles translated the drama into a choral peal of ittel*
ody. " The ' Antigone ' is the finest thing of the kind ever
CARL VLB 'S LECTURES. 29I
sketched by man." Euripides writes for effect's sake, " but
how touching is the effect produced ! "
Socrates, as viewed by Carlyle, is " the emblem of the de-
cline of the Greeks," when literature was becoming specula-
tive.
\ wilHngty admit that he was a man of deep feeling and morality ; but I can well
tmdetstand the idea which Aristophanes had of him, that he was a man going to destroy
ailOHttce with his innovation. . . . H<Ahows a lingering land of awe and attachment
few die old religion of his country, and often we cannot make out whether he be-
Uered in it or not. He must havt had but a painful intellectual life, a painful kind of
life altogether one would think. ... He devoted himsdf to the teaching of morality
and virtue, and he spent his life in that kind of mission. I cannot say that there was
any ci^ in this ; but it does seem to me to have been of a character entirely unprofit-
able^ I have a great desire to admire Socrates, but I o>nfess that his writings seem to
be made up of a number of "very wire-drawn notions about virtue ; there Ls no conclii-
skm. in him ; there is no word of life in Socrates. He was, however, personally a co-
boent and firm man.
We pass now (Lectures III.) to the Romans.
We may say of this nation that as the Greeks may be compared to the children of
andqtaity from their naivete and gracefulness, while their whole history is an aurora,
the dawn of a hif^r culture and civilization, so the Romans were the meh of antiquity,
aad ykakt history a glorious, warm, laborious day, less beautiful and graceful no doubt
than the Greeks, but more essentially useful. . . . The Greek life was shattered to
pieces against thehdrder, stronger life of the Romdns. ... It was just as a beautiful
CTjr^ital jar becomes dashed to pieces upon the hard rocks, so inexpressible was the force
of the strong Roman energy.*
The Romans show the character of two distinct species of
people — the Pelasgi and the Etruscans. The old Etruscans,
besides possessing a certain genius for art, were an agricul-
tural people —
endowed with a sort of sulten energy, and with a spirit of intensely industrious thrift,
aUtid of vigorous thrift. Thus with respect to the plowing of the earth, they declare it
tobfc a kind of blasphemy against nature to leave a clod unbroken. . . . Now this feeling
vathe fundamental characteristic of the Roman people before they were distin-
gtii^ed as conquerors. Thrift is a quality held in no esteem, and is generally re-
gsurded as mean ; it is certainly mean enough, and objectionable from its interfering
with all manner of intercourse between man and man. But I can say that thrift well
tuKferstood includes in itself the best virtues that a man can have in the world ; it
teaches him self-denial, to postpone the present to the future, to calculate his means,
and rq;ulate his actions accordingly ; thus understood, it includes all that man can do
in bk vocation. Even in its worst state it Indicates a great people.t
Joined with this thrift there was in the Romans a great
* Here Cariyle speaks of Niebuhr, whose book *' is altogether a laborioos thing, but
Ixaftords after all very little light on the eariy period of Roman history."
t See, 1» the same effect, ** a certain editor '* in " Frederick the Great," b. iv. chap. 4.
292 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
seriousness and devoutness ; and they made the pagan notion
of fate much more productive of consequences than the
Greeks did, by their conviction that Rome was fated to rule
the world. And it was good for the world to be ruled sternly
and strenuously by Rome : it is the true liberty to obey.
That stubborn grinding down of the globe which their ancestors practiced, i>lowuig
the ground fifteen times to make it produce a better crop than if it were plowed four-
teen times, the same was afterwards carried ou^by the Romans in all the concerns of
their ordinary life, and by it they raised themselves above. all other people. Method
was their principle just as harmony was of the Greeks. The method of the Romans
was a sort of harmony, but not that beautiful graceful thing which was the Greek bar'
mony. Theirs was a harmony of plans, an architectural harmony, which was displayed
in the arranging of practical antecedents and consequences.
The "crowning phenomenon" of their history was the
struggle with Carthage. The Carthaginians were like the
Jews, a stiff-necked people ; a people proverbial for injustice.
I most sincerely rejoice that they did not subdue the Romans, but that the Romans
got the better of them. We have indications which show that they were a mcsm peo-
ple compared to the Romans, who thought of nothing but commerce, would do any-
thing for money, and were exceedingly cruel in their measures of aggrandizement and
in all their measures. . . . How the Romans got on after that we can see by the Com^,
mentaries which Julius Cssar has left us of his own proceedings ; how he spent ten
years of campaigns in Gaul, cautiously planning all his measures before he attempted
to carry them into effect. It is, indeed, a most interesting book, and evinces the
indomitable force of Roman energy ; the triumph of civil, methodic man over wild and
barbarous man.
Before Caesar the government of Rome seems to have
been a
very tumultuous kind of polity, a continual struggle between the patricians and ple-
beians. . . . Therefore I cannot join in the lamentations made by some over thedown-
fall of the republic, when Caesar took hold of it. It had been but a constant strug-
gling scramble for prey, and it was well to end it, and to sec the wisest, cleanest, and
most judicious man of them place himself at the top of it. . . . And what an empire
was it ! Teaching mankind tliat they should be tilling the ground, as they ought to be,
instead of fighting one another. For that is the real thing which every man is called
on to do — to till the ground, and not to slay his poor brother-man.
Coming now to their language and literature — the peculi-
arly distinguishing character of the language is " its impera-
tive sound and structure, finely adapted to command." Their
greatest work was written on the face of the planet in which
we live ; and all their great works were done spontaneously
through a deep instinct.
The point is not to be able to write a book ; the point is to have the true mind fori^
CARL YLE 'S LECTURES. 293
Everything in that case which a nation does will.be equally significant of its mind. If
any great man among the Romans, Julius Caesar or Cato for example, had never done
anything but till the groutid, they would have acquired equal excellence in that way
They would have plowed as they conquered. Everything a great man does carries the
traces of a great man.
Virgil's " ^neid "
ranks as an epic poem, and, one, too, of the same sort in name as the Iliad of Homer.
But I think it entirely a different poem, and very inferior to Homer, ^here is that
fatal consciousness, that knowledge that he is writing an epic. The plot, the style,
alf-is vitiated by that one fault. The characters too, are none of them to be compared
to the healthy, whole-hearted, robust men of Homer, the much enduring Ulysses, or
Achilles, or Agamemnon, i^'.neas, the hero of the poem, is a lachrymose sort of man
^together. He is introduced in the middle of a storm, but instead of handling the
tackle and doing what he can for the ship, he sits still, groaning over his misfortunes.
".Was ever mortal," he asks, " so unfortunate as I am ? Chased from port to port by
the persecuting deities, who give no respite," and so on ; and then he tells them how he
is **the pious iEneas," In short, he is just that sort of lachrymose man ; there is
hardly anything of a man in the inside of him.
"When he let himself alone/* Virgil was a great poet,
admirable in his description of natural scenery, and in his
women ; an amiable man of mild deportment, called by the
people of Naples "the maid." "The effect of his poetry is
like that of some laborious mosaic of many years in putting
together. There is also the Roman method, the Roman am-
plitude and regularity." His friend Horace is " sometimes
not at all edifying in his sentiments ;" too Epicurean ; " he
displays a worldly kind of sagacity, but it is a great sagacity."
After these, Roman literature quickly degenerated.
If we want an example of diseased self-consciousness and exaggerated imagination,
a mind blown up with all sorts of strange conceits, the spasmodic state of intellect, in
short, of a man morally unable to speak the truth on any subject — we have it in Sene-
ca. ... I willingly admit that he had a strong desire to be sincere, and that he
endeavored to convince himself that he was right, but even this when in connection
with the rest constitutes of itself a fault of a dangerous kind.
But — such is the power of genius to make itself heard at all
times — the most significant and the greatest Roman writers
appeared later than Seneca.
In the middle of all that quackery and puffery coming into play turn about in every
department, when critics wrote books to teach you how to hold your arm and your
leg, in the middle of all this absurd and wicked period Tacitus was bom, and was
enabled to be a Roman after all. He stood like a Colossus at the edge of a dark night,
and he sees events of all kinds hurrying past him, and plunging he knew not where,
hot evidently to no good, for falsehood and cowardice never yet ended anywhere but
in destruction.
294- THE LIBRAR V MA GAZINE,
Yet he writes with grave calmness, he does not seem star-
tled, he is convinced that it will end well somehow or other,
" for he has no belief but the old Roman belief, full of their
old feelings of goodness and honesty." Carlyle closes his
view of pagan literature with that passage in which Tacitus
speaks of the origin of the sect called Christians :
It was give» to Tacitus to see dee|>er into the matter than appears from the above
account of it. But he and the great empire were soon to pass away forever ; and it
was this despised sect — this Christiis Quidam — it was in this new character that all the
future world lay hid.
The transition period (Lecture IV.), styled the "millen-
nium of darkness,*' was really a great and fertile period, dui;-
ing which belief was conquering unbelief; conquering it not
by force of argument but through the heart, and " by the con-
viction of men who spoke into convincible minds." Belief —
that is the great fact of the time. The last belief left by
paganism is seen in the stoic philosophers— belief in one's self,
belief in the high, royal nature of man. But in their opinions
a great truth is extremely exaggerated :—
That bold assertion for example, in the face of all reason and fact, that pain and
pleasure the same thing, that man is indifferent to both. ... If we look into the
Christian religion, that digniiication of man's life and nature, we shall find indeed this
also in it, — to believe in one's self. . . . But then how unspeakably more human is this
belief, not held in proud scorn and contempt of other men, in cynical disdain or indig-
nation at their paltriness, but received by exterminating pride altogether from the
mind, and held in d^radation and deep human sufferings.
Christianity reveals the divinity of human sorrow.
In another point of view we may r^ard it as the revelation of eternity : Every man
may with truth say that he waited for a whole eternity to be bom, and that he has a
whole eternity waiting to see what he will do now that he is bom. It is eternity, a
significance it never had without it. It is thus an infinite arena, where infinite issaes
are played out. Not an action of man but will have its truth realized and will go on
forever. . . . This truth, whatever may be the opinions we hold on Christian doctrine,
or whether we hold upon them a sacred silence or not, we must recognize In Christian-
ity and its belief independent of all theories.
If to the character of the new faith we add the character of
the Northern people, we have the two leading phenomena ot
the middle ages. With much shrewdness, the still rude
societies of Europe find their way to order and quiet. Then,
there was that thing which we call loyalty. In these times of
our own
CARL YLE'S LECTURES, 295 ,
loyalty is much kept out of sight, and little appreciated, and many mind^ regard it as
a sort of obsolete chimera, looking more to independence and sume such thing, now
regarded as a great virtue. And this is very just, and most suitable to this time of
movement and progress. It must be granted at once that to exact loyalty to things so
bad as to be not worth being loyal to is quite an unsupportable thing, and one that the
worid would spurn at once. This must be conceded ; yet the better thinkers will see
that loyalty is a principle perennial in human nature, the highest that unfolds itself
there in a temporal, secular point of view. In the middle ages it was the noblest
phenomenon, the finest phasis in society anywhere. Loyalty was the foundation of
the state.
Another cardinal point was the church, "Like all other
matters, there were contradictions and inconsistencies with-
out end, but it should be regarded in its ideal." Hildebrand
represents the mediaeval church at its highest power. " He
has been regarded by some classes of Protestants as the
wickedest of men, but I do hope at this time we have out- '
grown all thak .He perceived th^t the church was the high-
est thing in the world, and he resolved that it should be at
the top of the whole world, anim^iting human things, and
giving them their main guidance." Having described the
humiliation of the emperor, Henry the Fourth, at the. castle
of Canossa, Carlyle proceeds : —
One would think from all this that Hildebrand was a proud man, but he was not a
proud man at all, and seems from many circumstances to have been on the contrary a
man of very great humility ; but here he treated himself as the representative of Christ,
and for beyond all earthly authorities. In these circumstances doubtless there are
many questionable things, but then there are many cheering things. For we see the son
of a poor Tuscan peasant, solely by the superior spiritual love that was in him, humble
a great emperor, at the head of the iron force of Europe, and, to look at it in a toler-
. able point of view, it is really very grand ; it is the spirit of Europe set above the body
of E4irope ; the mind triumphant over the brute force. . . . Some have feared that the
tendency of such things is to found a theocracy, and have imagined that if this had
gone on till our day a most abject superstiti6n would have become established ; but
this is entirely a vain theory. The clay that is about man is always sufficiently ready
to assert its rights ; the danger is always th« other way, that the spiritual part of man
will become overlaid with his bodily part. This then was the church, which with the
loyalty of the time were the two hinges of society, and that society was in consequence
distinguished from all societies which have preceded it, presenting an infinitely greater
diversity of views, a better humanity, a largeness of capacity. This society has since
undergone many changes, but I hope that that spirit may go on for countless ages, the
spirit which at that period was set going.
The grand apex of that life was the Crusades.
One sees Peter [the Hermit] riding along, dressed in his brown cloak, with the rope
of the penitent tied round him, carrying all hearts, and burning them up with zeal,
and stirring up steel-clad Europe till it shook itself at the words of Peter. What a
296 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
contrast to the greatest of orators, Demosthenes, spending nights and years in the
construction of those balanced sentences which are still read with admiration, descend-
ing into the smalle.st details, speaking with pebbles in his mouth and the waves of the
sea beside him, and all his way of life in this manner occupied during many years, and
then to end in simply nothing at all ; for he did nothing for his country -wiih all his
eloquence. And then see ihis poor monk start here without any art ; for as Demosthe-
nes was once asked what was the secret of a fine orator, and he replied Action, Action,
Action, so, if I were asked it, I should say Belief, Belief, Belief. . . . Some have
admired the Crusades because they served to bring all Europe into communication with
itself, others, because it produced the elevation of the middle classes • but I say that the
great result which characterizes and gives them all their merits, is that in them Europe
for one moment proved its belief, proved that it believed in the invisible world, which
surrounds the outward and visible world, that this belief had for once entered into the
consciousness of man.
It was not an age for literature. The noble made his signa-
ture by dipping the glove-mailed hand into the ink and im-
printing' it on the charter. But heroic lives were lived, if
heroic poems were not written ; an ideal did exist ; the heroic
heart was not then desolate and alone ; the great result of the
time was " a perpetual struggling forward." And a literature
did come at last; beautiful, childlike utterances of troubador
and trouvere ; lasting, however, but a little while, in cotise^
quence of the rise of a kind of feeling adverse to the spirit of
harmony. Petrarch, the troubador of Italy, and the Nibelun-
genlied represent the period. The spirit of the age did not
speak much, but it was lost. " It is not so ordered." When
we hear rude, natural voices singing in the distance, all is
true and bright, because all false notes destroy one another
and are absorbed in the air before they reach us, and only
the true notes come to us. So in the middle ages we only
get the heroic essence of the whole.
Of the new-formed nation-s the Italian "first possesses a
claim on our solicitude." (Lecture V.)* Though Italy was
not a great political power, she produced a greater number of
great men distinguished in art, thinking and conduct than
any other country — and to produce great men is the highest
thing any land can do. The spokesman of Italy in literature
is Dante — one who stands beside ^schylus and Shakespeare,
* I made few excerps from this lecture, for a good part of its substance appeatsii
the lecture " The Hero as Poet," in " Heroes andHero-worship."
sare, I
atsk I
CARLYLE'S LECTURES, 297
and "we really cannot and deara another great to these." '
The idea of his " Divina Commedia," with its three kingdoms
of eternity, is " the greatest idea that we have ever got at."
" I think that when all records of Catholicism have passed
away, when the Vatican shall be crumbled into dust, and St.
Peter's and Strasburg minster be no more, for thousands of
years to come Catholicism will survive in this sublime relic
of antiquity." Dante is great in his wrath, his scorn, his pity ;
great above all in his sorrow. His greatness of heart, united
with his greatness of intellect, determine his character ; and
Itis poem sings itself, has both insight and song. Dante does
not seem to know that he is doing anything very remarkable,
differing herein from Milton.
In all his delineations he has a most beautiful, sharp grace, the quickest and clearest
intellect ; it is just that honesty with which his mind was set upon his subject that
carries it out. . . . Take for example his description of the city of Dis to which Virgil
carries him ; it possesses a beautiful simplicity and honesty. The light was so dim that
people could hardly see, and they winked at him, just as people wink with their eyes
under the new moon, or as an old tailor winks threading his needle when his eyes are
not good.
The passage about Francesca is " as tender as the voice of
mothers, full of the gentlest pity, though there is much stern
tragedy in it. . . . The whole is beautiful, like a clear piping
voice heard in the middle of a whirlwind ; it is so sweet, and
gentle, and good." The " Divine Comedy " is not a satire on
Dante's enemies.
It was written in the pure spirit of justice. Thus he pitied poor Francesca, and
VQuld not have willingly placed her in that torment, but it was the justice of God's
law that doomed her there. . . . Sudden and abrupt movements are frequent in
Dante. He is mdeed full of what I can call military movements. . . . Those passages
are very striking where he alludes to his own sad fortunes ; there is in them a wild
sorrow, a savage tone of truth, a breaking heart, the hatred of Florence, and with it the
love oif Florence. . . . His old schoolmaster tells him " If thou follow thy star thou
catiat not mi.ss a happy harbor." That was just it. That star occasionally shone on
him from the blue, eternal depths, and he felt he was doing something good ; he soon
lost it again ; lost it again as he fell back into the trough of the sea. . . . Bitter ! bitter',
poor exile, — none but scoundrelly persons to associate with. . . . The Inferno has
become of late times mainly the favorite of the three [parts of the poem] ; it has
harmonized well with the taste of the last thirty or forty years, in which Europe has
seemed to covet more a violence of emotion and a strength of convulsion than almost
any other quality. . . . but I question whether the Purgatorio is not better, and a
greater thing. . . . Men have of course ceased to believe these things, that there is the
mountain rising up in the ocean there, or that there are those Malebolgic gulfs ; but
298 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
still men of any knowledge at all must believe that there exists the inexorable ju^ice
of God, and that i)enitence is a gre^t thing here for man ; for life is but a series of errors
made good again by repentance, and the sacredness of that doctrine is asserted in Dante
in a manner more moral than anywhere else. . . . One can well understand what the
Germans say of the three partfe of the " Divina Commedia," viz., that the first is the
architectural, plastic part, as of statuary ; the second is the pictorial or picturesque ;
the third is the musical, the melting into music, song. ,
Lecture VI. — Dante's way of thinking, in the nature of
things, could not long continue. With an increased horizon
of knowledge, his theorj'' could no longer fit. " All theories
approximate more or less to the great theory which remains
itself always unknown. . . . Every philosophy that exists is
destined to be embraced, melted down as it were, into some
larger philosophy." Universities, the art o'f printing, gun-
powder, were changing the aspects of human life during the
two centuries that lie between Dante and Cervantes. Loy-
alty and the Catholic religion, as we saw, gave their character
to the middle ages. Chivalry, the great product of the Span-
ish nation, is a practical illustration of loyalty ; and chivalry
includes, with the German valor of character, another Ger-
man feature, the reverence for women. The Spanish nation
was fitted to carry chivalry to a higher perfection than it
attained anywhere else.
The Spaniards had less breadth of genius than the Italians, but they had, on the
other hand, a lofty, sustained enthusiasm in a higher degree than the Italians, with a
tinge of what we call romance, a dash of oriental exaggeration, and a tenacious vigor
in prosecuting their object : of less depth than the Germans, of less of that composed
silent force ; yet a great people, calculated to be distinguished.
Its early heroes, Viriathus and the Cid (whose memory is
still musical among the people), lived silent; their works
spoke for them. The first great Spanish name in literature is
that of Cervantes. His life — ^that of a man of action — is told
by Carlyle in his brief, picturesque manner. Don Quixote is
the very reverse of Dante, yet has analogies with Dante. It
was begun as a satire on chivalry, a burlesque ; but as Cer-
vantes proceeds, the spirit grows on him.
In his Don Quixote he portrays his own character, representing himself, with good
natural irony, mistaking the illusions of his own heart for realities. But he proceeds
;ver more and more harmoniously. . . . Above all, we see the good-humored cheexw
J
CARL YLE *S LECTURES. 299
faliMss of the author in the middle of his unfortunate destiny ; never provoked with it ;
no atrabiltar quality ever obtained any mastery in his mind. . . . Independently of
chivalry, Don Quixote is valuable as a sort of sketch of the perpetual struggle of the
human soul. We have the hard facts of this world's existence, and the ideal scheme
struggling with these in a high enthusiastic manner delineated there ; and for this
there is no more wholesome vehicle anywhere than irony. . . . If he had given us only
a high-flown panegyric on the Age of ^old,* he would have found no ear for him ; it
is the self-mockery in which he envelops it, which reconciles us to the high bursts of
enthusiasm, and will keep the matter alive in the heart as long as there are men to read
it. It is the poetry of comedy.
Cervantes possessed in an eminent degree the thing critics
call humor.
If any one wish to know the difference between humor and wit, the laughter of the
fool, which the wise man, by a similitude founded on deep earnestness, calls the crack-
ling of thorns under a pot, let him read Cervantes on the one hand, and on the other
Voltaire, the greatest laugher the world ever knew.
Of Calderon Carlyle has not read much, " in fact only one
play and some choice specimens collected in German books,"
and in the German admiration for Calderon he suspects there
is "very much of forced taste." Lope was "a man of a
strange facility, but of much shallowness too, and greatly
inferior to Calderon." In the history of Spanish literature
there are only these two besides Cervantes. Why Spain
declined cannot be explained : " We can only say just this,
that its time was come." The lecture closes with a glance at
" that conflict of Catholicism and Chivalry with the Reforma-
tion commonly called the Dutch War."
Lecture VII. — ^The Reformation places us upon German
soil. The (German character had a deep earnestness in it,
proper to a meditatiye people. The strange fierceness known
as the Berserkir rage is also theirs.
Rage of that sjprt, defying all dangers and obstacles, if kept down sufficiently, is as a
central fire which will make all things to grow on the surface above it. . . . On the
whole it is the best character that can belong to any nation, producing strength of all
sorts, and all the concomitants of strength — perseverance, steadiness, no| easily excited,
but when it is called up it will have its object accomplished. We And it in all their
hbtory. Justice, that is another of its concomitants ; strength, one may say, in justice
itself. The strong man is he that can be just, that sets everything in its own rightful
place one above the other.
Before the Reformation there had been two great appear-
, ♦ Carlyle had previously made particular reference to the scene with the goat-herds.
30a THE LIBRA R Y MA GA ZIN^,
ances of the Germans in European history — the first in the
overthrow of the empire, the second in the enfranchisement
of Switzerland. The Reformation was the inevitable result
of human progress, the old theory no longer being found to
fit the facts. And " when the mind begins to be dubious
about a creed, it will rush with double fury toward destruc-
tion ; for all serious men hate dubiety."
In the sixteenth century there was no Pope Hildebrand
ready to sacrifice life itself to the end that he might make the
church the highest thing in the world. The popes did
indeed maintain the church, "but they just believed noth-
ing at all, or believed that they got so many thousand
crowns a year by it. The whole was one chimera, one miser-
able sham." Any one inclined to see things in their proper
light "would have decided that it was better to have nothing
to do with it, but crouch down in an obscure corner some-
where, and read his Bible, and gGt what good he can for him-
self in that way, but have nothing to do with the Machiavel-
lian policy of such a church."
At such a time Luther appeared, Luther "whose life was
not to sink into a downy sleep while he heard the great call
of a far other life upon him."* His character presents what-
ever is best in German minds.
He is the image of a large, substantial deep man, that stands upon truth, justice,
fBirnes<i, that fears nothing, considers the right and calculates on nothing else ; and
a^am^ does not do it spasmodically, but quietly, calmly ; no need of any noise about
)t ; adheres to it deliberately, calmly, through good and bad report. Accordingly, we
fitid hiru a good-humored, jovial, witty man, greatly beloved by every one, and though
hU W'.nU were half battles, as Jean Paul says, stronger than artillery, yet among his
fritiidh lie was one of the kindest of men. The wild kind of force t)iat was in him
appealer in the physiognomy of the portrait by Luke Cranach, his painter and friend-;
the rc>ii^h plebeian countenance with all sorts of noble thoughts shining out through
It. Tbivt was precisely Luther as he appears through his whole history.
Erasmus admitted the necessity of some kind of reforma-
tion : —
But that he should risk his ease and comfort, for it did not enter into his calculations
at all. ... I should say, to make my friends understand the character of Erasmus,
* Much of what Carlyle says here of Luther reappears in " Heroes and Hero-wor^
:p.'>
CARL YLE'S LECTURES. ' 301 !
that he is more like Addison than any other writer who is familiarly known in this
country. . . . He was a man certainly of great merit, nor have I much to say against
him. . . . but he is not to be named by the side of Luther, — a mere writer of poems, a
litcrateur. ^
There is a third striking German character whom we must
notice, Ulrich Hutten — a straggler all his days ;
much too headlong a man. He so hated injustice that he did not know how to deal
with it, and he became heart-broken by it at last. . . . He says of himself he hated
tumult of all kinds, and it was a painful and sad position for him that wbhed to obey
orders, while a still higher order commanded him to disobey, when the standing by
that order would be in fact the standmg by disorder.
>
His lifting his cap, when at the point of death, because he
had reverence for what was above him, to the archbishop
who had caused his destruction; " seems to me the noblest,
politest thing that is recorded of any such a moment as that."
And the worst thing one reads of Erasmus is his desertion of
Hutton in his day of misfortune.
The English nation (Lecture VIII.) first comes into deci-
sive notice about the time of the Reformation. In the Eng-
lish character there is " a kind of silent ruggedness of nature*
with the wild Berserkir rage deeper down in the Saxon than
the others." English talent is practical like that of the
Romans, a greatness of perseverance, adherence to a purpose,
method ; practical greatness, in short. In the early history
before Alfred, " we read of battles and successions of kings,
and one endeavors to remember them, but without success,
except so much of this flocking and fighting as Milton gives
us, viz., that they were the battles of the kites and crows."
Yet the history of England was then in the making. ^* Who-
ever was uprooting a thistle or bramble, or drawing out a
bog, or building himself a house, or in short leaving a single
section of order where he had found disorder, that man was
writing the history of England, the others were only obstruct-
ing it. The battles themselves were a means of ascertaining
who among them should rule — ^who had most force and
method among them. A wild kind of intellect as well as
courage and traces of deep feeling are scattered over thei'
302 * THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE,
history. There was an affirmativeness, a largeness of soul, in
the intervals of these fights Cf kites and crows, as the doings
of King Alfred show us.
About the time of Queen Elizabeth the confused elements
amalgamated into some distinct vital unity. That period was
*' in many respects the summation of innumerable influences,
the co-ordination of many things which till then had been in
contest, the first beautiful outburst of energy, the first articu-
late, spoken energy." After centuries the blossom of poetry
appeared for once. Shakespeare is the epitome of the age
of Elizabeth ; he is the spokesman of our nation ; like
Homer, -^schylus, and Daijte, a voice from the innermost
heart of nature; a universal man.* His intellect was far
greater than that of any other that has given an account of
himself by writing books. " There is no tone of feeling that is
not capable of yielding melodious resonance to that of Shakes-
peare." In him lay "the great, stern, Berserkir rage burning
deep down under all, and making all to grow out in the most
flourishing way, doing ample justice to all feelings, not devel-
oping any one in particular." What he writes is properly
nature, ** the instinctive behest of his mind. This all-produc-
ing earth knows not the symmetry of the oak which springs
from it. It is all beautiful, not a branch is out of its place, all
is symmetry ; but the earth has itself no conception of it, and
produced it solely by the virtue that was in itself." Shakes-
peare has a beautiful sympathy of brotherhood with his sub-
ject, but he seems to have no notion at all of the great and
deep things in him. Certain magniloquent passages he seems
to have imagined extraordinarily great, but in general there
is perfect sincerity in any matter he undertakes. It was by
accident that he was roused to be a poet, " for the greatest
man is always a quiet man by nature."
We turn from Shakespeare to a very different man— John
Knox,
, ♦ Many things said of Shakespeare and Knox in this lecture are repeated ia **H«ro
''aHeroWorSiip." i— .
CARLYLE'S LECTURES. 3^3
- Luther would have been a great man in other things beside the Refonnaticn, a great
substantial happy man, who must have excelled in whatever matter he undertook.
Knox had not that faculty, but simply this of standing upon truth entirely ; it isn't
that his sincerity is known to him to be sincerity, but it arises from a sense of the
impossibility of any other procedure. . . . Sincerity, what is it but a divorce from
^arth and earthly feelings ? The sun which shines upon the earth, and seems to touch
it, don't touch the earth at all. So the man who is free of earth is the only one that
can maintain the great truths of existence, not by an ill-natured talking forever about
truth, but it is he who does the truth. There is a great deal of humor in Knox, as
bright a humor as in Chaucer, expressed in his own quaint Scotch. . . . Thus when
he describes the two archbishops quarreling, no doubt he was delighted to see the dis-
grace it brought on the church, but he was chiefly excited by the really ludicrous
sp^tacle of rochets flying about, and vestments torn, and the struggle each made to
overturn the other.
Milton may be considered " as a summing up, composed as
it were of the two, Shakespeare and Knox."* Shakespeare
having reverence for everything that bears the mark of the
Deity, may well be called religious, but he is of no particular
sect. Milton is altogether sectarian. As a poet " he was not
one of those who reach into actual contact with the deep
fountains of greatness ; " his " Paradise Lost " does not come
out of the heart of things; it seems rather to have been
welded together.
< There is no life in his characters. Adam and Eve are beautiful, graceful objects, but
no one has breathed the Pygmalion life into them ; they remain cold statues. Milton's
sympathies were with things rather than .men ; the scenery and phenomena of nature
the gardens, the trim gardens, the burning lake ; but as for the phenomena of mind, he
was not able to see them. He has no delineation of mind except Satan, of which we
may say that Satan has his own character.
Lecture IX. is wanting in the manuscript. The following
points from the notice in the Examiner may serve to preserve
continuity in the present sketch. The French as a nation
" go together," as the Italians do not ; but it is physical and
animal going together, not that of any steady, final purpose.
Voltaire, full of wit and extraordinary talents, but nothing
final in him. All modern skepticism is mere contradiction,
discovering no new truth. Voltaire, kind-hearted and " be-
neficent," however. French genius has produced nothing
original. Montaigne, an honest skeptic. Excessive unction
of Rabelais's humor. Rousseau's world-influencing egotism.
Bayle, a dull writer.
* So Taine^in \C\% more abstract way, says that Milton sums up th' '*enaissanoe ar
the^ef ormation .
304. THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
Lecture X. — The Preach, as we have seen, sowed nothing
in the seedfield of time ; Voltaire, on the contrary, casting
firebrands among the dry leaves, produced the combustion
we\shall notice by-and-by. No province of knowledge was
cultivated except in an unfruitful, desert way. Thus politics
siimmL^d themselves up in the Contrat Social of Rousseau.
Tht^ sjnly use intellect was put to was to ask why things were
there, and to account for it and argue about it. So it was all
over Europe in the eighteenth century. The quack was
established, and the only belief held was "that money will
buy money's worth, and that pleasure is pleasant." In Eng-
land this baneful spirit was not so deep as in France : partly
because the Teutonic nature is slower, deeper than the
French ; partly because England was a free Protestant coun-
try. Still it was an age of logic, not of faith ; an age of talk,
striving to prove faith and morality by speech ; unaware that
logic never proved any truths but those of mathematics, and
that all great things are silent things. " In spite of early
training 1 never do see sorites of logic hanging together, put
in reguliir order, but I conclude that it is going to end in some
measure in some miserable delusion."
However imperfect the literature of England was at this
period, its spirit was never greater; it did great things, it
built great towns, Birmingham and Liverpool, Cyclopean
workshops, and ships. There was sincerity there at last,
Arkwright and Watt were evidently sincere. Another symp-
tom of the earnestness of the period was that thing we call
Methodism. The fire in Whitefield — fire, not logic — was une-
qualed since Peter the Hermit.
As to literature, " in Queen Anne's time, after that most dis-
graceful class of people — King Charles's people — had passed
away, there appeared the milder kind of unbelief, complete
formalism. Yet there were many beautiful indications of
better things." "Addison was a mere lay preacher com-
pletely bound up in formalism, but -he did get to say many a
CARL YLE 'S LECTURES. 3^5
true thing in his generation." Steele had infinitely more
naivete, but he subordinated himself to Addison:
It is a qold vote in Addison's favor that one gives. By far the greatest man of that
time, I think, was Jonathan Swift, Dean Swift, a man entirely deprived of his natural
nourishment, but of great robustness, of genuine Saxon mind, not without a feeling of
reverence, though from circumstances it did not awaken him. . . . He saw himself in
a world of confusion and falsehood ; no eyes were clearer to see it than his.
Being of acrid temperament, he took up what was fittest for
him, " sarcasm mainly, and he carried it quite to an epic pitch.
There is something great and fearful in his irony " — which
yet shows sometimes sympathy and a sort of love for the
thing he satirizes. By nature he was one of the truest of men,
with great pity for his fellow men. In Sterne
there was a great quantity of good struggling through the superficial evil. He terribly
failed in the discharge of his duties, still we must admire in him that sporting kind of
geniality and affection, a son of our common mother, not cased up in buckram formulas.
... We cannot help feeling his immense love for things around him, so that we may
say of him as of Magdalene, ** Much is forgiven him because he loved much."
As for Pope,
he was one of the finest heads ever known, full of deep saying, and uttering them in
the shape of couplets, rhymed couplets.*
The two persons who exercised the most remarkable influ-
ence upon things during the eighteenth century were unques-
tionably Samuel Johnson t and David Hume, "two summits of
a gpreat set of influences, two opposite poles of it. . . . There is
not such a cheering spectacle in the eighteenth century as
Samuel Johnson." He contrived to be devout in it ; he had a
belief and held by it, a genuine inspired man. Hume's eye,
junlike Johnson's, was not opened to faith, yet he was of a noble
perseverance, a silent strength.
The History of England failed to get buyers ; he bore it all like a Stoic, like a heroic
silent man as he was, and then proceeded calmer to the next thing he had to do. I have
heard old people, who have remembered Hume well, speak of his great good humor
under trials, the quiet strength of it ; the very converse in this of Dr. Johnson, whose
coarscnajs Wtt& equally strong with his heroisms.
* It Ls interesting to compare Thackeray ^s estimates of Swift xaA Sterne with Car-
lyle's.
+ The criticism on Johnson, being to the same effect as that of Carlyle's essay, I
pass over.
30i5. THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
As an historian, Hume " always knows where to begin and
end. In his History he frequently rises, though a cold man
naturally, into a kind of epic height as he proceeds." His
skepticism went to the very end, so that "all could see what^
\v^j;S \\\ it, and gave up the unprofitable employment of spin-
ning cobwebs of logic in their brain." His fellow-historian,
Robertson, was a shallow man, with only a power of arrange-
ment and " a soft sleek style." Gibbon, a far greater historian
than Robertson, was not so great as Hume. "With all his
swagger and bombast, no man ever gave a more futile account
of human things than he has done in the * Dechne and Fall
of the Roman Empire.'"
Lecture XI. — It is very strange to contrast Hume, the
greatest of all the writers of his time, and in some respects the
worthiest, with Dante; to contrast skepticism with faith.
" Dante saw a solemn law in the universe pointing out his
destiny with an awful and beautiful certainty, and he held to
it, Hume could see nothing in the universe but confusion,
and he was certain of nothing but his own existence. Yet he
had instincts which were infinitely more true than the logical
part of him, nnd so he kept himself quiet in the middle of it all,
and did no barm to any one." But skepticism is a disease of
the mind, and a fatal condition to be in, or at best useful only
as a means to get at knowledge ; and to spend one*s time re-
ducing realities to theories is to be in an enchanted state of
mind. Mortality, the very center of the existence of man, was
in the eighteenth century reduced to a theory— by Adam
Smith to a theory of the sympathies and moral sense; by
Hume to e3:pediency, "the most melancholy theory ever pro-
pounded." Besides morahty, everything else was in the same
state.
A dlni^ bu^, iniineasurable steam-engine they had made of this world, and, as Jean
Paul sayt, heaven became a gas; God, a force ; the second world, a grave. ... In that
huge itiiiverse becuinc one vast steam-engine, as it were, the new generation that fol-
lowtd tfiuaf h^ve found it a very difficult position to be in, and perfectly insupportable
£ar tlicm, to be daomed to live in such a plape of falsehood and chimera ; and that tras
CARL YLE 'S LECTURES. 307
in fact the case with them, and it led to the second great phenomenon we have to
aotice — the introduction of Wcrtherism.*
Werther was right : — •
/ ,
If the world were really no better than what Goethe imagined it to be, there was
nothing for it but suicide ; if it had nothing to support itself upon but these poor senti-
mentalities, view>hunting trivialities, this world was really not fit to live in. But in
the end the conviction that this theory of the world was wrong came to Goethe himself,
greatly to his own profit, greatly to. the world's profit.
The same phenomenon shows itself in Schiller's " Robbers."
Life to the robber seems one huge bedlam, and a brave man
can do nothing with it but revolt against it. In our own
literature Byron represents a similar phasis. He is full of
" rage and scowl against the whole universe as a place not
worthy that a genuine man should live in it. He seems to
have been a compound of the Robbers and Werther put
together," This sentimentalism is the ultimatum of skep-
ticism. That theory of the universe cannot be true ; for if
it were there would be no other way for it but Werther's, to
put an end to it; for all mankind "to turn to the bosom of
their Father with a sort of dumb protest against it. There
was, therefore, a deep sincerity in the sentimentalism, not a
right kind of sincerity perhaps, but still a struggling towards
it,"t
All this — skepticism, sentimentalism, theorizing, depen-
dence on the opinion of others, wages taken and no duty done —
went on and on. And then came the consummation of skep-
ticism. ** We can well conceive tlie end of the iast century,
the crisis which then took place, the prurience of self-conceit,
the talk of illumination, the darkness of confusion." The new
French kind of belief was belief in the doctrine of Rousseau,
♦ A notice, far from accurate, of the origin of Goethe's Werther here follows, and
th* time is thus characterized by the future historian of Frederick : " It was a time of
haggard condition ; no genuine hope in men's minds ; all outwards was false — ^the last
■war for example, the Seven Years' War, the most absurd of wars ever undertaken, on
no public principle, a contest between France and Germany, from Frederick the Great
granting to have Silesia, and Louis the Fifteenth wanting to give Madame de Pompa-
dour some influence in the affairs of Europe ; and 50,000 men were shot for that pur-
pose."
^ t A notice of ** Goctz von Bcrlichingen " follows.
308 THE LIBRAE V MA GAZINE,
" a kind of half-madman, but of tender pity too, struggling for
^ncerity through his whole life, till his own vanity and egotism
drove him quite blind and fiesperate." Then appeared one of
the frightfulest phenomena ever seen among men, the French
Revolution. " It was after all a new revelation of an old truth
to this unfortunate people ; they beheld, indeed, the truth
there clad in hell-fire, but they got the truth." It began in all
the gol4en radiance of hope ; it is impossible to doubt the
perfect sincerity of the men. At first ** for the upper class of
people it was the jbyfulest of news ; now at last they had got
something to do certainly to starve to death is hard,
but not so hard as to idle to death."
But the French theory of life was false— that men are to do
their duty in order to give happiness to themselves and one
another. And where dishonest and foolish people are, there
will always be dishonesty and folly ; we can't distill knavery
into honesty. Europe rose and assembled and came round
France, and tried to crush the Revolution, but could not
crush it it at all. " It was the primeval feelings of nature
they ^ame to crush, but [the spirit of France]* rallied, and
stood up and asserted itself, and made Europe know even in
the marrow of its bones that it was there.'' Bonaparte set his
foot on the necks of the nations of Europe. Bonaparte him-
self was a reality at first, the great armed soldier of democracy,
with a true appreciation of the Revolution, as opening the
career to all talents ; but at last he became a poor egotist, and,
stirring up the old Berserkir rage against him, he burned him-
self up in a day. ** On the whole, the French Revolution was
only a great outburst of the truth that the world wasn't a
mere chimera, but a great reality."
Having seen how skepticism burned itself up, it becomes
interesting to inquire (Lecture XII.), What are we to look fot
now ? Are we to reckon on a new period of things, of better
infinitely extending hopes? We do see good in store for us,
♦ Word omitted in MS.
d
CARL YLE 'S LECTURES, 3^9
The fable of the phoenix rising out of its own ashes, which was
interpreted by the rise of modern Europe out of the Roman em-
pire, is interpreted again in the French Revolution, On the
spiritual side of things we can see the phoenix in the modern
school of (rerman literature.* We might inquire. What new
doctrine it is that is now proposed to us ? What is the mean-
ing of German literature ? But this question is not susceptible
of any immediate answer, German literature has no particular
theory at all in the front of it. The object of the men who
constructed it was not to save the world, but to work out in
some manner an enfranchisement for their own souls. And —
seeing here the blessed, thrice-blessed phenomenon of men unmutilated in all that con-
stitutes man, able to believe and be in all things men, seeing this, I say, there is here
the ihing that has all other thingr presupposed in it. . . . To explain, I can only think
of ihe revelation, for I can call it no other, that these men made to me. It was to me
like the rising of a light in the darkness which lay around, and threatened to swallow
me up. I was then in the very midst of Wertherism, the blackness and darkness of
death. There was one thing in particular struck me in Goethe. It is in his Wiihelm
Meister. He had been describing an association of all sorts of people of talent, formed
to receive propositions and give responses to them, all of which he described with a
sort of seriousness at first, but with irony at the last. However, these people had their
eyes on Wilhelm Meister, with great cunning, watching over him at a distance at first,
not interfering with him too soon ; at last the man who was intrusted with the man-
agement of the thing took him in hand, and began to give him an account of how the
association acted. Now this is the thing, which, as I said, so much struck me. He
tells Wilhelm Meister that a number of applications for advice were daily made to the
association, which were answered thus and thus ; but that many people wrote in par-
ticular for recipes of happiness ; all that, he adds, was laid on the shelf, and not
answered at all. Now this thing gave me great surprise when I read it. " What ! " I
said, *' is it not the recipe of happiness that I have been seeking all my life, and isn*t it
precisely because I have failed in finding it that I am now miserable and discontented ?
Had I supposed, as some people do, that Goethe was fond of paradoxes, that this was
consistent with the sincerity and modesty of the man's mind, I had certainly rejected
it without further trouble ; but I couldn't think it. At length, after turning it up, a
great while in my own mind, I got to see that it was very true what he said — that it
was the thing that all the world were in error in. No man has a right to ask for a
tecipe for happiness ; he can do without happiness ; there is something better than
that. All kinds of men who have done great things — priests, prophets, sages — have
had in them something higher than the love of happiness to guide them, spiritual clear-
•icss and perfection, a far better thing that than happiness. Love of happiness is but a
Itind of hunger at the best, a craving because I have not enough of sweet provision in
this world. If I am asked what that higher thing is, I cannot at once make answer, I am
afraid of causing mistake. There is no name I can give it that is not to be questioned ;
I couldn't speak about it ; there is no name for it, but pity for that heart that does not
* Carlyle is assured that there are few in his audience able to read German, but
anticipates a better tinie.
3 lO , THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
feel it ; there is no good volition in that heart. This higher thing was once named the
Cross of Christ — not a happy thing that, surely.*
The whole of German literature is not to be reduced to a
seeking of this higher thing, but such was the commence-
ment of it. The pliilosophers of Germany are glanced at
1 studied them once attentively, but found that I got nothiagoutgf thtm. One may,
just say of them that they arc rht precisely opp&iiite to Hume. , , , This ^tudyof
metaphysiQ^ I say^ had Doly rht rci^uEE, after hringing me rapidly thru ugh diffcre&t
phases of opinion, at last to deliver rac altogether out of mctaphyiiiicis. [ found Ji;iko-
gecher a frothy syiitem, no right beginning to it^ no right endings I began with Htimc
and Diderot^ and as Jong as T was with them \ ran ai atheism, at blackness, at material-
ism of all kind^. If I t^ad Kant J arrived at preci'^ely opposite conclusions, that all
the wotEd was spirit,^ namely ^ that there wa.-; n^ihing material at all anywhere ; and the
resuk was what I have sifted,, ihat I resoived for my part tin having nothing mate ti>
do with metaphysics ai atl.
After the Werther period Goethe " got himself organized at
last, built up his mind, adjusted to what he can't cure, not
suicidally grinding itself to pieces." For a time the ideal, art,
painting-, poetry, were in his view the hig-hest things, goodness
being inckided in these. God became for him ** only a stub-
born force, really a heathen kind of thing." As his mind
gets higher it becomes more serious too, uttering tones of
most beautiful dcvoutnesg. " In the ' West-ostlicher Divan,'
though the garb is Persian, the whole spirit is Christianity, it.
is Goethe himself, the old poet, who goes \xx^ and down sing-
ing little snatches of his own feelings on different things. It
grows ejEtremely beautiful as it goes on, full of the tinest things
possible, which sound like the jingling of bells when the queen
of the fairies rides abroad." t
Of Schiller the principal characteristic is *'a chivalry of-
thought, described by Goethe as the spirit of freedom strug-
gling ever forward to be free/' His Don Carlos
is wett des^^ribcd as being like to a tit^hthouse^ high, far-seen « and withal empty. It is
in fact very like what the people of that day, the Girondists of the French Kevoluti^je^
were always talking about, the Roiiheur du peiiple and the refit. . , , The« wai: anob^
ness in Schiller, a brotherly feeling, a kindti&ss of j;ympathy fnr what ii true and jiiit-..
There ii a kind of sHence too Kt the last. He ji>ave np his talk ahout the BanheurdiiS
peupk, and tried tg see if he could make them h^ippier instead.
• Com^parc with this pas&a^ " the Everlasting Yea," of '' Sartor Rtsartus."
t A defense of Goethe fmn; Che charges of over^serenlty ajid political bdiflenftac^
foUows.
\
' WHAT BECAME OF CROMWELL? ^ 311
The third great writer in modern Germany is Richter.
Goethe was a strong man, as strong as the mountain rocks, but as soft as the green
sward upon the rocks, and like them continually bright and sun beshone. Richter, on
the contrary, was what he has been called, a half-made man ; he struggled with the
world, but was never completely triumphant over it. But one loves Richter. .. . .
There is more joyous laughter in the heart of Richter than in any other German writer.
We have then much reason to hope about the future ; great
tilings are in store for us.
It is possible for us to attain a spiritual freedom compared with which political
enfranchisement is but a name. ... I can't close this lecture better than by repeating
these words of Richter, " Thou, Eternal Providence, wilt cause the day to dawn."
Nothing now remains for me but to take my leave of you — a sad thing at all times
that word, but doubly so in this case. When I think of what you are, and of what I
am, I cannot help feeling that you have been kind to me ; I won't trust myself to say
how kind ; but you have been as kind to me as ever audience was to man, and the
gratitude which I owe you comes to you from the bottom of my heart. May God be
with you all !
Prof. Edward Dowden in The Nineteenth Century.
WHAT BECAME OF CROMWELL?
Mizralm cures wounds, and Pharaoh is sold for balsams.
Sir Thomas Brownb.
Death, like life, has its history, and man often terminates
his strange vicissitudes on earth only to enter on other vicis-
situdes still stranger in the grave. We wonder no one has
ever undertaken the posthumous memoirs of the great.
What a lively volume it would be ! — how startling its paradox-
es, how fine its irony, how pointed its antitheses ! Write it
with a pen of lead on leaves of opium, and it would glow with
eloquence ; indite in the most mournful of styles, and it would
blaze with wit. It would be a carnival of extremes — ^Addison
and Joe Miller talking in the same breath, Rabelais and St.
Paul bawling each other down. Fortune has cracked many a
good joke in her time, but death's jokes are better. They are
a little coarse, perhaps, occasionally — a little too broad for a
nice taste ; but they are meant, doubt it not, kindly. Wajg^e?
3 1 2 THE LI BRA R Y MA GAZINE.
are so high, that we cannot well afford, even when things are
prospering with us, to keep, like the Roman, consuls, a me-
mentote mortalem esse in our triumphal chariots. At our
feasts we omit the skeleton. But for all that we are mortal,,
and let us hear the Antic's philippics. We can hear them
gratis.
When Hamlet let his wit run riot among the tombs, he could
get no further than imagining that Alexander the Great might
stop a beer-barrel, or imperial Caesar patch a wall to keep out
the wind. Bah ! 'twas a foolish speculation. Hamlet was no
antiquary ; he ought to have known that they were both burnt
to snuff. But why need we go to fiction } Let Death preach
his sermon from fact, and moralists have their fling at pride
fairly. What was the fate of great Talbot — Shakespeare's
victorious Talbot — ^the scourge of France, the hero of Crotoi
and Pontoise } A few years ago, some alterations were being
made in the parish church at Whitchurch, in Shropshire ; the
tomb of Talbot was opened. On a careful examination of the
skull — we borrow the narrative of one who was present at the
exhumation — the cranium was found to be filled with a fibrous
substance, which was supposed at first to be some preservative
herb inserted when the bones were wrapped in their cerements
for the purpose of embalming, but which afterwards turned
out to be neither more nor less than a mouse's nest, from the
center of which the bodies of three small mice were extracted.
In short, the brain of the doughty general who had struck
terror into the squadrons of Joan of Arc had become the pro-
creant cradle of a family of church mice, and the fatal gash
which had terminated his life, furnished the means of ingress
and egress to these strange intruders in " ambition's airy hall."
What was the fate of Richelieu ? His skeleton was dug up
from its grave in the church of the Sorbonne, kicked about
the streets, and decapitated. A grocer — mark that ! — filched
away the skull, kept it comfortably till his marriage, when,
his wife being afraid of it, sold it — ^the considerate husband I —
WHA T BECAME OF CROM WELL ? 3^3
to one Armez, who, anxious to turn it into money, offered it
for sale to the Due de Richeliei^, who wouldn't have it at any
price. What was the fate of Turenne — " the godlike," " the
thunderbolt of war " ? His remains were also exhumed, and
were on the point of being flung into a pit, when a savant,
struck with the fresh appearance of the bones, and thinking
that the devastator of the Palatinate was too perfectly articu-
lated to be thrown away, begged the skeleton for the National
Academy of Anatomy. So he, who in life taught Marl-
borough the art of war, served in death to teach medical
scapegraces the construction of the human frame. Was not
the author of " Paradise Lost " dismembered by a crew of
drunken revelers, " one possessing himself of a piece of the
jaw, another of a fragment of the occiput " ? Did not a '* se-
lect body of medical gentlemen," with the skull of the mighty
Dean of St. Patrick's grinning before them on the table,
express " very lively dissatisfaction at its formation " ? And
is there not " only too much reason to believe " that the head
of him who gave us the " Essay on Man " and the " Rape of
the Lock " has been traveling about England in the pos-
session of an " itinerant phrenologist " } Food enough for
reflection here ! — and would you, reader, find food for more,
go and moralize whither we could lead you. In the heart of
the city, girt round with squalor, stands, mean and somber, a
little church.* There you may hold in your hand the head of
him who was once the father of Lady Jane Grey, once one of
the proudest of England's proudest nobles. There, perfectly
preserved, is the head of Henry, Duke of Suffolk. The lines
which the cares of three centuries and a half ago plowed on
the features may still be traced ; still may the physiognomist
read the lineaments of that austere, stubborn, and crafty
politician. The dent of the false blow which the headsman
first dealt is there in all its ghastly distinctness ; and there,
* The church of Holy Trinity in the Minories.
314 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
frightfully stereotyped, is the death-^ony which convulsed
ihat face when the headsman's work was done. Those were
the eyes — the very cornea are preserved — which had g^zed on
Jane as she hung with Ascham over the Phaedo.
But whither are we straying? Our business is a grave
antiquarian dissertation.
What became of Cromwell's body after death ? has, as every-
body knows, been a vexed question from the times of the
Restoration to the present day ; and, as wp are not acquainted
with any satisfactory solution of the problem, we propose to
devote a few pages to discussing it. The question will admit
of three distinct divisions. Firstly, was he ever buried in
Westminster Abbey at all ? Secondly, if he was buried there
what became of his body when it was exhumed and conveyed
to the Red Lion Inn, in Holborn } Thirdly, if it ever left the
Red Lion Inn, what became of it after hanging at Tyburn ?
Now, there can be no doubt at all that there was a very gen-
eral impression that his body never left Whitehall for Somer-
set House ; that its supposed lying-in-state at Somerset House
and its subsequent interment in the Abbey was a mere mock-
ery. Let us examine the facts.. Cromtvell died on Friday,
September 3, at three o'clock in the afternoon. He was then
embalmed. That is certain. " This afternoon," says the Pub-
lic Intelligencer for September 4, 1658, " the physicians and
cherugians apj>ointed by order of the council to embowel and
embalm the body of his late highness, and fill the same with
sweet odors, performed their duty." All the authorities, with-
out a single exception, agree that he was embalmed ; but
Heath observes, in his " Flagellum," that the body was in such
a state that the embalming was only partially performed, and
Noble tells us that it was wrapped up in a sheet of lead ; con-
sequently it was not exposed to view for long after death — ^a
circumstance which the Public Intelligencer also notices. It
remained, or was supposed to remain, at Whitehall till the
twenty-sixth of September, when it was conveyed, " about ten
WHk T Became' OF cromwell? 3 ^ 5
of the clock at night," to Somerset House. There it lay in
state, and was shortly afterwards interred in Westminster
Abbey. Now, it is noticeable that, after a few hours subse-
quent to death, the corpse itself was never seen. And here
begin our difficulties. Most of the authorities agree in stating
that the body was privately interred shortly after death ; con-
sequently the alleged removal to Somerset House was a decep-
tion. This indeed, is all but certain ; for besides the evidence
of Heath, who says that an empty coffin was dispatched to
Somerset House, — evidence which is not of v^xy much value,
we have the evidence of Bates, Cromwell's private physician,
that the state of the body necessitated its interment before the
solemnity of the funeral. And such also is the account of
Noble. We may, therefore, safely conclude that the magnifi-
cent funeral of Cromwell, on which Cowley expended so much
eloquence, was a mock pageant, though the crowd which
witnessed it had no such suspicion. And now comes the
question. Where was he interred ?
Heath, whose political prejudices frequently get the better
of his reason, complacently informs his readers that " divers
rumors were spread at the time that the body was carried
away in the tempest the day before by the prince of dark-
ness," and is evidently nettled that he cannot prove this satis-
factory theory. According to Oldmixon, his body was wrapped
in lead and " sunk in the deepest part of the Thames, two of
his near relations undertaking to do it ;" and an anonymous
pamphleteer adds, that it was just below Greenwich. A com-
mon opinion at the Restoration was that the corpse was taken
to Windsor and put into King Charles's coffin, while that of
the murdered king was substituted for Cromwell's ; Cromwell,
they said, knowing that, if a reaction set in after his death, in
favor of the Stuarts, his body would be dug up and insulted.
This theory was, however, refuted by the exhumation of
Charles I. in the presence of George IV. and Sir Henry Hal-
ford in 1 81 3, — having had* indeed, no evidence to support it.
3 16 THE LIBRAR Y MAGAZINE,
Others say that his body was removed to Newburgh Hall, in
the North Riding of Yorkshire ; and there they still show a place
called Cromwell's Vault. Newburgh Hall was the family seat
of the Fauconbergs, and Cromwell's third daughter, Mary, was
the second wife of Thomas, Viscount Fauconberg ; but why
this place should have been particularly selected for the inter-
ment of the Protector does not appear. According to another
tradition, it was removed to Narborough, a place about twen-
ty-five miles from Huntingdon, and for this tradition there is
some evidence worth reviewing. About the year 1818 the
rector of Narborough was a Mr. William Marshall. To this
Mr. Marshall a very curious anecdote was communicated by
Mr. Oliver Cromwell, of Cheshunt, the great-grandson of
Richard Cromwell's son, Henry. Mr. Oliver Cromwell's
mother lived to the great age of 103, and she told her son that
when a young girl she was well acquainted with Richard
Cromwell, and had often talked with one of his servants^ This
servant assured her, she said, that he recollected the hearse
which conveyed the remains of the Protector passing through
Cheshunt at night, and that he, then a lad, went on with the
post-horses which drew the hearse as far as Huntingdon,
whence he was sent back with the horses. This story must,
of course, be taken for What it is worth. It is just possible
(but it is by no means probable), that Cromwell, fearing post-
humous outrage, may have wished to lie beside his parents in
the family grave. There, were his resting-place unsuspected,
he would at least be safe from^ sacrilegious hands. But, would
such a secret have been likely to have been kept } and how
came a mere boy to know what that hearse contained ? A
secret divulged thus far would undoubtedly have gone further,
and it is certain that no tradition about the Protector's inter-
ment at Huntingdon was current at the time. The story that
it was buried at Narborough, a town twenty-five miles beyond
Huntingdon, is a legend so utterly devoid of foundation that
it would be absurd to pay the slightest attention to it. It- is
ndeed difficult to account for its origin.
IV//A T BECAME OF CROMWELL ?' 3 1 7
We are now come to a very remarkable narrative ; and
could we be satisfied of the veracity of the witness, and allow
his solemn assurances to weigh against the intrinsic improba-
bility of his statement, the problem of Cromwell's last resting-
place would be solved. Among the reports' current at- the
Restoration, one of the most popular was that the body of the
Protector had been, by his own orders, buried on the field
of Naseby. This report took several forms. The truth of it
was confidently insisted on in London, and was implicitly be-
lieved by the people about Naseby. At last the son of Bark-
stead, the regicide, came forward. He was, he said, prepared
to assert on oath the truth of what he said. He put forth an
advertisement that he frequented Richard's Coffee-house,
within Temple Bar, where he was ready to answer any ques-
tions which might be put to him. The account he gave is to
be found in the second volume of the " Harleian Miscellany,"
and this account we will transcribe :
" At midnight the dead body, being first embalmed and
wrapped in a leaden coffin, was in a hearse conveyed to the
said field, Mr. Barkstead himself attending, by order of his
father, close to the hearse. That being come to the field,
they found about the middle of it a grave dug about nine feet
deep, with the green sod carefully laid on one side, and the
mound on the other, in which the coffin being put the grave
was instantly filled up and the green sod laid exactly flat upon
it, care being taken that the surplus mold should be clear
removed. That soon after the like care was taken that the
ground should be plowed up, and that it was sowed succes-
sively with corn."
Here, then, we have a definite statement, made by a man in
a highly respectable position, who could have had no conceiv-
able motive for lying. Those who had the opportunity of
cross-examining him appear to have been satisfied of his hon-
esty, and he was not, so far as we can judge of him, a man
given either to frivolity or romancing. To disbelieve his story
3l8 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, ,
V
is to charge the narrator with deliberate and circumstantial
falsehood. We are certainly not inclined to accept this state-
ment without much misgiving, but we think it within the
bounds ! A possibility that the plow of the peasant may some
day ci:>rroborate the honesty of this strange deponent. We
shall see presently that the evidence for the identification of
the body at its disinterment rests on testimony far less con-
clusive ; nnd we may also observe, in comparing the story
with the others, that Barkstead is the only witness who could
not have been mistaken, but who must have lied. The evi-
dence of the others is based on information more or less
indirect and presumptive ; the evidence of Barkstead is direct
and definite. Now, there can be no doubt that for some
months before his death the mind of the Protector was un-
hing-ed and morbid, that he anticipated a reaction in favor
of the exiled house ; and he must have been well aware that
in the event of the Stuarts returning, his bones would not
escape insult. There can be no doubt that his body was
buried somewhere in the strictest privacy long before the
public funeral. It is equally certain that we have no account
either of the date or of the spot where that private interment
took place, and that the secret must have been known only
to very few, for there was at the time no suspicion that the
public funeral was a mock ceremony. Wherever, therefore,
the remams were laid, they were smuggled away, and it was
of course as easy to transfer them in a hearse' or a carriage to
any p^rt of England, as it was to bury them secretly in the
Abbey. If we are to be guided merely by probabilities, we
should of course reject all the narratives which have been
cited » and conclude that the Protector was laid privately
under the pavement of Westminster Abbey at or near the
p!ace where the empty coffin was lowered on the day of the
public funeral. To sum up, therefore, the first part of our
inquiry^ whether Cromwell was actually interred in the Abbey-
is at least doubtful ; tK^ presumptive evidence is strong, but
JVJ/A T BECAME OF CROMWELL f 3 1^
it is by no means either conclusive or satisfactory. It is sup-
ported by the testimony of no eye-witness. It is affirmed only
by those who supposed that the coffin which was on the day
of the public funeral lowered into the vault contained the
body of the Protector ; ^'when we now know, on the testimony
of Dr. Bates, that the body had been buried privately long
before.
And now let us proceed. On the 8th of December, 1660, a
vote passed the House of Commons that the bodies of Crom-
well, Ireton,*and Bradshaw, should be exhumed, and hung on
the common gallows at Tyburn. Accordingly, on Saturday,
January 26th, the sergeant of the House of Commons pro-
ceeded to the Abbey with a body pf attendants. The masons
w^nt to work, and of what ensued we have two accounts,
neither of which is of such a character as to place it beyond
suspicion. Both of them, it will be observed, describe the
body as lying in the state coffin which was deposited in the
vault on the day of the public funeral — ^the coffin which we
now know to have been merely for show, and never to have
contained the body at all. Let^s hear Noble : —
" They found, in a vault at the east end of the middle aisle,
a magnificent coffin, which contained the body of Oliver, upon
whose breast was a copper plate, double gilt, which upon one
side had the arms of the Commonwealth impaling those of the
deceased, and upon the reverse this inscription." Then fol-
lows the Latin inscription which was on the coffin that lay in
state at Somerset House.
The other account was handed down by tradition from the
high sheriff of Middlesex, who superintended the work. He
found, he said, the body of Oliver Cromwell, which was hid in
the wall of Westminster Abbey, " and, when discovered, was
with great difficulty got at, the body being first wrapped in a
sheet of lead, and afterwards put into a wooden coffin, and an-
other wooden one, and so on for about half a dozen, cement
being poured between each to make it secure ; several pick-
320 THE UBRAR Y MA GAZJNE.
axes were broken before the workmen coiHd get their ends;
but at length, after much labor and toil, they came to the
sheet of lead which inclosed the body." There is, however,
one piece of evidence not without weight, and that is the
evidence of one Sainthill, a Spanish merchant, who has, in a
manuscript quoted by Noble, observed that the head of the
Protector was " in green cerecloth, very fresh embalmed,"
which certainly corroborates what we know from other
sources, that the body was partially embalmed. The mason's
receipts for the fees received by him for his odious task is,
we believe, still in existence. Is this, then, sufficient evi-
dence to satisfy us that the body thus exhumed was the body
of Cromwell ? We say emphatically, no. In the first place,
there is the difficulty about the cofTm. In the second plac^,
we have no official corroboration of this narrative. It was
very much against the interests of those employed in this
work to confess themselves baffled ; it was much more likely
that they would, in the event of their not discovering the ob-
ject of their search, have substituted some other body in its
place. If Cromwell was not buried in the state coffin — ^and
unless he was placed there subsequently to his previous inter-
ment, he was not — it would be extremely difficult to identify
his remains. It is, indeed, true that when the body was ex-
posed, it was popularly supposed to be that of the Protector ;
but with regard to the skull, we must remember that it was
invariably covered with a thick coating of pitch before it was
exposed ; and had the exhuming party been conscious of any
fraud, they would obviously have taken every precaution to
conceal it. But however this may be, certain it is that some
corpse, genuine or suppositious, was, with those of Ireton and
Bradshaw, conveyed from the Abbey to the Red Lion inn,
in Holborn. This was on Monday, January 2oth ; where it
remained during the Sunday does not appear. Assuming, then,
that the corpse of Cromwell was really conveyed to the Red
Lion, the question now arises, did it ever leave the Red Lion
L\
WHA T BECAME OF CROM WELL ? 321
for Tyburn, or was some other corpse substituted in its 'place
by Cromwell's partisans? It is, of course, quite conceivable
that the officers in charge of the remains might have been
amenable to a bribe ; and it is very probable that such an
attempt was made.
It was made, we are told, and not only made, but carried
out, by a person named Ebenezer Heathcote, an apothecary
in Red Lion Square. This man was a zealous republican, and
had married the daughter of one of Ireton's commissaries.
The tale goes that he gained access to those who kept watch
ovei the corpse, — who appear, we may add, to have been a
drunken and dissolute set,— got possession of the body,
smuggled it away, and buried it privately at midnight in the
center of Red Lion Square, then as now an open space, the
exact spot of the interment being just under the place at
present occupied by the summer-house. This strange story,
in itself less improbable than any of the others, unfortunately
rests on no good authority. We find no mention of it in any
contemporary documents ; it appears to have been dissemi-
nated in much later times : a circumstance which its advocates
might of course attribute to the fidelity with which the secret
was preserved. It would be difficult, if not impossible, to con-
fute it, and it contributes to perplex still further this myste-
rious historical enigma.
Now let us bring forward the evidence for the conveyance
of the bodies to Tyburn. The most graphic and circumstantial
account is undoubtedly that given in the " Mercurius Po-
liticus " for January 30, 1660. " On Monday night, Cromwell,
Bradshaw, and Ireton, in two several carts, were drawn to
Holbom from Westminster, where they were digged up on
Saturday last. To-day they were drawn upon sledges to
Tyburn ; all the way, as before from Westminster, the uni-
versal outcry and curses of the people went along with
them; When these three carcases were at Tyburn, they were
pulled out of their coffins and hanged at the several angles of
L. M.— 1 1
322 THE LIRRAR Y MA GAZINE,
that triple tree, where they hung till the sun was set. After
which they were taken down, their heads cut off, and their
loathsome trunks thrown into a deep hole under the gallows.
The heads of those three notorious regicides, Oliver Cromwell,
John Bradshaw, and Henry Ireton were set upon poles at the
top of Westminster Hall." To this effect, also, the author of
" Short Meditations on Oliver Cromwell : " " But the corpse
of him whose aspiring mind could never be satisfied, hath now
no other tomb but a turf under Tyburn." Among those who
witnessed this shameful spectacle were good Mrs. Pepys and
her friend Lady Batten, as we learn from Pepys's Diar); for
January 30. Such, according to general opinion, was the ig-
nominious resting-place of the body of Cromwell. And here
for a moment we may pause to notice the absence of all con-
clusive proof of identification. The whole business seems to
have been transacted with incredible carelessness and irregu-
larity. Of the character of the people to whose guardianship
the remains were intrusted we have already spoken. Official
testimony there is none, medical testimony there is none.
The identification of a corpse is, as every coroner knows,
often a matter of considerable difficulty, even under the most
favorable circumstances. The identification of a corpse two
years after its interment, even when decomposition has been
arrested, requires nice technical discrimination. It was, as we
said before, the object of the exhuming party to persuade
their employers that Cromwell's body had been found. It
would not. indeed, be too much to presume that, in the event
of a search being unsuccessful, the royalists would them-
selves have connived at fraud. Their object was, not merely
to insult the memory of an adversary, but to brand with
infamy the memory of rebellion, to give the people a terrible
warning by a terrible example. Would a drunken and turbu-
lent rabble be likely to be critical ? Who is curious when on
fire with passion ? and what passion burns more fiercely than
party passion in a mob ? Had a doubt crossed the mind, who
IVIIA T BECAME OF CROMWELL? 3^3
would have cared or dared to express it ? A sordid rout on
its way to have a kick at Sejanus is neither scrupulous nor
observant. There were, we know, many people whe con-
fidently believed that the body which swung on the gibbet at
Tyburn was not the body of the Protector; and as soon as it
was safe to express their belief, they expressed it. When
Barkstead came forward with his strange story, the witness
which might have confuted him was still festering on the
spikes at Westminster. There were many people living who
could have placed it beyond doubt that the head there was
the head of the Protector, but they were silent. Again, is it
incredible that the sons and daughters of Cromwell, who were,
we know, devotedly attached to him, would have allowed the
head of their father to remain jibbeted for twenty-five years,
without making any effort to rescue it ? It is surely more
natural to attribute their indifference to the fact that they
knew it was not there. We have not ventured to express
our belief in any of the stories we have cited touching the
burial-places of the Protector, but there can be no doubt at all
that there has. been, among the various branches of the Crom-
well family, a tradition to the effect that he was never buried in
the Abbey. He may possibly have bound his wife, his children,
and the friends whom it was necessary to take into his con-
fidence, to secrecy. That secret has probably never been
divulged, though the depositaries of it may at the painful
crisis of 1660 have thought themselves justified in assuring
his relatives that his body was safe from sacrilegious hands,
and beyond possibility of outrage. This would account, not
only for the existence of the tradition, but for the various
discrepancies in detail ; and it would account, above all, for
the apathy of his kindred subsequent to the exhumation.
We will now resume our narrative — a narrative to which,
from this point, as will be seen from what we have just said,
we are not inclined to attach much credit. The bodies, we
are told, hung^ a whole day ; they were then cut down and
324 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
decapitated. The trunks were buried at the foot of the gal-
lows ; the heads, or rather the skulls, were covered with pitch,
stuck on poles, and conveyed to Westminster Hall. They
were there fixed in a ghastly row. " Went into the hall, and
there saw my Lord Treasurer .... and also saw the heads of
Cromwell, Bradshaw, and Ireton," Pepys enters in his diary
February 5^ 1661. Here, by the v/ay, we have a curious piece
of evidence to deal with. We have already npticed Sainthill's
remark about Cromwell's head being " very fresh embalmed."
He sa^v thtf skull, it seems, on the spikes at Westminster, and
the fact that it was an embalmed skull seems at first to be
strong^ evidence in favor of that skull being the skull of
Croniweii. The statement is, however, difficult to reconcile,
first, with the fact that the skulls were plastered with pitch ;
and, secondly, that the head of Cromwell was so disfigured
that many took it for the head of Charles the First. Had it
been fresh embalmed, it is singular that no other spectator
should have noticed the circumstance, and no other spectator
has noticed it. It is clear^lso that Sainthlll could never have
been near enough to inspect it closely, unless, indeed, he had
an opportunity of examining it previous to its impalement ;
and this does not appear to have been the case. Granting
even that it was so, the embalming had not sufficiently pre-
served the head to establish its identity, or even to distin-
guish it conspicuously from the other two heads. Cromwell
was partially embalmed, but embalming was in those days not
uncommonly employed even in the case of ordinary people,
and such a circumstance would by no means suffice to estab-
lish the identity of the skull. It should, moreover, be borne
in mind that Dr. Bates, in his autopsy, says nothing about the
head beiny; embalmed. lie merely says that the entrails were
removed and the cavity stulled with spices. Taking all these
facts into consideration, we must therefore honestly say that
we see no proof whatever that the body decapitated at Tyburn
was the body of the Protector, or that the skull impaled at.
Westminster was his skull.
WHAT BECAME OF CROMWELL? 3^5
We must now quit history for tradition, and fojlow the for-
tunes of " Cromwell's skull " to our own day. Since the year
i8r3 it has been in the possession of a family named Wilkin-
son. It was, says a writer in " Notes and Queries," carefully
examined by Flaxman, who did not hesitate to pronounce it
genuine, and by the eminent antiquary King, who was equally
satisfied of its authenticity. That Mr. Wilkinson's interest-
ing relic has been partially embalmed, that it has been impaled
on a spike and exposed to the weather, that in many partic-
ulars it closely corresponds with those peculiarities in the
formation of the Protector's head preserved to us in busts,
portraits, and medals, is unquestionably true. It is true, also,
that up to a certain point its pedigree is satisfactory — but up
to a certain point only. What, then, is its history?
The story goes that, on a stormy night at the end of James
the Second's reign, it was blown down. The sentinel on duty
picked it up, concealed it, and conveyed it home with him.
It was, however, soon missed, and a proclamation demanding
its immediate restoration was at once issued by the govern-
ment. The soldier and his family kept it, therefore, care-
fully hidden. Some j'^ears afteiVards it was drawn from its
hiding-place and sold to some connections of the Crom-
wells, named Russel, in Cambridgeshire. It then got into the
hands of one Samuel Russel, who publicly exhibited it. By
him it was sold in April, 1787, to a Mr. Cox, the proprietor of
a museum in Spring Gardens. On the dispersal of his museum
it was sold for £2-^3 to three joint possessors, who made a
peep-show of it in Mead's court. Bond street, in 1799. Finally
it became the property of the daughter of one of these persons.
She sold it to Mr. Wilkinson, then M. P. for Lambeth, and by
him it was transmitted to his son, in whose possession it now is.
The evidence on which the earlier part of this story rests
would not, we fear, bear minute investigation. There is, in the
first place, no authority whatever, except mere hearsay, for
the story of the sentinel. If the government issued a procla-
3^6 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
mat I on for the recovery of the skuH, some record of that
proclamation would undoubtedly remain, but no trace of that
proclamation has been discovered. Between the abduction
by the sentliK^l and the transmission to the Russels its history
is a blank. Another skull may, with a view to a negotiation
with the Cromwell family, have been in the interval easily
substituted in place of that originally stolen. It would, more-
over, as a writer in " Notes and Queries " well observes, be
absurd to snppose that any head which had for nearly twenty
years been exposed to such an atmosphere as ours, could
possibly be so perfectly preserved as the head in Mr. Wilkin-
son's possession. We say nothing about several minor
difhculties, — that, for example, presented by the existence of
the other skull purporting to be that of Cromwell in the
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford ; and the discrepancy presented
by the fact that, according to one version of the legend, the
soldier picked up the head, not at Westminster, but at Temple
Ban The strongest evidence in favor of Mr. Wilkinson is the
evidence of Flaxman, who was minutely acquainted with all
the luemoriais of Cromwell's features which art has left us,
and who was therefore eminently qualified to give an opinion.
But in these cases internal evidence is of comparatively little
value unless corroborated by evidence from without, and the
testimony of facts is on this occasion not merely deficient, but
contradictory. At every step in this strange problem we are
confronted with insuperable difficulties. There is no proof
that Cromwell was ever buried in the Abbey at all. If the
burial be assumed, there is no proof that the body exhumed in
1G60 was his body. If the burial and the exhumation be
assumed, there is no proof that the corpse left the Red Lion
:for Tyburn. Assuming these three facts, as well as the story
of the sentinel, there is no proof that the head purloined by
him was identical with the head sold to the Russels.
We are glad to think so. We should be sorry to imagine
that common hands could maul and palter, with a relic so
THE UNITED STATES. 32/
sacred — it is a sacrilege almost too horrible to realize. Rather
let us hope — and there are good reasons for hoping — that as
his immortal part lives forever in the memory of a grateful peo-
ple, so his mortal part has long since mingled with the mold.
From The Gentleman's Magazine.
THE UNITED STATES
AS A FIELD FOR AGRICULTURAL SETTLERS. *
The subject of this paper is not only a large, one, but it is
one on which much has been said and written already. It is
also true that a most able and exhaustive report on the agri-
cultural capacity of America has been recently issued by the
commission which was appointed by the late Government to
inquire into the causes of agricultural distress in this countiy.
But I approach the subject from a somewhat different point
of view. The purpose for which. the assistant-commissioners
were sent to America was to inquire into and report as to the
probable effect of American competition on the owners and
occupiers of land in this country. My object is rather to in-
quire what are the prospects of those who contemplate emi-
grating to America with a view to bettering their condition,
and to point out what in my judgment are the localities best
suited for intending emigrants.
I shall confine myself, as the title of this paper indicates,,
to the United States, not because I wish to ignore or dispar-
age in any way the claims of Canada, but because I am not a
competent witness with respect to that country. When I was
last in America* I was not on Canadian soil at all, with the
exception of a few hours which I passed on the Canadian side
of Niagara Falls. As regards the great and fertile district of
Manitoba I could say nothing which has not appeared already
in books or newspapers. And even in respect of the United
* A few months ago.
328 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
States the knowledge which I have acquired from personal
Observation is limited to two regions, Western Oregon and
Colorado, though I have endeavored to avail myself of the
best sources of information within my reach as to other parts
of the country.
Agricultural emigrants may be divided into two classes :
first, those who intend to cultivate their farms by the labor of
their own hands ; second, persons possessed of more or less
capital, or perhaps, I should rather say, a class of larger capi-
talists, for, as I think I shall show presently every one who
goes to the United States with the intention of owning land,
ought to be possessed of a certain amount of capital.
The class of larger capitalists may be again subdivided into
arable and pastoral farmers. In the more newly settled West-
ern States this line is much more sharply drawn than it is in
this country. In Illinois and the other Middle States there
are many persons who pursue a system of mixed husbandry,
who raise grain crops and who also own fine herds of cattle.
But in the more newly settled States the arable farmers for
the most part possess very little live stock except their horses
and a few cows, while those who apply themselves to rearing
cattle or sheep do very little with the plow.
^As regards the agricultural laborer I doubt whether a man
who has been bred to agricultural labor only, and who has
not the command of some little capital, is likely to do himself
much good by emigrating to the United States. .Wages, no
doubt, are high, while there is work to be done, but there is
not so much constant employment as in this country. It is
very much the practice in the -United States to take men on
by the job and to discharge them after the work has been
done. And as there is very little gre^n crop grown in the
United States, there is much less employment there for women
and children than there is here.
These observations are borne out by the report of the as-
sistant commissioners which has lately been issued. They say:
THE UNITED STATES. 329
*
The farm laborer can hardly be said to exist as a distinct class in the United States,
unief>s it be among the colored people in the Middle and Southern States. In the large
farms of the West the bothy system is carried out, and buildings are put up in which
the summer men mess and sleep. In winter' they are off to the towns and cities, and it
is seldom the same faces are seen two years running on the farm.
It should be remarked though wages may appear high, the hours of labor from
spring to autumn are long, and winter is a period of almost complete cessation from
work for man and beast on the American farm. The very few laborers that are re-
quired upon a wheat-growing farm in America during the dead winter months is sur-
prising. In one instance we- were told that only two men were kept upon 5,000 acres.
When the longer days and the harder work of the American" laborer, together with
his being employed only when he is wanted are taken into account, the annual cost of
kboi^ per acre is much less than the amount paid in England.
At the same time there is no doubt that an energetic active
man, who can put his hand to anything, who can, for instance,
take a spell at lumbering or at carpenter work when agricul-
tural employment is scarce, is likely to do exceedingly well in
the United States.
To return to the classes who are possessed of some capital.
The emigrant who wishes to cultivate his farm with his own
hands may either enter on the Government land which is
reserved for homesteads, in which case he has nothing to pay
beyond the cost of the survey, amounting only to a few
pounds, or he may purchase land and pay for it by install-
ments spread over a term of .years. In the case of the Gov-
ernment lands he cannot homestead more than 160 acres, but
he may also pre-empt, as it is called, 1 50 acres more, paying
f<)r it at the rate of $1.25 an acre, if more than twenty miles
from a railroad, or 11^2.50, or a little more than los. an acre, if
within twenty miles. He has to pay about is. an acre down,
and the balance at the end of five years, by which time he
must have executed certain improvements. In some States
he may pre-empt 640 acres of what are called desert lands,
that is lands which will not grow crops without irrigation.
He must in this case at the end of five years produce a certif-
icate that he has irrigated the land so as to make it grow
crops.
And in some States the settlers may acquire from the gov-
ernment 160 acres by planting ten acres, and producing a cer-
3 30 THE LIBRAE V MA GA ZINE,
tificate at the end of eight years that a certain number of
trees are in a healthy growing state.
It may perhaps be asked what amount of money a settler
ought to have to start with. To begin at the beginning, the
journey out from Liverpool, say of a man with a wife and two
children, to the place where they intend to locate themselves,
will cost some ;£45> more or less.* As to the rest I will take
the estimate of Mr. Eaton, a successful farmer who ow»s a
considerable quantity of land in Colorado. Mr. Eaton's letter,
which gives the amount required in detail, and which, besides
contains a great deal of valuable information, may be found
in a pamphlet entitled " Farm Lands in Colorado," published
by the Colorado Company, of which Mr. Barclay, M.P. for
Forfarshire, is chairman. Mr. Eaton calculates that a man
with a wife and two children will require ;£326 to support himself
and family, and bring a farm of eighty acres, which is about as
much as a man with a pair of horses can till, into cultivation.
If we add £\^ for the cost of the journey out, we have a sum
of £yj\ as the amount which is required to support the fam-
ily, and meet the necessary outgoings of the farm until the
first crop has been reaped and marketed. In the case of a
man who enters on a homestead we have to deduct ;^43, which
Mr. Eaton puts down as the first installment of the purchase
money, because the homesteader has nothing to pay for the
land, and we thus get £y2.% or say, including the cost of sur-
vey, ;£335 as the amount required. The man who enters on a
homestead with this sum in his possession ought, if this
estimate is correct, to be free from debt and able to invest the
proceeds of his crop, beyond what he may require for the sup-
port of himself and family, in any way that may seem best to
him. But there are some drawbacks. In order to get a
homestead a man must now go very far west. He will in all
probability not be very favorably situated as regards access \.o
* The above is about the cost of the journey to Denver ; to Western Minnesota it^
will be somewhat less.
i
THE UmrED STATES, 331
markets, and consequently the prices he will obtain will be low.
For the same reason he may probably have difficulty in pro-
curing many comforts that he has come to look upon almoS.
as necessaries of life, and he may have to pay v^ry high prices
for them. In the Northwestern States the winters are very
long, the cold is intense, and the winds are piercing. Lastly^
even in the remote Northwest, great part of the best lands
has been taken up already. When I was returning from San
Francisco to New York, I met a man who told me that he had
gone into the territory of Dakotah to look for land, and that
there was no good land to be had, except by purchase, within
five hundred miles of Bismarck, which is the furthest point to
which the Northern Pacific railroad has yet been extended,
and which is some f,2oo miles northwest of Chicago. On
the other hand, the emigrant who purchases can choose his
own lo(?ation, and the payment is generally made easy to him
by being spread over a term of years.
Hitherto I have been referring to those who intend to till
their farms themselves. I now come to the class who are
possessed of more capital, and who would desire to obtain
land in larger quantities. If the settler's capital is large
enough, I think it is better to buy not less than a section,
i. e. a square mile, or 640 acres. A smaller lot costs more to
fence in proportion to its size. Land can be purchased frona
the railway companies to whom the government has made
grants, or from parties who have acquired land froni them.
In Western Oregon improved farms, that is, farms with a
house and some fences on them, may be purchased zft from
£S to £Z an acre if near a railroad. Unimproved and uncleared
lands can be had at all prices down to $2.50 an acre. The
land in the yalley is open prairie ; on the rolling ground at the
foot of the hills a good deal of it is covered with oak scrub.
The cost of clearing is said to vary from $5 to $15 per acre.
The average yield is reckoned at about 20 bushels an acre, and
it is said the crop can almost a.lways be depended upon. The
332 THE LIBRAE Y MAGA2IN^,
whole of Western Oregon is within comparatively easy reach
of Portland, whence the grain is shipped'. The valley is
drained by the Willamette river, which is navigable for a
great part of the course; there are also two railroads, and
another in course of being constructed. Land at some little
distance from the existing railroads can be purchased, I be-
lieve, for about £s an acre. The settler in Western Oregon
has the great advantage of an abundant and cheap supply of
timber. The sides of the mountains and the edges of the
streams are covered with splendid firs, some of them 200 feet
high. When I was going over the proposed line of the
Oregonian railway, I came across a splendid fir tree which was
being burned down by means of a live coal put into the heart
of it. I asked to have it measured, and found it squared seven
and one-half feet. They told me that there was not enough
timber in the strip where this tree stood to make 4t worth
while to put up a sawmill, and that the cheapest mode of get-
ting the tree out of the way was to burn it..
In Eastern Oregon land may be bought of the Northern
Pacific Railroad Company for $2.60. or about 12^, an acre. In
some seasons this land is said to be very productive, yielding
as much as forty bushels of wheat per acre, but the country
is. sometimes subject to droughts, water is scarce in some
places, and there is a deficiency of timber. The rates to Port-
land are very high, but this will probably be remedied in time
by theconstruction of anew line of railroad, and I think there
can be no doubt that those who purchase land at present
priceS'will find their property rise considerably in value mthc
course of the next few years.
The only other State as to which 1 can speak from personal
knowledge is Colorado, Good land can be bought there at
present for about $10, or a little over £2 an acre. The right
to take water for irrigation from one of the canals costs about
£1 an acre. Land in Colorado, from the extreme dryness of
the climate, is of little use unless it is either irrigated artifi-
THE UNITED STATES, 333
dally or flooded \x\ winter by a stream. A section of good land
with the necessary water rights will cost about ;^2,ooo. 'The
price may be spread over a term of years, but the rate of in-
terest in Colorado is high, not less than lo per cent on farm-
ing lands, so that those who possess the requisite amount of
capital will probably prefer to pay the money down. Mr.
Barclay puts the cost of bringing the land into cultivation,
not including interest on the purchase money, and charging
contmct prices for the ^jirork done, at about {p. per acre for the
first year, so that the whole outlay on 640 acres, including the
purchase money, will be about ;£3.30o. To this estimate of Mr.
Barclay's, I think, some other items should be added, as, for
example, from ;£8o to £\qo for a house and the cost of fencing,
which, for 640 acres, should probably be about ;^2oo. But
with a capital of something less than ;£4.ooo a man ought to
be able to make a very good start on a farm of 640 acres. As
regards the question whether a settler had better locate him-
self in Oregon or in Colorado, or in one of the Northwestern
States, perhaps I shall best answer it, so far as m,y opinion is
worth anything, by stating what I have done myself. After
having traversed the United States from New York to Puget
Sound, and having obtained the best information which I could
procure, I have purchased land in Colorado for a near relation
of my own, who intends to go put as a settler. My reasons
are, (i) The yield on irrigated land is larger than either in
Western Oregon or the Northwestern States, (2) Prices of
agricultural produce are higher. Mr. Barclay and Mr. Eaton
both concur in stating that after the first year twenty-five
bushels of wheat an acre may fairly be looked for on irrigated
land in Colorado. In Western Oregon the average yield is put
at twenty bushels an acre. In the Northwestern States it is a
good deal-less. Sixteen bushels an acre is looked upon as a large
crop in Minnesota, one of the large wheat-growing States. In
Iowa it is less. In Dakotah twenty-five and sometimes even
twenty-eight bushels are raised, but these cases are exceptipnal,
334 • THE LIBRAR V MA GAZINE,
and are found on the monster farms, where the cultivation of
wheat is brought to a great perfection. From the best infor-
mation I can obtain, the average production of Dakotah does
not much exceed fifteen or sixteen bushels. Then as to prices.
When I was in Portland, wheat was selling for eighty-seven
cents a bushel. In Denver the price was at one time $1.20,
and it has not, I believe, been below $1.10 this year. When
we look at the prices in the Northwestern States, the dif-
ference is even greater. In Western Minnesota and Dakotah
seventy-five cents a bushel is considered a good price for
wheat. Without going into the elaborate calculations, I
think any one who will work the figures out for himself will
see that it will pay better to give $15 an acre for land that will
grow twenty-five bushels, which will fetch $1.10 a bushel,
than to give $5 an acre for land that will grow sixteen bushels,
with the probability that the price may fall much lower. In
each case the price of the land will be paid off in about the
same time, but when that has been done, the owner of the
higher priced and more fertile land will be in possession of a
much more remunerative property. But are the high prices
of agricultural produce in Colorado likely to continue ? I
think so. Prices there do not depend on the European
markets. There is a large local demand from the mining
camps, considerably larger than the State itself can supply.
Then the quantity of land which can be profitably brought
under tillage is restricted by the amount of water which can
be utilized for irrigation, and in the more settled parts of the
State there will soon be very few streams remaining which are
available for that purpose. As regards a possible fall in price
in consequence of importations from other parts of the United
States, the Colorado farmer has a very considerable natural
protection, by reason of the great distance over which agri-
cultural produce has to be carried. Take the article of haj',
for instance, which is in great demand. Large quantities of
hay are brought into Colorado from Kansas City, a distance
[
THE UNITED STATES. ' 335
of over six hundred miles. The freight from Kansas City is
$10 or a little over £2 a ton, which of itself is considered a
very good price in most parts of the United States. Great
part of Western Kansas is almost a desert on account of the
want of rain and the dearth of water. And though in time
freights from Kansas City may be somewhat reduced by the
construction of competing lines, the distance can never be
much shortened, inasmuch as the Kansas Pacific runs almost
in a straight line from Kansas City to Denver,
Other articles of agricultural produce are also high in price.
When I was last in Denver potatoes were selling at £^ a ton,
whereas we consider £^ a very good price in this country.
No doubt the prices both of hay and potatoes were somewhat
exceptional last year, as the season had been dry and the crop
therefore short. Still I understand that these articles always
fetch a high price as compared with what can be obtained for
them in most other parts of the United States. There are,
too, great developments projected in the shape of railroads
connecting with the Colorado lines, and passing through
Arizona and New Mexico to ports on the Pacific. I think
there can be no doubt that the construction of these lines will
tend to stimulate the growth of Denver and of other towns
in Colorado. I believe that any one who purchases land
judiciously in Colorado at the present time will not only
receive a very handsome return for his investment, but that
the capital value of his property will be very largely enhanced
in the course of the next few years. The climate of Colorado
is dry and bracing, owing to the circumstance that even the
less elevated part of the State on which the town of Denver
stands is some 5,000 feet above the sea. It is never oppres-
sively hot. In winter the temperature is sometimes very low ;
towards the end of last November the thermometer fell to 20
degrees below zero. Bat the piercing winds which in winter
sweep over the prairies of Iowa and Minnesota seldom prevail
in Colorado. Neither is the settler in Colorado liable tb Buf-
33.6 ' THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
fer from ague, a complaint which sometimes attacks the
inhabitants of that part of Western Oregon which may be
described as the valley of the Willamette river. Indeed,
invalids from many parts of the United States now resort to
Colorado in search of purer air than they can find at home.
By way of illustrating the extraordinary clearness of the
atmosphere a story is told of an enthusiastic tourist who
started fcom Denver, hoping to reach the top of Pike's Peak,
the higEest mountain in sight, and return next day. The
base of the- mountain is more than seventy-five miles from
Denver, and the summit more than 13,000 feet above the sea,
or 8,000 feet above the level of the town. I should not myself
have estimated the distance to Pike's Peak from Denver at
much more than twenty miles.
From an agricultural point of view Colorado has one draw-
back. Owing to the absence of great heat in summer it is not
possible to grow large crops of Indian corn as is done in
many parts of the United States. Corn is grown, but the
yield is so small that I doubt whether it is a profitable crop.
In respect of other hindrances to successful farming, the
Colorado beetle, as Mr. Barclay stated in an article which
appeared about a year ago in the Fortnightly Review, has
never been seen in Colorado.
Grasshoppers did a good deal of damage at one time, but I
understand that they have not made their appearance of late
years, and the farmers now say they are not much afraid of
them, even if they should come, both because the area under
crop being considerably larger than it was a few years ago,
the damage dome would be spread over a wider surface and
therefore less felt, and also because they think they Could
find means of destroying them.
To any one who is fond of sport Colorado offers great
attractions. The mountain lakes are full of trout* and the
marshy lands swarm with ducks. Deer and both brown and
frizzly bears are to be found in the mountains.
THE UNITED STATES. 337
I have as yet referred only to those emigrants who desire
to settle on arable lands. But it is well known that the
breeding and rearing of cattle has attained large proportions
in the United States. The profits of this business are not
what they were, though they are stiil large. I have been told
that a few years ago it was not uncommon for a cattle breeder
to clear 80 or even loo per cent on his capital. But the profit-
able nature of the trade has induced large numbers of persons
to engage in it with the usual and indeed inevitable result,
that there has been a fall in profits. Still, I believe that with
good management from 25 to 30 par cent can still be obtained
on the money invested. The business of cattle breeding in
this country requires considerably more capital than arable
farming, and this is the case also in the United States. I
believe the smallest number with which it is worth while to
start is about 1,000 head of cattlj^^fA mixed herd — ^that is, a
herd of cows and calves, yeat-MflgieviCMro-year-olds and three-
year-olds of this number — if composed, as is usually the case,
partly of Texan and partly of what are called graded cattle —
Texan or Colorados crossed with shorthorns or Hereford bulls
—will cost about ;£3.ooo. It takes three men to look after
1,000 cattle, and each of these men will receive about £7^ a
year with his board. Then each man requires several horses
or ponies. No * cowboy ' ever thinks of walking ; if he were
to make his appearance on foot among the cattle, they would
either cliarge him or there would be a general stampede. I
do not think it would be prudent foi: any one to go into the
cattle business without a capital of some £^.000. And the
larger capitalists have a considerable advantage, because a
large herd can be much more economically worked than a
small one. The reason is that the number of men who have
to be employed in looking after the cattle does not require to
be increased in the same ratio as the herd. It takes three
men to look after 1,000 cattle, but five men can look after 2,000,
and a herd of 20,000 cattle can be worked much more econom-
338 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
ically than one of 2,000. I do not think that Colorado is a
good place for the small capitalist, the man with £j^,ooo or
;£5.ooo, to enter upon the cattle business. I was told that
what was called the free ranches, the lands, that is, on which
any one may turn out his cattle, were all overstocked ; and
that in consequence the cattle on them did not thrive or fatten
as they used to do.
The really good ranches are virtually in the hands of a few
owners. In theory it is open to any one to turn out his cattle
on the plains, but the water frontages have been bought up
and fenced off, and as the land is of no use without water for
the cattle to drink, the man who owns the water frontage also
practically owns the pasturage adjoining it ; so that if any one
now wishes to go in for cattle in Colorado, he must begin by
buying out some one who owns a water frontage.
But there is still abiijo^ljuijce of land in the United States
over which a man mayi^tia^^ cattle free of charge. In Texas
there are immense masses of fine pasture land as yet unoccu-
pied. I should not, however, from what I have heard of the
country, advise any one to go to Texas. The people in many
parts of the State are very wild and lawless, and settlers in
the southern part, near the Rio Grande, are exposed to the
depredations of the Mexicans who come across the frontier
and carry off cattle. Then Texas is very unhealthy for the
better class of cattle. Cattle of improved breeds, if brought
into Texas after they are twelve months old, succumb to the
climate, and it is only by bringing them in very young that it
is possible to acclimatize them. As for the native Texan
cattle, they are the type of all that a beef-producing animal
should not be, they have narrow chests, long legs, and backs
like razors. I never handled one, but they look as if they
had very hard hair and skins. Their beef is hard and stringy,
and fetches the lowest price in the American market.
In the Territory of Wyoming there is still grazing land to
be had free, and in Dakotah'and Montana there are large tracts
THE UNITED STATES. 339
still open. The ranchman has many hardships to bear. In
summer he has to follow his cattle undfer a burning sun. In
winter he has often to camp out in the snow. He has to be
absent for long periods of time from civilized society, he has
to live on hard fare, and often to dispense with many comforts
which we have come to look on as necessaries of life. He
sometimes suffers heavy losses from dry summers and severe
winters. Still, to many men, the free life in the open air has
a quiet charm. I hardly think, however, that a settler, going
out from this country, would act wisely in at once entering on
the cattle business. It is a business which has to be learned
like any other, and I think a young man going to the United
States would do well to wait a year or two before he starts a
herd of his own. This business is not like that of arable farm-
ing. Many men go out from this country to the United States
who know very little of farming, and who after a time get on
very well. They may make mistakes at first, but they come
right at last. But then the land is always there to fall back
on. But if a man invests his money in a herd of cattle, and
mismanages them, he may lose not his income only, but his
capital, or a great part of it. Sheep-breeding is practiced on a
larger scale in Eastern Oregon and California, and in Montana,
New Mexico, and Texas. The profits are large^ but the risks
are considered to be greater than in the case of cattle. Sheep
require more attention than cattle. They are subject to scab
and other infectious diseases to which cattle are not liable ;
and it is more difficult to bring them through a severe winter.
In some of the ranges of Colorado there is a poisonous grass
which kills sheep. Cattle either do not eat it or do not suffer
from it. A considerable number of lambs are destroyed every
year by the prairie wolves. As in this country, cattle and
sheep do not thrive on the same pastures. The sheep eat out
the best grasses, and leave nothing for the cattle but the
coarser herbage. As a natural consequence, the men who
turn out sheep on the free ranges are very unpopular with the
340 THE LIBRA R Y MA GA ZINE.
breeders of cattle. It does not appear that much attention
has as yet been paid in the United States to the improvement
of the breed of sheep. At the great cattle show held at Chi-
cago in November last, the sheep from Canada, both Merinos
and Cotswolds, were very superior to any that were exhibited
by the flockmasters of the United States.
And now let me express a hope that none of those who
may read this paper will be tempted to invest their means in*
this or that State, on the strength of what they may have
read, without first making full inquiry for themselves. I
should be sorry to have such a responsibility put upon me.
And let me put in a word by way of caution to those who may
be tempted by the offers of land in America on the part of
the various companies which sometimes appear in the news-
papers here. We may depend upon it these offers are not
made out of pure benevolence, and that the vendor does not
fail to put a very handsome bonus in his pocket. I will give
an instance of the large profits which these middlemen some-
times expect. Some time since a company, with which I am
connected, was offered a tract of land in Texas for 60 cents,
or about half a crown an acre, by an American. We had sent
out to the United States a gentleman from this country in
whom we had confidence, with instructions to examine the
lands which were offered for sale and to report on them. He
informed us that the parties who were in possession of the
Texas land grant offered the land at 40 cents, so that if we had
closed with the offer of the American land speculator, he
would have pocketed a commission of 50 percent. As it hap-
pened, we did not purchase the land, but if we had bought it
direct from the owners, the difference between the price which
we should have given them and that which would have been
received by the land speculator, would have more than
covered the remuneration and expenses of the gentleman
whom we sent out to report, though he was several months in
America, and traveled many thousand miles. If any consid-
THE UNITED STATES. 341
erable number of persons should think of trying their fortunes
in the United States I think they could not do better than
follow the example of the farmers in the south of Scotland.
Some two years ago they clubbed together and sent out some
of their number to examine the country arid report upon it.
Any one who may go out with the view of obtaining informa-
tion, either for himself or his friends, will find" many of his
countrymen either settled in the States and in Canada, or
residing there temporarily, who will be ready to give him all
the assistance in their power. And in every part of North
America I believe that English and Scotch settlers are very
popular ; there is no jealousy of them, but they are welcomed
as men who are likely to make good citizens, and to develop
the resources of the country. AlRLlE.
Postscript.
Since the above paper was written, the contract between the Canadian gov-
ernment and the syndicate which has been formed for constructing the Can-
adian Pacific Railway has been laid before the Dominion parliament. If I am
rightly informed as to the terms of that contract, no maximum rates for freight
are to be imposed on the railway company, but they are to be allowed to charge
as much as they can get ; and, further, the construction of any line that might
compete with the Canadian Pacific is to be prohibited for a period of twenty years.
It may be that the political necessity for constructing the Canadian Pacific
railroad is so great that the Canadian government has had no choice but to ac-
cept these onerous terms. But I am afraid that they will militate very much
against the rapid settlement of the country. It is clear that settlers in North-
western Canada, who are dependent on a railroad which has such an unquali-
fied monopoly conferred on it, will be placed at a great disadvantage as com-
pared with their neighbors in the United States, where any one can obtain a
charter for a railroad if he can find the capital required to build it.
The Earl of Airlie, in The Nineteenth Century.
342 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
ON NOVELS AND NOVEL-MAKERS.
fiY AN OLD NOVELIST.
*' Set a thief to catch a thief." Well — even so ! And " Honor
among thieves" — you may always find the proverb and
counter-proverb — is an equally noble sentiment. I am not
going to lay bare the secrets of the prison-house.
Still, may not the ancient gladiator be allowed to haunt his
former arena, to examine and criticise the combatants, to
watch with interest the various "throws"? And the old
vocalist, who has quietly dropped, let us hope in good time,
into the teacher of singing— is it unnatural that he should
sometimes like to frequent the stalls, and make his own com-
ments on his brethren still before the foot-lights ? For he
loves his art as much as ever; he understands its secrets
perhaps better than ever — only But peace ! Is he not
an aged gladiator — a tired singer? Happy for him if he is
wise enough to recognize this fact and act upon it.
Yes — there comes a time when we authors must accept the
truth, that it is better for us, as welf as our books, to be
" shelved." We ought never to write at all unless we have
something to say, and there are few things sadder than to see
a writer, to whom the world has listened, and listened with
pleasure, go on feebly repeating himself, sinking from origin-
ality into mediocrity, and then into the merest commonplace.
" Stop in time," is the wisest advice that can be given to all
who live by their brains. These brains — even if the strongest
— will only last a certain time, and do a certain quantity of
work — really good work. Alas ! for those authors who have
to live upon their reputation after their powers are gone.
Biit though the impulse of genius melts away, and even
talent ca« be worn out in time, there is one thing which,
among much lost, is assuredly gained, and that is experience.
The quickness to detect faults won through fighting with our
^
ON NO VEL S A XD NO I ^EL-MAKERS, 343
own, and the knowledge how to rectify these errors when
found, are advantages we possess still, and should not lightly
underrate. Therefore, if after having written novels for more
than a quarter of a century, I have lately tried reading them,
I may be ■ allowed a few words I trust none which of my
co-mates will misconstrue, nor their readers, and mine, misap-
prehend ?
Novel-making — I use the word designedly, for it is a mistake
to suppose that a novel makes itself — is not an impulse, but
an art. The poet may be " born, not made ;" but the novelist
must make himself one, just as much as any carpenter or
bricklayer. You cannot build a house at random or without
having learned the bricklayer's trade, and by no possibility
can you construct a three-volume story, which shall be a real,
enduring work of art, without having attained that mechan-
ical skill which is as necessary to genius as the furnace to the
ore and the lapidary's tool to the diamond. And since most
long-experienced workmen are supposed to know something
of their tools, and the way to use them, as well as to be toler-
able judges of the raw material in which they have worked
all their days, I do not apologize for writing this paper. It
may be useful to some of those enthusiastic young people
who think — as a fashionable lady once said to me — ** Oh, how
charming it must be to write a novel ! Couldn't you teach
me } " No ; I was afraid not. And though work is genius —
as some one has said, and not quite without truth — I could
not advise my )'X)ung friend to try.
Novel — the word, coming from the Italian novella, implies
something new : a rifacciomento, or re-making, in an imagina-
tive shape, of the eternally old elements of moral life, joy and
sorrow, fortune and misfortune, love and death. Also, virtue
and vice; though whether the novel should illustrate any
special moral, is a much-debated question.
Apparently, beyond some vague notions of virtue rewarded
and vice punished, the old romancists did not consider r
344 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
" moral " necessary. There is certainly no " purpose " in the
Arabian Night's Entertainments, or the Decameron of Bocca-
cio ; nor very much in Sir Charles Grandison. Probably less
than none in Tom Jones, and others of the same age and class.
Even the author of Waverley, the Shakespeare^of novelists,
only teaches us, as Shakespeare does, by implication. It has
been left ta tuodern writers to convert the nov^el into a sort of
working isLeam-engine, usable for all purposes; to express
tlnough Lheir pet theories of religion or morality, their opinions
on socud wrongs and remedies, and their views on aesthetic
and philosophical subjects. From the art of cookery up — or
down^to the law of divorce, anybody who thinks he has
anything ic> say, says it in three volumes, mashed up, like hard
potcitoes, in the milk and butter of fiction.
A portion, however, of our modern novel-writers repudiate
the idea of having any moral purpose whatever; and, truly,
lew of their readers can accuse them of it. ^Amusement pure
and simple — not always either simple or pure, but always
amusement — is their sole aim. They — that is the cleverest of
them — are satisfied to cut a bit at random out of the wonder-
ful web of lifc^ and present it to you just as it is, wishing you
to accept it as such, without investigating it too closely, or
pausing to consider whether the pattern is complete, what
the mode and reason of the wearing, and whether you only
see a part or the whole. That there is a whole — that life is
not chance-work, but a great design, with the hands of the
Divine Artificer working behind it all — so seldom comes into
their calculations that they do not expect it to come into
yours. Therefore, with a daring and sometimes almost blas-
wphemous inc^enuity,. they put themselves to play Providence,
to set up tlieir puppets and knock them down, and make
them between whiles "play such fantastic tricks before hig^
heaven," that one feels heaven's commonest law of right anc^ f
wrong would lo them be, to say the least, extremely incon-^^
venient.
4
ON NOVELS AND NOVEL-MAKERS. 345
' But to return. Certainly — whatever my fashionable young
friend might think — no one can be taught to write novels.
But to suppose that novel-writing comes by accident or im-
pulse— that the author has only to sit with his pen in his
hand and his eyes on the ceiling, waiting for the happy mo-
ment of inspiration, is an equal mistake.
To make a novel — ^that is, to construct out of the ever-
changing kaleidoscope of human fate a picture of life which
shall impress people as being life-like, and stand out to its
own and possibly an after geiTerrtion, as such — this is a task
that cannot be accomplished without genius, but which gen-
ius, unaided by mechanical skill, generally fails to accomplish
thoroughly. Much of what is required comes not by intui-
tion but experience. " How do j^ou write a novel ? " has been
asked me hundreds of times ; and as half the world now writes
novels, expecting the other half to read them, my answer
given in plain print, may not be quite useless. The shoe-
maker, who in his time has fitted a good many feet, need not
hesitate to explain his mode of measuring, how he cuts and
sews his leather, and so on. He can give a hint or two on
the workmanship ; the materials are beyond his power.
What other novelists do I know not, but this has been my
own way — ab ovo. For, I contend, all stories that are meant
to live must contain the germ of life, the ^g^, the vital prin-
ciple. A novel, *'with a purpose" may be intolerable, but a
novel without a purpose is more intolerable still — as feeble
and flaccid as a man without a back bone. Therefore the
first thing is to fix on a central idea, like the spine of a human
being or the trunk of a tree. Yet as nature never leaves
either bare, but clothes them with muscle and flesh, branches
and foliage, so this leading idea of his book will be by the
true author so successfully disguised or covered as not to
^btrude itself objectionably; indeed, the ordinary reader
\ight not even to suspect its existence. Yet from it, this
W principal idea, proceed all after-growths : the kind of plo'
^ 346 THE UBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
which shall best develop it. the characters which must act it
out, the incidents which will express these characters, even to
the conversations which evolve and describe these incidents,
all are sequences, following one another in natural order,
even as from the seed-germ result successively the trunk,
limbs, branches, twigs, and leafage of a tree. ^
This, if I have put my meaning clearly, shows that a con-
scientiously written novel is by no means a piece of impulsive,
accidental scribbling, but a deliberate work of art : that though
in one sense it is. alsa a woe k of nature, since every part
ought to result from and be kept subservient to the whole,
still, in another, the novel is the last thing that ought to be
allowed to say of itself, like Topsy, " Spects I growed."
Not even as to the mere writing of it. Style or composi-
tion, though to some it comes naturally, does not come to all.
When I was young an older and more experienced writer
once said to me, " Never use two adjectives where one will
do > never use an adjective at all where a noun will do. Avoid
italics, notes of exclamation, foreign words and quotations.
Put full stops insteads of colons ; make your sentences as
short and clear as you possibly can, and whenever you think
you have written a particularly fine sentence, cut it out."
More valuable advice could not be given to any young
author. It strikes at the root of that slip-shod literature of
which we find so much nowadays, even in writers of genius.
To these latter indeed it is a greater temptation ; their rapid,
easy pen runs on as the fancy strikes, and they do not pause
to consider that in a novel, as in a picture, breadth is indis-
pensable. Every part should be made subservient to the
whole. You must have a foreground and background and a
middle distance. If you persist in working up one character,
or finishing up minutely one incident, your perspective will
be destroyed, and your book become a mere collection of
fragments, not a work of art at all. The true artist will always
be ready to sacrifice any pet detail to the perfection of the
whole.
ON NO VELS AND NO VEL-MAKERS. 347
Sometimes, I allow, this is hard. One gets interested-
novel-writers only know how interested ! — in some particular
character or portion of the plot, and is tempted to work out
these to the injury of the rest. Then there usually comes a
flat time, say about the second volume, when the first impe-
tus has subsided, and the excitement of the denouement has
not yet com«, yet the storj'^ must be spun on somehow, if only
to get to something more eiciting. This may account for the
fact that so many second volumes are rather dull. But a
worse failure is when vol. iii. dwindles down, the interest
slowly diminishing, to nothing. Or else the story is all hud-
dled up, everybody marriefl or killed somehow — not as we
novelists try to do it, " comfortably " — but in a hasty, unsat-
isfactory manner, which makes readers wonder why the end
is so unworthy of the beginning.
Either mistake is fatal, and both commonly proceed from
carelessness, or from the lack of that quality, without which
no good work is possible, the infinite capacity of taking trou-
ble. "Look at my MS.," said a voluminous writer once to
me ; " there is hardly a single correction in it, and this is my
first draft. I never copy and I rarely alter a line." It would
have been uncivil to say so, but I could not help thinking
that both author and public would have been none the worse
if my friend had altered a good many lines, and re-copied not
a few pages !
While on the question of MSS., let me say one practical
word. Authors are apt to think that any sort of " copy " is
good enough for the press. Quite the contrary. An untid)'-,
useless, illegible MS. is an offense to the publisher, dangerous
irritation to his " reader," and to the printer an absolute cru-
elty. Also, many proof corrections often made so wantonly,
and costing so much trouble and money, are severely to be
condemned. Doubtless the genus irritabile has its wrongs,
from hard-headed and often hard-hearted men of business,
but volumes might be written about the worry, the loss, the
348 THE LIBI(aRY MAGAZINE,
actual torment that inaccurate, irregular, impecfinious and
extravagant authors are to that much-enduring and necessa-
rily silent class — their publishers.
An accusation is often mad5 against us novelists, that we
paint our characters, especially our ridiculous or unpleasant
characters, from life. Doubtless many second-rate writers do
this — thereby catching the ill-natured class of readers, which
always enjoys seeing its neighbor " shown up." But a really
good novelist would scorn to attain popularity by such mean
devices. Besides, any artist knows that to paint exactly from
life is so difficult as to be almost impossible. -Study from life
he must — copying suitable heads, arms, or legs, and appro-
priating bits of character, personal or mental idiosyncrasies,
making use of the real to perfect the ideal. But the ideal,
his own, should be behind and beyond it all. The nature to
which he holds up the mirror should be abstract, not individ-
ual ; and he must be a poor creator who Can only make his
book by gibbeting therein real people, like kite^ and owls on
a barn-door, for the amusement and warning of society.
We authors cannot but smile when asked if such-and-such
a character is " drawn from life," and especially when ingen-
ious critics fancy they have identified certain persons, places,
or incidents — almost always falsely. Of course, we go about
the world with our eyes open — but what we see and how we
use it, is known only to ourselves. Our sitters are never
aware they are being painted, and rarely, if ever, recognize
their own likenesses. Whether or not it may be allowable to
hold up to public obloquy a bad or contemptible character, I
suppose it would be fair to describe a perfect character — if we
could find it ! which is not too probable. For me I can only
say that during all the years I have studied humanity, I never
met one human being who could have been " put in a book," as
a whole, without injuring it. The only time I ever attefi^pted
(by request) to make a study from nature — absolutely liW^
—all the reviewers cried out, to my extreme amuseme
'* This character i^ altogether unnatural."
u
ON NO VELS AND NO VEL-MAKERS. 349
Hitherto I have considered the novel simply as a literary
achievement— a book "clever," " interesting,"^-above all, a
book " that will sell." But there is a higher and deeper view
of it, which no writer can escape, and no conscientious writer
would ever wish to escape. If we, poor finite mortals, begin
telling stories, we take into our feeble hands the complicated
machinery of life, of which none can understand the whole,
and very few even the smallest bit ; we work it out after our
own fancy, moral or no moral ; we invent our own puppets
and put them through their marionnette-like antics, in imita-
tion of the great drama which a mysterious Hand is for ever
playing with us human beings — and sometimes we think we
can do it quite as well, if we had the chance ! But do we ever
consider that in making up from imagination a picture of
reality, we are, in rather a dangerous way, mimicking Provi-
dence } much as children do with their dolls when they make
them go to school, or be put to bed, or have the measles : im-
itating ordinary child-life, so far as they understand it, in their
innocent way. But our ways are not always innocent, and
our wisdom is sometimes less than a child's. A bad novel,
which does not " justify the ways of God to men " — as Milton
vainly tried to do in Paradise Lost — but leaves behind it the
impression that the world is all out of joint, that there is no
difference between right and wrong, and nothing in life worth
living for — such a novel does more harm than a dozen atheisti-
cal books, or a hundred dull, narrow-minded sermons. Pois-
on, taken as such, may find an antidote ; there is no defense
against it when administered in the form of food.
That the novel, not only in its literary but moral form, is an
engine of enormous power, no one could doubt who had the
reading of the letters received, say in a single year, or even a
single month, by any tolerably well-known author, from all
parts of the world, and from total strangers of every age,
class, and degree. Not merely the everlasting autograph beg-
gars, or the eulogists, generally conceited egotists, who enjoy
3 so THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
the vanity of corresponding with celebrated folk, but the
honest, well-meanjng, and often most touching letter-writers,
• who pour out their simple hearts to the unknown friend who
has exercised so'strong an influence ovef their lives. To this
friend they appeal not only for sympathy but advice— often
of the most extraordinary kind — on love affairs, the education
of children, business or domestic difficulties, impulses of
gratitude, revelations of perplexing secrets, outcries of intol-
erable pain, coming sometimes from the very ends of the
earth, in a mixture of tragedy and comedy, to the silent recip-
ient of these strange phases of human life — stranger than
anything he or she has ever dared to put into any novel. Yet
so it is ; and any conscientious author can but stand mute and
trembling in facQ of the awful responsibility which follows
every written line.
This, even of the ordinarily good books — but what of the
bad ones ?
I believe a thoroughly " bad '* book, as we of the last gen-
eration used to style such — bad either for coarseness of style,
as "Tristram Shandy," or laxity of morals, like " Don Juan "
— does infinitely less harm than many modem novels which
we lay on our drawing-room tables, and let our young daugh-
ters read ad infinitum, or ad nauseam ; novels, chiefly, I grieve
to say, written by women, who, either out of pure ignorance,
or a boastful morbid pleasure in meddling with forbidden
topics, often write things that men would be ashamed to
write.
Absolute wickedness, crime represented as crime, and licen-
tiousness put forward as licentiousness, is far less dangerous
to the young and naturally pure mind than that charming
sentimental dallying with sin, which makes it appear so
piteous, so interesting, so beautiful. Nay, without even en-
tering upon the merits of the favorite modern style of fiction
— in which love to be attractive must necessarily be unlawful
— there is a style of novel in which right and wrong are mud- *
ON NOVELS. AND NOVEL-MAKERS, 35 ^
died up together into a sort of neutral tint, the author, and
consequently the reader, taking no trouble to distinguish
between them. The characters are made interesting, not by
their virtues but theij faults ; a good woman worships a bad
man, and vice versa. Now this may be true in real life, though
I doubt ; but to present it in fiction, to make a really noble
woman the abject willing slave of a contemptible brute not
worthy to tie her shoes, or an honorable man doing all sorts
of erring things for the sake of a feeble or vile woman, whom
her own sex, and the besj: of the other, would heartily despise
—the effect of such a picture as this is to confuse all one's
notions of good and bad, and produce a blurred and blotted
vision of life, which, to those just beginning life, is either
infinitely sad or infinitely harmful. Besides, it is not true.
Time brings its revenges; and if there is one certainty in life,
it is the certainty of retribution — ay, even in this life: and
alas ! down to the third and fourth generation — a creed, by the
young doubted or despised, but which the old, whether opti-
mists or pessimist^, know to be only too true.
There is another favorite -subject of modern fiction : a man
or woman married hastily or unhappily, and meeting after-
wards some " elective affinity," the right man or woman, or
apparently such. No doubt this is a terrible position, pathetic,
tragic, which may happen to the most guiltless persons, and
does happen, perhaps, oftener than any one knows. Novelists
seize upon it as a dramatic position, and paint it in such glow-
ing, tender, and pathetic colors that, absorbed in the pity of
the thing, one quite forgets its sin. The hapless lovers rouse
our deepest sympathy ; we follow them to the very verge of
crime, almost regretting that it is called crime, and when the
obnoxious husband or wife dies, and theiovers are dismissed
to happiness — as is usually done — we feel quite relieved and
comfortable !
Now, surely this is immoral, as immoral as the coarsest
sentence Sh?ikespeare ever penned, or the most passionate
352 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
picture that Shelley or Byron evier drew. Nay, more so, for
these are only nature — vicious, undisguised, but natural still,
and making no pretense of virtue; but your sentimentalist
assumes a virtue, and expects sympathy for his immorality,
which is none the less immoral because, God knows, it is a
delineation often only too true, and perhaps only too deserv-
ing of pity — His pity, who can see into the soul of man.
Many a condemned thief and hanged murderer may have
done the deed under most piteous and extenuating circum-
stances ; but theft still remains theft, and murder murder.
And — let us not mince words — though modern taste may
enwrap it in ever such pathetic, heroic, and picturesque form,
adultery is still adultery. Never do our really great authors
— our Shakespeares, our Scotts, our Thackerays, our George
Eliots — deny this, or leave us in the slightest doubt between
virtue and vice. It is the mild sentimentalists who, however
they may resent being classed with the "fast" authors — alas!
too often authoresses — of modern fiction, are equally immoral ;
because they hold the balance of virtue and vice with so
feeble and uncertain a hand, as to leave both utterly confused,
in the writer's opinion and the reader's mind.
But, putting aside the question of morality, there is another
well deserving the consideration of novelists, viz., whether
the subjects they choose are within the fair limits of art?
Legitimate comedy ought to be based on humor and wit,
free from coarseness and vulgarity ; and in true tragedy the
terrible becomes the heroic by the elimination of every ele-
ment which is merely horrible or disgusting. In the dying
martyr we ought to see, not the streaming blood or the shriv-
eling of the burnt flesh, but the gaze of ecstatic faith into an
opened heaven ; and the noblest battle ever represented is
misrepresented when the artist chooses scenes fit only for a
hospital operating-table or a butcher's shambles.
I cannot but think that certain modern novels, despite their
extreme cleverness, deal with topics beyond the legitimate
ON NO VELS AND NO VEL-MAKERS. 353
pfovince of fiction. Vivid descriptions of hangings, of prison-
whippings; of tortures inflicted on sane persons in lunatic
asylums, are not fit subjects for. art ; at least, the art which
can choose them and dilate upon them is scarcely of a heal-
thy kind, or likely to conduce to the moral health of the
reader.
The answer to this objection is, that such things are ; there-
fore why not write about them ? So must medical and surgi-
cal books be written ; so must the most loathsome details of
crime and misery be investigated by statesmen and political
economists. But all these are professional studies which,
however painful, require to be gone through. No one would
ever enter into them as a matter of mere amusement. Besides,
as is almost inevitable in a novel " with a purpose " or one in
which the chief interest centers in some ghastly phase of
humanity, there is generally a certain amount of, perhaps
involuntary, exaggeration, against which the calm, judicial
mind instinctively rebels. "Two sides to every subject; I
should rather like to hear the other side."
Without holding the unwise creed that ignorance is inno-
cence, and that immunity from painful sensations induces
strength of character, I still maintain that these are topics
which are best kept in shadow, especially from the young. We
sometimes admit to our public galleries — though I question
if we should — the magnificently painted but gross pictures of
a few old masters, and the realistic horrors upon which a cer-
tain French school has made its fame. But few of us would
choose a Potiphar's wife or a newly-guillotined Charlotte
Corday for the adornment of the domestic hearth. Such sub-
jects, though manipulated by the most delicate and yet the
firmest hand, are apt, either in art or literature, to do more
harm than the moral drawn from them is likely to do good.
Of course, the case may be argued pretty strongly from the
other side. Life is not all " roses and lilies and daffydown-
dillies," therefore why should fiction represent it as such '
L. M.— 12.
354 THE LIBRA R Y MA GA ZINE,
Men and women are not angels, and bad people are often
much more ** interesting " than good people in real life : why
should we not make them so in novels ?
I answer, simply because it is we who make them — ^we shortr
sighted mortals, who take upon us to paint life, and can only
do so as far as our feeble vision allows us to see it ; which in
some of us is scarcely an inch beyond our own nose. Only a
few — but these are always the truly great — can see with larger
eyes, and reproduce what they see with a calm, steady, and
almost always kindly hand, which seems like the hand of Prov-
idence, because its work is done with a belief in Providence —
in those " mysterious ways " by which, soon or late, ever3rthing
— and everybody — finds its own level ; virtue its reward, and
vice its retribution. To judge authors solely by their works
is not always fair, because most people put their best s6lves
into their books, which are the cream of their life, and the
residuum may be but skimmed milk for daily use. But, in the
department of fiction at least, the individual character gives
its stamp to every page. Not all good novelists may be ideal
men and women, but I doubt much if any really immoral
man, or irreligious woman, ever made a good novelist.
I wish not to malign my brethren. Most of them do their
best, and I think we may fairly decline to believe such stories
as that of the " popular authoress " who, having starved as a
moral, prosy, and altogether unpopular authoress for several
seasons, was advised to try " spicy ** writing, and now makes
her thousands a year. And even sifter weeding from our
ranks the "fast," the sentimental, the ghastly, the feeble and
prosy, the clap-trap and altogether silly school, there still
remains a good number of moderately clever and moderately
wholesome writers of fiction, who redeem our literature from
disgrace, or could do so if they chose — if they could be made
to feel themselves responsible, not to man onl}% but to God
" For every idle word that men shall say " — (how much more
write ?) — " they shall answer in the day of judgment."
1'
ON NO VELS AND NO VEL-MAKERS, 355
To us, who are old enough to have read pretty thoroughly
the book of human life it matters little what we read in mere
novels, which are at best a poor imaginary imitation of what
we have studied as a solemn reality ; but to the young it mat-
ters a great deal. Impressions are made, lessons taught, and
influences given, which, whether for good or for evil, nothing
can afterwards efface The parental yearning, which only par-
ents can understand, is to save our children from all we can
—alas, how little ! They must enter upon the battle of life ;
the utmost we can do is to give them their armor and show
them how to fight. But what wise father or mother would
thrust them, unarmed, into a premature conflict, putting into
their pure minds sinful thoughts that had never been there
before, and sickening their tender hearts by needless horrors
which should only be faced by those who deal with evil for
the express purpose of amending it } Truly, there are certain
novels which I have lately read, which I would no more think
of leaving about on my drawing-room table, than 1 would take
my son to a casino in order to teach him morals, or make my
daughter compassionate-hearted by sending her to see a
Spanish bull-fight.
Finally, as an example in proof of many, almost all, the
arguments and theories here advanced, I would advise any
one who hks gone through a course of modern fiction, to go
through another, considered a little out of date, except by the
old, and, I am glad to say, the very young. Nothing shows
more clearly the taste of the uncorrupted healthy palate for
wholesome food, than the eagerness with which almost all
children, or children passing into young people, from thirteen
and upwards, devour the Waverley novels. A dozen pages,
taken at^ random this moment from a volume which a youth-
ful reader, I might say gormandizer, has just laid down, will
instance what I mean.
It is the story of Nancy Ewart, told by himself to Alan Fair-
ford, on board the Jumping Jenny, in ** Redgauntlet." Herein
3 $6 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE,
the author touches deepest tragedy, blackest crime, and sharp-
est pathos (instance the Hne where Nanty suddenly stops
short with " Poor Jess ! "). He deals with elements essentially
human, even vicious ; his hero is a " miserable sinner," no
doubt of that, either in the author's mind, or the impression
conveyed to that of the reader. There is no paltering with
vice, no sentimental glossing over of sin ; the man is a bad
man, at least he has done evil, and his sin has found him out,
yet we pity him. Though handling pitch we are not defiled;
however and whatever our author paints, it is never with an
uncertain or feeble touch. We give him our hand and are led
by him fearlessly into the very darkest places, knowing that
he carries the light with him and that no harm will come. I
think it is Hot too much to say that we might go through the
Waverley Novels from beginning to end, without finding one
page, perhaps not even one line, that we would hesitate to
read aloud to any young people, old enough to understand
that evil exists in the world, and that the truly virtuous are
those who know how to refuse the evil and to choose the
good. And I — who having written novels all my life, know
more than most readers how to admire a great novelist —
should esteem it a good sign of any son or daughter of mine
who would throw a whole cart-load of modern fiction into the
gutter, often its fittest place, in order to clasp a huge whole-
some armful of Walter Scott.
From " Good Words."
HOW TO READ BOOKS.
A TALK WITH CHILDREN.
Have you ever thought of the great pleasure that is to bo
gained from reading? Have you ever tried to imagine whut
life would be to you if there were no books in the world, or
you could not read ? Every child knows, I hope, the joy of
y
HOW TO READ BOOKS, 357
having a true friend, whose company is dear to him, who can
be interested in what he is interested, no matter whether it be
work or play. Now a book is not quite like a f fiend. The
author can talk to us as he pleases ; he can make us sorrowful
or glad ; he can make us cry or laugh ; he can give us knowl-
edge and he can make us think ; but we cannot talk back to
him,' we cannot tell him what we feel, and he cannot sympa-
thize with us as a friend can. On the other hand, friends may
change ; they may go far away ; they may cease to care about
the things we care for. Book's cannot change, though our
interest in therh may ; and if they are great and good books —
for there are bad books, just as there are false friends — it is
impossible to know them too well or read them tod often.
I dare say you have heard people speak of a taste for read-
ing. Some children read greedily any book that comes in
their way. A biography, a volume of travels, a poem, a his-
tory, even a cookery-book will attract their attention, and be
read from the first page to the last. I even knew a boy who
found inexhaustible pleasure in the study of Bradshaw's Rail-
way Guide. Such little people have, no doubt, a taste for
reading. But this taste, to be of mucKgood, needs to be cul-
tivated. A child may have what is called a natural ear for
music ; but this will never make him a good musician. He
must be taught his notes, and learn a great deal besides, before
his ear for music will prove of much service. Just so does
the young book-reader need training in order that he may
read wisely. Now I shall try and tell you, as well as I can in
a few pages, how to read, and the good that is to be gained
from reading ; but there is something to be said first. You
must learn —
How to use Books. — Books deserve to be treated with care.
Think of the labor it has cost to produce them ! The author's
head-work is the hardest labor of all ; but the paper-maker,
the printer, the binder, the publisher, and sometimes the art-
ist, have each to use brains and hands in the making of a book
3S8 ' THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
If it be a good book, which our poet Milton calls " the precious
life-blood of a master-spirit," no toil is too great to expend
upon it. If the words are beautiful, so also should be the
form, and many of our publishers' take delight in bringing out
editions of famous poets and prose writers that it, is a luxury
to handle and to read. Now, not only books like these, but
every book we read, should be used in a careful manner. We
are gentle towards everything we love, and people who love
books will be sure to treat them gently. Here are four rules
to remember — i. Never turn ^own the leaves of a book.
2. Never play with the leaves so that they become dog-eared.
3. Never read a book with dirty or inky fingers. 4. Never place
a book upon the table face downwards, lest you should crack
the binding. A book that has been well read will no doubt
show signs of use ; but if it have been read with proper care,
it will not show signs of neglect.
Suitable Books, — Young children with a craving for books
cannot always gratify their special tastes, but must be con-
tent with what they find in the family bookcase. Pious peo-
ple, who really want to do children good, will sometimes give
them tracts or little books which teach them what a wicked
world they live in, an5 how — ^which is, indeed, quite true —
pain and sorrow and death are evils common to all men. A
happy, healthy child, who has been taught to love his heavehly
Father, who enjoys the sunshine and the flowers and feels his
life in every limb, may read books of this kind, and for a mo-
ment be made unhappy by them ; but he looks up to see his
mother's smile, or he runs out into the fields and hears the
birds singing,, and the belief that he has been born into a
happy world is once more strong within him. The tracts, you
see, make no impression, because they are not fitting food for
a joyous child ; and just so, books that will do you good ser-
vice must be books you can partially understand and appre-
ciate. I say partially^ because it is not necessary you should J
understand all a book teaches in order to gain delight from it
HOW TO HEAD BOOKS, 359
and wisdom s^lso. It is a gre^t pity when a boy or girl who
really likes reading is forced to read dull books or books that
are unsuitable. And it is a terrible pity when all the litera-
ture open to boys and girls is of a trivial, feeble sort, or worse
still, of a corrupting character. Happily good books for the
' young are numerous, and there are few children, whether in
country or town, that have not access to some well selected
parish library.
The Bible. — And here, perhaps, I may remind you that there
is one book good for all ages and for all circumstances in life.
The first book an English child will learn to read is the Bible
—that is to say. The Book which ranks above all other books
as containing the word of God. It would be easy to fill these
pages with good words about the Bible ; but that is not my
object now. All I want to say is that, apart from the great
purpose with which it has been given to us, this book, or
rather these books, for the Bible consists of many volumes
composed in different ages by historians, prophets, poets and
apostles — this book, I say, is the most interesting that has
ever been written. There is, no doubt, much in it hard to be
understood ; but there is much more which a child can under-
stand and enjoy. The beautiful Old-Testament stories of
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, of Samuel and David, of Elijah
and Daniel, are told in our translation of the Bible in the most
beautiful English that was ever written. Then in Job, the
book of Psalms, and the prophecies of Isaiah, we have the
devout thoughts of good men expressed in the highest strain
of poetry ; and passing on from these, we come to the simple
g:ospel story — the story of glad tidings — ^with our Lord's par-
ables and precepts, his gracious deeds and divine words, fol-
lowed by the Acts of the Apostles, and the letters they wrote
to the first Christian disciples. Our English Bible is not only
the first book that should be read by the child, because it
tells him what no other book can, but because it is the key to
so many other good books — that is to say, it opens them and
360 \ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
makes them plain. Nobody who has read this wonderful book
carefully and who loves the wise and beautiful lessons it con-
tains, will like to read what is coarse and evil, fee will have a
taste for something better.
Two Words explained, — You will all have seen the word " lit-
erature," but probably you would find it difficult to tell me
what it means. I must try and explain.the term as well as I
can. First of all, I will tell you what it is not. Books have
been written upon every subject in which men are interested.
The architect, the engineer, the lawyer, the doctor consult
books that will help them in their professions ; but lawbooks,
and medical books, and books on architecture — books written
for a special class — are not literature. On the other hand>
books written in verse or prose that awaken thought, that
give solace and delight, and lift us above the narrow round of
our daily life — books that make us happier, wiser, even merrier
— are books that deserve to be called literature. Our poets,
our historians, our essayists, our novelists, the travelers who
describe what they have seen in different parts' of the world,
the critics who write about books and show us their faults and
beauties, have all contribilted to build up what we call* our
national literature, by which we mean the literature produced
by Englishmen. Every great people has produced a noble
literature, and this is, indeed, one of the chief signs of its
greatness. We read the literature of the Jews in the books
which form our Bible ; ancient Greece produced a literature
unequaled in Europe to this day for beauty of language and
wealth of thought ; Rome, that once ruled the world, did
so first by the sword, then by her laws, and then by the poets
and historians who have made the Latin language so famous.
Modern nations, too — such as Germany, France and Italy— can
each boast a national literature ; but not one of these coun-
tries has a literature equal to that which is open to readers of
the English language. Here, then, is a vast store-house foU
to overflowing of precious treasures, and thewealtk piled «¥
HO IV TO READ BOOKS. 361
may so puzzle the youth who looks in at the door, that he
will perhaps hesitate to enter. What can he do ? he may ask ;
how can he best use the good gifts that wise and great Eng-
lishmen have left for his service ? In reply to this question
I must explain to you another word, and that word is Cul-
ture. You know the difference between land in its natural
state and land that has been drained and manured, that has
felt the plowshare and the harrow ; you know, too, the dif-
ference between the flowers of our woods and fields and the
flowers that grow in a well-cared-for garden. Some sort of
difference like this may be seen between people whose minds
have been allowed to run wild and people whose minds are
carefully cultivated. The contrast, however, is not quite com-
plete, because nature however wild, and flowers however un-
tended, are always beautiful ; but there is no beauty in a mind
that like the garden of the sluggard, contains nothing save
wild briars, thistles and thorns. In order, then, to read books
so as to get good out of them, the mind needs culture, which
is not mere knowledge, although that is very needful, but the
power of seeing what is good and wise in a book, and reject-
ing what is feeble and false. This power cannot be acquired
off-hand like a lesson. Some people, although they may read
a great deal, never gain this gift, never know how to use their
reading wisely. They have a confused notion of many things,
but they know nothing thoroughly, partly because they have
never had the training so necessary in early life, and partly
because they read books in a sleepy, stupid way, content to
be amused, and not wishing to learn. Reading, you will see,
may be the idlest of pastimes, a pursuit followed from mere
indolence and emptiness of mind. I am writing, however, for
boys and girls who want to know how to read, and for them a
few hints shall be given that may prove generally useful.
Reading with a Purpose. — Some of the children who read
these pages will have visited the British Museum, but few
probably have entered the reading room with its splendid
362 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
dome and vast shelves of books. Those who may have done
so will have been told that the books they see are but few in
comparison with the number contained in that immense
library. Now it is evident that if a man were to read in that
room every day and all day through a long life, the books he
read would be insignificant in number v/hen compared with the
volumes stored up in the nruseum. What then does the stu- .
dent do, who wants to make good use of that great library ?
He selects a subject, and chooses books that will tell him
what he wants to know on that subject. And just in the same
way the boy or girl who loves reading, and wishes to gain
from it something more than mere amusement, must choose
some subject — that is to say, he must read with a purpose.
Mind I do not say that amusement is not sometimes a suffi-
cient reason for taking up a book. We cannot be always wise,,
and a capital story-book — a book for example like ** Alice in
Wonderland," or " Cast up by the Sea," is as good a recreation
for a child on a rainy day as a game of cricket or rounders
when the sun is shining. As you grow up you will, I hope,
read a number of stories, and among others, the stories written
by Sir Walter §cott, which are so pure, so wise, so beautiful,
that young people, and old people too, will be happier and
better for reading them. The boy or girl who does not love
a good tale will not often be found to care for books of any
kind.
But if reading for amusement is an easy and pleasant thing
to do in leisure moments, reading with a purpose requires
resolution and courage. Without these virtues neither boy
nor man will do much good in Hfe, and therefore it is well to
remember, even in early years, that nothing of lasting value
can be acquired without labor. There is no doubt plenty of
reading that needs no thought, but then it does no good, and
only serves, as people say, to kill time — a horrible expression
when you come to think about it. To get good from a book
you must feel a thorough interest in it. A boy who keeps
HOW TO READ BOOKS, '' 363
pigeons and is fond of them will read with great eagerness any
book that tells him about those birds ; and you may be sure
that when he reaches the end of that book he will have
learned all it has to teach him. And the reason is plain. The
boy is interested in his subject, he wants to gain knowledge,
and this desire makes it pleasant to acquire it. So you see he
has been reading with a purpose.
A Plan for Reading. — The young reader who is beginning
to understand the importance of reading is apt to waste the
time which he is really wishing to improve. Now it is impos-
sible to give him all the advice that might be of use to him in
this difficulty, but I will give him one hint that may be service-
able, and one which an intelligent boy or girl can follow to
some extent alone, and may follow easily with the help of a
master.
I will suppose that the student has already some knowledge
of English history, and especially of that history from the time
of the Reformation, when a new era began in these islands.
Whatever is really noble in English literature (with the excep-
tion of the poetry of Chaucer, who ranks among our greatest
poets and lived in the fourteenth century) dates from the latter
part of the sixteenth century, so that speaking roughly we
may say that all the famous books England has given to the
world have been given within three hundred years. Suppose
then that we make our starting point the reign of Queen
Elizabeth. If the chief events of that interesting reign are
known to the young reader, he will have learned from it, or
rather this knowledge will come with riper age, that though
our ancestors had many faults in those days (different, but not
perhaps worse faults than we exhibit now), they had also
splendid virtues, courage, self-denial, the love of enterprise, the
love of country, faith in themselves "and in God. The books
people write are an index to character, and the books
written during the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I.
show the character of that age. Therefore you will see that
364 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
the actions of that time, as described by the historian, and tlie
words of that time, uttered in Hterary form by poets and other
writers, serve to illustrate each other. Study carefully then
the history of Elizabeth's reign, and that of her successor,
store up in your memory the principal dates and events, and
then when these are familiar read some of the best books, or
selections from the best books, written during that period,
and learn the most important facts in the authors' lives.
This advice is not, of course, intended for very young children,
but boys and girls of twelve years old and upwards should
not find it difficult to follow. They might read some of Shake-
speare's plays, some beautiful passages from Spenser's " Fairie
Queene," and many of the lovely songs and lyrics written in
that golden age of English poetry ; and they might read, and
could not fail to read with pleasure, the lives of the brave
soldiers, sailors, and travelers who helped to make that age
so famous — the lives, for instance, of Drake and Frobisher
of Sir Philip Sidney and of Sir Walter Raleigh, which have
all been written, and written extremely well, by modern
writers. It was the age of adventure, and the daring deeds of
English seamen were as famous then as they have been in
later years. Read what those men did, and you will say that
they were men of whom Wolfe and Nelson and Collingwood
might well have been proud. Read about the Elizabethan
heroes in the first place, and then if you read the life of Lord
Nelson, so beautifully told by Southey, or the life of the good
and brave Collingwood, or the lives of Wellington, Lawrence,
and Havelock, whose brave doings should be known to every
English child, you will learn how the spirit that animated the
men who fought and labored for England three hundred years
ago has inspired also the splendid deeds achieved in our own
century. Thus you can see that books will not only tell you
what has been done by famous Englishmen in days gone by,
but may also call forth one of the noblest of virtues — patriot-
ism, or the love of country. And no man who loves Englai»l
r
ffOlV TO READ BOOKS, " 36J
no child who has learned to be proud of his English birthright,
will do aught that can disgrace the English name. The more
you know of this dear island — "this precious stone set in the
silver sea " — the better will you love it, and this knowledge,
remember, is to be chiefly gained by books. You will under-
stand now, I think, how close is the connection between the
history of a country and its literature — between the heroes,,
martyrs, and statesmen, who have fought, bled, and labored
for their country's welfare, and the poets and historians who
have sung their praises or recorded their acts.
One or two words more must be added here.- You will see
that the plan of reading suggested may be followed through
any reign, or any portion of a reign, but though system in
reading is good, it is not necessary to follow it too strictly.
Sometimes it may be best to read the book that comes easiest
to hand, and a good book, remember, may be read and read
and read again, and each time with greater benefit. What
child ever grew tired of " Robinson Crusoe " or the " Pilgrim's
Progress ? " what man that loves reading can grow weary of
Shakespeare or of Scott } The number of books and cheap
magazines printed in our day may tempt a young reader to
be indolent, and to pass from one to another as a butterfly
from flower to flower without mastering any. A few books
well chosen and well read will be better than many books
glanced at carelessly. A sensible man. Sir Thomas Powell
Buxton, advised his son not to take up any book without
reading it to the end. The advice may have been good for
Buxton's Son, but it is not good in all cases, and might disgust
some young readers altogether. For different minds not only
is different food needed, but it must be taken in a different
way. Variety is more necessary in some cases than in others,
but all minds — ^young minds as well as old — need discipline ;
and if it be enough for the student to taste certain books, it
is only when other books are patiently studied and inwardly
digested. ^
3.66 ' \ THE LJBRAR V MA GAZINE.
How to Remember What is Read. — I have said that we do
not easily forget what we read on a subject that greatly inter-
ests us. A man who is told that some one has left him a large
sum of money is sure not to forget that news. A boy who
has the promise of a cricket-bat will not forget that promise.
And so you see there is a connection between a strong inter-
est and a good memory. It is generally true that ^ man who
loves poetry remembers poetry ; that the man with a strong
curiosity to learn the facts of histor)'^ remembers those*facts;
and it may be safely said that the child wh9se interest is
thoroughly aroused in any subject is certain to recollect what
he reads about it. There are many things it is necessary to
know which cannot attract a child. These must be learned
by heart ; and as the memory, like every other faculty, grows
stronger by exercise, it is well that it should be thus used in
early life. Useful facts, such as dates, if stored in the mem-
ory while young, will be fresh for use in after days, and in all
future reading they will be found of service. There are other
ways in which the memory may be strengthened ; and no
doubt the young reader will agree with me that if not more
useful these ways are more agreeable than the dull storing up
of figures. Suppose, for instance, that after reading a charm-
ing tale you shut the volunje and try to tell the story to your
brothers and sisters. This may, no doubt, be difficult at first;
but the labor will soon become a pleasure, and the effort to
recall the tale will so fix it in your mind that many a long
year afterwards it will be still remembered. This is one hint
to the boy or girl bent upon self-improvement ; and I need
scarcely add that the endeavor to write down in simple lan-
guage an account of what has been read is another way of
strengthening the memory. Indeed, it is something more,
and may be a lesson in English composition, which is, you
know, the art of writing English.
Reading Aloud, — ^The art of reading aloud should be prac-
ticed by every reader. A book read in a clear voice, with
f
HOW TO READ BOOKS. 3^7
proper emphasis and feeling, seems quite different from the.
same book read in a sing-song drawl. The noblest words
ever written are likely to fall upon deaf ears whBn read as
task work and without animation. The mind of the reader does
not come into contact with the mind of the writer ; and so the
thoughts uttered, however beautiful and worthy, make little
if any impression on those who hear them. Every child will
have noticed this in a church. One clergyman has read the
words of Bible or Prayer-book so as to compel him to listen :
another has read the same words so as to send him to sleep.
To read well you must understand and feel what you are
reading, and the more alive with meaning the words are to
you the better will you utter them. Thus a good reader not
only makes his hearers understand the books he reads but
proves by his clearness of utterance and modulation of tone
that he understands it well himself.
A good voice is what we call a gift of nature and the charm
of its sweetest tones cannot be acquired ; but the voice is so
flexible an organ, that, however naturally defective, it can be
trained and improved, and every young person may learn the
art of elocution, or of distinct and forcible utterance, which is
essential to good reading. Poetry and rhythmical prose, that
is to say, prose that moves in a kind of harmonious measure,
should be read aloud, and if possible in the open air. Let thq
boy or girl begin by a clear and energetic recitation of such
stirring verses as Drayton's "Agincourt," Scott's "Flodden
Field," Campbell's " Hohenlinden," Macaulay's " Lays," and
Tennyson's " Charge of the Light Brigade." From these he
might pass on to descriptive and pathetic poetry — to the in-
comparable " Elegy " of Gray, to Goldsmith's " Traveler " and
"Deserted Village," to " Wordsworth's loveliest lyrics, and to
the many noble passages in Shakespeare which are fitted for
recitation. And lastly, let him turn to the sublime and unap-
proachable harmony of Milton, whose majestic verse, although
perhaps but dimly understood, will fill the ear and gladden
368 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
. the heart with its enchanting music and superb beauty of form.
Every word in the works of a great poet has a special mean-
ing, and so you will see how necessary it is that every word
should receive due attention from the reader. In reading
prose it is possible to slur over words, to clip them, and to
treat them with something like contempt, but in reading
verse this is not so easy to do, and therefore it will be well to
study the art of reading aloud through the help of our great
poets. And, in order to succeed in this accomplishment, it is
advisable — 1 had almost said necessary — to commit poetry to
memory. Thus only will it become a part, as it were, of your
mental property, and only by this familiarity with poetical
words and imagery will you be able to read poetry as it de-
serves to be read. It is not necessary to do more than men-
tion the conspicuous faults of bad readers. Some read as if
they were crying, although the subject may be the merriest
in the world; some whine and some drawl; some assume an
artificial sort of voice, altogether unlike the voice in which they
talk to a friend ; some lay an emphasis on the wrong words;
some mumble their words so indistinctly, and read in such a
monotonous tone, that it is impossible to listen to them, with
patience. Remember, then, in reading aloud, to avoid all tire-
some effort. Be natural ; speak with clearness ; understand
and feel what you read ; and you can hardly fail to read well.
And now, before I end this " talk," let me remind you that
it is possible to be a slave even to books. Books cannot be
loved too well, but they must be loved wisely. Spme young
people live in a kind of book-world, and fojget the living
world around them, and older people become sometimes so
absorbed in the imaginary griefs of characters in novels as
to disregard the real troubles of their friends and neighbors.
This is not making a good use of books. Then, if books so
occupy you that you do not care about the beautiful world in
which you are living, it is a. sign that you are not using them
to good purpose. The mountains and woods, the sky an<
;o
WILLIAM PRE SCO TT AT B UNKER HILL. 3^9
ocean, the birds and flowers have a thousand voices ; but it is
possible to close our ears against them, and to despise that
Book of Nature which is open to every one and has a lesson
for all. Yet remember that other books are great and pure
and noble, in proportion as they make us see more clearly and
enjoy more thankfully the glories displayed in this infinitely
wonderful book, of which David speaks so well in the nine-
teenth Psalm and in the one hundred and fourth Psalm.
Many and many a lesson must be learned about this world
which books cannot convey, and the proof of what a man
knows and can do is not always to be tested by his book-
knowledge. It is possible to write many books or to read
them without growing in wisdom, just as it is possible to
travel in foreign countries and to learn no more than if ytJu
had remained at home.
I hope that what has been said will be enough to teach
many a young reader that one of the most substantial en-
joyments of life is to be found in books. With such com-
panions no one need be idle or dull. Let them be used
thoughtfully and lovingly, and you will find that they grow
dearer every day.
John Dennis, in Grt>od Words.
WILLIAM PRESCOTT AT BUNKER HILL.
BY ROBERT C. WINTHROP.*
Fellow-citizens— I cannot assume the position which be-
longs to me to-day, as president of the Bunker Hill Monu-
ment Association, and enter on the discharge of the duties
which devolve upon me in that capacity, without first giving
expression to my deep sense of the honor of an office which
has been held heretofore by so many distinguished men.
♦ An oration delivered at the unveiling of W. W. Story's statue of Col. William
Prescott, at Boston, June 17, 1881.
370 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Fifty-eight years have now elapsed since this assoriatioii
received its charter of incorporation from the Legislature of
Massachusetts. During that period its presidency has been
held, successively, by the gallant Revolutionary patriot, John
Brooks ; by the illustrious defender of the Constitution of the
United States, Daniel Webster ; by the grand old Boston mer-
chant and philanthropist, Thomas Handasyd Perkins ; by that
sterling statesman and admirable governor, Levi Lincoln ; by
that eminent and learned jurist and judge, William Prescott;
by the amiable physician. Dr. Abner Phelps ; by the accom-
plished and independent editor, Joseph T* Buckingham ; by
the worthy and faithful historian of the association, George
Washington Warren ; and lastly, by the devoted and excellent
historian of the battle itself, and of everything relating to that
battle — including " The Siege of Boston," " The Life of War-
ren," and '* The Rise of the Republic "-—-our lamented friend,
whose name I cannot pronounce without a fresh sense of his
loss to us and to the history of his country — Richard Froth-
ingham.
If, my friends, at the termination of the brief service on
which I can look back, and the certainly not longer service to
which I may look forward, my own name shall not be thought
unworthy of such associations, I shall count it to have been
among the crowning distinctions of a life now drawing to its
close.
One, only, of my predecessors is left among the living,
whose term of service, as I may not forget, equals those of
all others put together, and whose presence is thus welcomed
with peculiar interest on this occasion.
One, only, of those predecessors was present, as a witness
and as an actor, at the conflict which our monument commem-
orates,— ^John Brooks of Medford — remembered well by some
ot us as a model governor of Massachusetts, bu{ in 1775 a
young major in Colonel Frye's regiment ; who aided the
heroic Prescott in the construction of the redoubt ; who 1^
WILUj\^ pre SCO TTATB UNKER HILL, 37 ^
his chosen companion in that midnight stroll upon the shore,
to make sure that the British sentinels had taken no alarm
and were still crying " All's well T and who only left this hill
at last to bear a message, on foot, from Prescott to General
Ward at Cambridge, — across that Neck of fii;e, on which the
veteran Pomeroy, while willingly exposing his own life, would
notrisk the life of a borrowed horse, amid the ceaseless storm
of shot ^and shell which was sweeping over it from floating
batteries and from fixed batteries, from the Lively and the
Falcon and the Glasgow and the Somerset and the Cerberus ;
a message, not askmg to be relieved by other troops, for Pres-
cott scorned the idea that the men who had raised the works
had not the best right, and were not the best able, to defend
them, but a message imploring those reinforcements Md sup-
plies of men, of ammunition, and*of food which had been pro-
mised the night before, but most of which never came, or came
too late. That was the perilous service performed by our first
presiding officer. That was the ordeal to which he was sub-
jected. I may well congratulate myself that no such crucial
test of courage has been transmitted as an heirloom of this
chair, or is prescribed as an indispensable qualification of
those who occupy it.
For those who have succeeded Governor Brooks, it has
been privilege and pride enough to assist in the erection and
preservation of thfs noble shaft ; in commemorating from year
to year the patriotism and heroism of the men who fought
this first great battle of the American Revolution ; and in
illustrating the principles and motives which inspired and
actuated them. This duty has been discharged faithfully and
fully in the past, and but little remains to be done by any one
hereafter. The inspiration and influence which have already
proceeded from these silent blocks of granite, since they were
first hewn out from yonder Quincy quarries, — as they were
slowly piled up through a period of eighteen years, to a height
of two hundred and twenty-one feet, and as they have since
-372 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE^
stood in their majestic unity and grandeur, — can never be over- -
estimated. The words which have been uttered at its base and
around it, from the first magnificent address of Daniel Webster,
the orator alike of the corner-stone and of the capstone, down
to the present hour, have been second to no other inspiration
or influence, since those of the battle itself, in animating and
impelling the sons to emulate the glory of their fathers, and to
be ever ready and ever resolved to jeopard their live^, on the
high places of the field, in defense of Union and Liberty.
For indeed, my friends, this stately obelisk is no mere mute
memorial of the past, but a living ^nd speaking pledge for
the future, that those free institutions for which the first great
struggle was made here, at the vpry point of the bayonet, shall
here and always find glad and g'allant defenders, whenever
and wherever those institutions shall be assailed. It is not a
structure — thanks to those who designed and built it — capable
of being desecrated or perverted — as, alas ! the Old South has
been, and the Old State House still is — ^to purposes of gain or
traffic. It occupies ground on which no speculation would
ever dare to encroach, or even to cast a rapacious or covetous
eye. Its simple, massive masonry may defy any less unimag-
inable convulsion than such as has recently overwhelmed the •
poor island of Chios. Not a monolith ; not of any m)rthologi-
cal or mythical origin ; there will be no temptation for archae-
ologists to dislocate it from its rightful surroundings, and bear
it away to strange and uncongenial climes. Here, on the very-
spot where Prescott fought and Warren fell, it will stand and
tell its wondrous story of the birth of American Liberty, in
plain, distinct, unmistakable characters, to the thousands and
tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands who shall visit
it or gaze upon it, for as manj*^ centuries as the equivocal hiero-
glyphics of the obelisk of Alexandria, now so marvelously
.translated to the Central Park at New York, have told the
story of Egyptian despots and dynasties.
How different a story ! What gratitude to God and man
WILLIAM PRE SCOTT A T BUNKER HILL. 373
should swell our hearts at this hour, as such a contrast is even
suggested — as we turn from the contemplation of Pharaohs
and Ptolemies to that of dur august and unique Washington,
and from the darkness of paganism to the glorious light of
Christianity ! Formal doxologies may.disappear from revised
New Testaments, — hs they ought to disappear if not found in
the original text of the sacred volume — but they will never
fail to be breathed up to the skies from millions of pious and
patriotic hearts, from generation to generation, for the bless-
ings of civil and religious freedom, until those blessings shall
cease to be enjoyed and appreciated !
- And now, fellow-citizens, in hailing the return of a day,
which can hardly be counted of inferior interest or importance
to any day in the whole illuminated calendar of the American
Revolution, and is welcoming you all, as it is my official
province to do, to its renewed observance on these con-
secrated heights, I have no purpose of entering upon any
detailed historical discourse. The seventeenth of June, 1775,
as its successive anniversaries come round, from year to year,
will never be overlooked, nor ever fail to awaken fresh
emotions of gratiiude and joy in every American breast. But
. the more formal and stately commemorations of the day may
well succeed each other at considerable intervals. Our mag-
nificent centennial celebration, with all its brilliant incidents
and utterances, is still too fresh in our remembrance, and in
the remembrance of the whole country, to bear any early
repetition. Nor would we forget, if we could forget, that
other centennial celebrations are now rightfully in order.
The year '75 belonged peculiarly to Massachusetts — ^to
Lexington and Concord and Bunker Hill. The whole nation
recognized our claim. From the east and the west, from the
north and the. south, alike, to yonder plains of the first blood,
and to this hill of the first battle, the people were seen flock-
ing in numbers which could not be counted. Citizens and
soldiers of almost every variety of military or civil associa-
374 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
tion ; representative organizations and representative men ;
mayors of cities, governors of states, senators and cabinet
officers, the President of the United^ States to one of them,
and the Vice-President to both, came gladly, at the call of
Massachusetts, to unite with her in her sumptuous and splendid
ceremonials. Six years only have since elapsed, during which*
we have rejoiced to see other states, and other cities and towns,
in New York and New Jersey, in Vermont and Pennsylvania,
in North Carolina and South Carolina, and I know not where
besides, holding high holidays on the hundredth anniversaries
of events which have illustrated their own annals.
Another great year of our Lord and of liberty has at
length arrived, and is already far advanced, and the attention
of the whole country is now justly turned to that momentous
Southern campaign of 1781, which began with the great battle
of the Cowpens, — ^just celebrated so worthily, — and which
ended with the surrender of the British army to the allied forces
of America arid France at Yorktown. I need not say that all
our hearts ought to be, and are, with our brethren of the
South, as they are so eagerly preparing to celebrate the great
events which occurred on their own soil. We should shrink
from anything which might even seem like competition by
renewing a general and costly celebration here. Rather let
our sympathies be freely offered, and our <:ontributions be
liberally remitted to them ; and let us show how heartily we
unite with them in their just pride and exultation that the soil
of the Old Dominion was privileged to be the scene of the
crowning victory of American independence. And may the
blended associations and memories of Yorktown and Bunker
Hill supply the reciprocal warp and woof for weaving afresh
any ties of mutual respect and mutual affection which may
have been unstrung or loosened by the storm of civil war, and
which may still remain snarled and tangled, and for renewing
the chords of brotherhood and those bonds of union which
shall be as imperishable as the glories of our common fathers !
WILLIAM PRESCOTT A T BUNKER HILL, 375
I have said, fellow-citizens, that I did not come here to-day
to deliver any elaborate or exhaustive historical discourse.
Indeed, where could I turn, even if it were expected or desired
by any one that I should describe in detail the struggle which
has made this hill so historic and so hallowed — where could I
turn for any materials which have not already become hack-
neyed and threadbare, and which are not as familiar as house-
hold words to those who surround me ? No battle of its size,
or of any size, the world over, from Marathon to Waterloo, or
earlier or later, on either side of the ocean, has been more
thoroughly investigated and more minutely depicted than that
which took place here one hundred and six years ago to-day.
Of all its antecedents and inducing causes— the stamp act, the
writs of assistance, the British regiments, the Boston massa-
cre, the tea tax, the tea party, the Boston port bill, Lexington,
Concord — of which one of them all has a single fact, a single
tradition, a single illustratipn, eluded the research of our his-
torians and antiquarians, our orators and poets ? And as to
the conflict itself — to which they all pointed and led, like so
many guideposts or railway tracks to a common and predes-
tined terminus — what could be added to the brilliant chapters
of Bancroft, the thrilling sketch of Washington Irving, the
careful illustrations of Lossing, the elaborate and faithful
narrative of Frothingham, and the earlier and most valuable
histor)'- of Dr. George E. Ellis, who made even Frothingham his
debtor? Meantime, as I am but too conscious, the rhetoric,
as well as the record, has been drawn upon to the last dreg.
Not only have Webster and Everett, again and again, con-
densed and crystallized all the great scenes and incidents and
emotions of the day in those consummate phrases and periods
of theirs, which defy all rivalry, and supply the most inspiring
and wholesome declamation for all our schools ; but the whole
story was told again, with signal felicity and skill, in all the
fullness of its impressive details, by the orator of the Centen-
nial, General Devens, whose presence is always so welcome
in his native Charlestown.
37^ THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
No one, I think, with such histories and field-books and
hand-books at command, and who has not wholly neglected
such sources of information, can come up to these consecrated
heights, to this Mons Sacer of New England, on this day, or
on any day, without finding the whole scene unrolling itself
before his eye like some grand stereoscopic panorama. He
recalls the -sudden gathering of the three selected Massachu-
setts regiments — with the little Connecticut fatigue party
under the intrepid Knowlton, in front of General Ward's head-
quarters at Cambridge on the evening of the i6th of June.
He sees Prescott taking command, agreeably to the order of
the commander-in-chief. He hears, as through a telephone^
the solemn and fervent prayer of President Langdon, before
they moved from the Common. He takes up the silent march
with them, just as the clock strikes nine, and follows close by
the side of those two sergeants, bearing dark lanterns, behind
Prescott leading the way. He halts with them after crossing
to this peninsula, as they approach the scene of their destina-
tion, and shares their perplexing uncertainties as to the true
place for their proposed intrenchments. He is here with them
at last, on this very spot, with nothing brighter than starlight,
thank Heaven, when they first arrived, to betray them to the
British in Boston, and with only a little " remnant of a waning
moon " afterwards. He hears and sees the first spades and
pickaxes struck into the now sacred sod just as the Boston
clocks strike twelve — ^giving their ominous warning that the
night is far spent, that the day is at hand, that four hours at
most remain before the darkness shall be gone, when they and
their works must be exposed to the view and the assault of
the enemy. But he sees a thousand strong arms, every one
with a patriot's will behind it, steadily and vigorously improv-
ing every instant of those hours ; and the dawning of that
bright midsummer St. Botolph's day finds him stan4ing with
Prescott within an almost finished redoubt of six or seven feet
'n height, inclosing a space of eight rods square, and swarm-
r with the sons of Liberty.
WILLIAM PJ^ESCO TT AT B UNKER HILL, 377
But, alas, the panorama is but half unrolled. Crimson folds,
not altogether the reflections of a blazing, fiery sunshine,
begin to show themselves, as the vision of our imaginary-
visitor proceeds. ,He witnesses the amazement and consterna-
tion of the British sentinels on ship and shore, as they rouse
themselves and rub their eyes to descry the rebel intrench-
ments which have sprung up like a prodigy. He hears the
angry and furious cannonade which bursts forth at once from
the dogs of war anchored in the stream. He walks the para-
pet with Prescott, lo give confidence and courage to his sol-
diers, as they see one of their number, for the first time, shot
• down and dying at their side. He perceives the hurried
preparations in Boston ; he sees the dragoons galloping with
orders from the Province House to the camp on the Common ;
he hears the rattle of the artillery wagons along the pave-
ments. The big barges for transportation come at length in
sight, with the glittering brass six-pounders in their bows, and
crowded from stem to stern with grenadiers and light infantry
and marines in their gay scarlet uniforms. He sees them
landing at yonder Morton's Point, and coolly refreshing them-
selves on the grass for an encounter with our half-starved and
almost wholly exhausted raw militia. The first onset, with
its grand and triumphant repulse ; the second onset, while
Charlestown is now blazing, and amid every circumstance and
complication of horror, but with its even grander and still
more triumphant repulse, — these pass rapidly before his exults
ing eye. An interval now occurs. " Will they come on
again ? " is heard on the American side. " It would be down-
right butchery for us," is heard from some of the British
soldfers on the other side. And, certainjy, the pluck of old
Mother England was never more signally displayed on our
soil, or on any other soil beneath the sun, than when General
Sir William Howe, as brave in the field as he was sometimes
irresolute and unskillful in strategy, with Brigadier Pigot as
his lieutenant, and with Sir Henry Clinton as a volunteer, led
378 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE,
up what remained of grenadiers and light infantry — their
knapsacks stripped from their backs, and relying wholly on
their bayonets — to that third terrific onset, which comes at
last to sear the very eyeballs of any actual, or even imaginary
beholder. But there was pluck at the top of the hill as well
as at the bottom, or on the way up, — bone of the same bone,
flesh of the same flesh, blood of the same blood, — ^the valor of
Old England, inflamed and electrified by the spirit of liberty,
in the heart, mind, and muscle of New England.
Prescott with his little band is seen standing undatinted at
bay, displaying there and ever — as Ebenezer Bancroft of
Tyngsborough, a captain in Bridge's regiment, who fought
bravely and was wounded at his side, bore special witness
that he had displayed through the hottest of the fight — a cool-
ness and self-posession that would do honor to the greatest
hero of any age. But, alas ! their ammunition is exhausted,
and tlie British have overheard that it is. The very last artil-
lery cartridge has been broken up and distributed to the
sharpshooters, and there are but fifty bayonets for the whole
remaining band — hardly a hundred and fifty of them left.
The grenadiers and marines are already seen scaling the ram-
parts. The brave but rash Major Pitcairn, who had given the
first fatal order to fire at Lexington, and who was now the
first to enter here, falls mortally wounded. But hundreds of
his men are close behind him, and bayonets and clubbed mus-
kets are now making a chaotic scene of carnage and havoc
which beggars all description. The redoubt can no longer be
held against such desperate odds, and the voice of its wise
as well as fearless, commander is at length heard, giving the
word to retire.
The battle still rages at earthworks and at rail fences —
almost a separate engagement — where Stark and Pomeroy and
Knowlton have been doing such gallant service from the
beginning; and where Putnam, who had advised and accom-
panied the original movement, and had displayed every attri-
WILLIAM PRESCOTT A T BUNKER HILL, 379
bute of his heroic nature in promoting its successful prosecu-
tion, in almost every stage of its progress, is seen still striving
to make a last stand on the neighboring hill-top, and to cover
the retreat of his brave comrades from the redoubt. But all
th^ is auxiliary and incidental, as it.all.is vain. It is one and
the same battle, in its inception and in its close. The day is
decided ; the conflict ended ; and Prescott, among the very
last to quit the intrenchments, having resolved never to be
taken alive, and parrying the thrusts of British bayonets by
dint of. his trusty blade, comes out with garments scorched
and pierced, but himself providentially unscathed ; and he
•may now be seen, on the final fold of our imaginary pano-
rama, at the headquarters of Greneral Ward at Cambridge — from
which he started the evening before — ^to report that he had
executed his orders, had made the best fight in his power,
and had yielded at last onjy to superior force.
Such, fellow-citizens and friends, are the faint outlines of a
picture which passes rapidly along before any tolerably in-
structed eye, as it looks out on these surroundings — impress-
ing itself on retina and lens as vividly and distinctly as Bos-
ton's Centennial pageant last autumn, or Harvard's Greek play
last month, was impressed on every eye which witnessed either
of them. Such a picture is enough for this occasion. These
Charlestowh heights, of which it might almost have been said,
as Virgil said of the afterwards famous Alban Mount —
Turn neqne nomen erat, nee honos, aut gloria Monti,
which then had neither glory nor honor, nor even distinct
and well-defined names — Bunker Hill and its dependent slope,
Breed — were lost to us on that day. The consequences of the
battle, and even the confused details of it, developed them-
selves slowly. It took time for an immediate defeat to put
on the aspect and wear the glories of a triumph. I doubt
not that some of the old Mandamus Councilors in Boston
went to their beds that night thinking what a fine conspicuous
site this would be for setting up a monument of solemn
38o " THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
warning, for all time to come, of the disasters which were
sure to fall on the heads of rebels against British rule ! Even
by our own New England patriots the result, we are told, was
regarded at first not without disappointment and even indig-
nation, and some of the contemporary American accounts,
private and official, are said to have been rather in the tone of
apology, or even of, censure, than of exultation. Nobody for
years, adds Frothingham, came forward to claim the honor of
having directed this battle.
No wonder that a cloud of uncertainty so long rested on
the exact course and conduct of this eventful action. Every
one was wholly occupied in making history ; there was no*
leisure for writing history. It was a sudden movement. It
was a secret movement. It was designed only to get the start
of the British by an advance of our line of intrenchments.
No . one imagined that it would involve a battle, and no
adequate provision was made for such an unexpected contin-
gency. The very order for its execution — the order of Ward
to Prescott — the only order from any one, or to any one,
relating to it, was, without doubt, designedly withheld from
the order-book of the commander^n-chief at Cambridge, It
certainly has never been found. ^
Meantime, one incident of the conflict had overwhelmed
the whole people with grief. The death of Warren, the
president of the Provincial Congress, the chairman of the
Committee of Safety, the only chief executive magistr^tte
which Massachusetts then had, and who, only three days
before, had been chosen one of the major-generals of her
forces — in the bloom of his manhood, " the expectancy and
rose of the fair State," beloved and trusted by all — could not,
and did not, fail to create a sorrow and a shock which absorbed
all hearts. The death of the glorious John Hampden on
. Chalgrove Field is the only parallel in history to that of Joseph
Warren at Bunker Hill. That thrilling lament—almost recall-
ing the wail of David over Absalom—to which Webster gave
WILLIAM PRE SCO TT AT B UNKER HILL. , 38 1
utterance here in 1825, making the whole air around him
vibrate to the pathos of his tones, and leaving hardly an
unmoistened eye in his whole vast audience, was but a faint
echo of the deep distress into which that event had plunged
all New England fifty years before. But though one of War-
ren's proudest distinctions will ever be that he came to this
hill as a volunteer, before he had received any military com-
mission, and that he nobly declined to assume any authority
— ^when Putnam proposed to take his orders at the rail fence,
and again when Prescott offered him the command at the
redoubt — his name was long associated, both at home and
abroad, with the chief leadership of an action to which he had
come with a musket on his shoulder — though he may have
exchanged it for a sword before he fell.
Everything, indeed, was in doubt and confusion at that
moment. Even Warren's death was not known for a certainty
at Cambridge for several days after it occurred, and as late as
the 19th the vote of the Provincial Congress, providing for
the choice of his successor, spoke of him as one " supposed
to be killed." All our military affairs were in a state of trans-
ition, reorganization and complete change. The war was to
be no longer a local or provincial war. The Continental Con-
gress at Philadelphia had already adopted it as a war of the
United Colonies ; and, on the very day on which Warren fell
they had drawn up and ratified a commission, as general and
commander-in-chief of all such forces as are, or shall be,
raised for the maintenance and preservation of American
liberty, for George Washington of Virginia. Congress had
heard nothing about Bunker Hill, when this providential ap-
pointment was made. Lexington and Concord, of which the
tidihgs had reached them some weeks before, had been enough
to ripen their counsels and settle their policy. And now the
public mind in this quarter was too much engrossed with
the advent of Washington to Cambridge, and the great results
which were to be expected, to busy itself much with the d^
tails of what was considered a mere foregone defeat.
'382 THE LIBRARY 'MAGAZINE,
It was only when Washington himself, hearing at New York
or Trenton, on his way to Cambridge, of what had occurred
here, had expressed his renewed and confirmed conviction
that the liberties of America were now safe ; it was only when
Franklin, hearing of it in France, wrote to his friends in Lon-
don : " Americans will fight ; England has lost her colonies
forever ;" it was only when Gage had written to Lord Dart-
mouth that " the rebels are not the despicable rabble too many
have supposed them to be. . . . The number of killed and
wounded is greater than our forces can afford to lose. . . . The
conquest of this country is not easy. . . ! I think it ray duty
to let your lordship know the true situation of affair^ ;" it was
certainly, only when from all the American colonies there
had come voices of congratulation and good cheer, recogniz-
ing the momentous character of the battle, the bravery with
which it had been fought, and the conclusive evidence it had
afforded that the undisciplined yeomanry of the country were
not afraid to confront the veteran armies of Old England at
the point of the bayonet in defense of their rights and liber-
ties ; it was only then that its true importance began to be
attached to the battle of Bunker Hill, as the first regular bat-
tle of the American Revolution, and the most eventful in its
consequences — especially in those far-reaching moral influ-
ences which were to be felt, and which were felt, to the very
end of the war.
A much longer time was to elapse before the record of that
day was to be summed up, as it has recently been, by the lat-
est and highest authority on " The Battles of the Revolution,"
as " the record of a battle which in less than two hours de-
stroyed a town, laid fifteen hundred men upon the battle field,
equalized the relations of veterans and militia, aroused three
millions of people to a definite struggle for national indepebd-
ence, and fairly inaugurated the war for its accomplishment."
Let me not omit, however, to add, that no more emphatic,
or more generous, or more just and welcome tribute, has ever
WILLIAM PRESCOTT A T BUNKER HILL. 383
been paid to the men and the deeds we are commemorating
to-day, than that which may be found in the " Memoirs of the
Southern Campaign of the Revolution," where an incidental
allusion to Bunker Hill concludes with these emphatic words :
" The military annals of the world rarely furnish an achieve-
ment which equals the firmness and courage displayed on that
proiid day by the gallant band of Americans ; and it certainly
stands first in the brilliant events of our war. When future
g-enerations shall inquire where are the men who gained the
highest prize of glory in the arduous contest which ushered
in our nation's birth, upon Prescott and his companions in
arms will the eye of history beam."
These are the words written and published seventy years
ago by Henry Lee of Virginia, the gallant commander of the
famous Cavalry Legion, known familiarly as " Light Horse
Harry," and the father of one whose purity of character and
brilliancy of accomplishments compelled each one of us who
knew him to exclaim, as the late war for the Union went on,
'* Cum talis sis, utinam noster esses ! " Would we could call so
grand a leader ours !
Frothingham has told us truly that no one, for years, came
forward to claim the honor of having directed this battle.
And there was at least one man— of whom Everett well said,
" The modesty of this sterling patriot was equal to his hero-
ism " — who never to the end of his life made any boastful
claim for himself, who was contented with stating the facts of
that eventful day in reply to the inquiries of John Adams, and
in repeated conversations with his own son, and who then
awaited the judgment of history, letting all considerations of
personal fame and personal glory go, in the proud conscious-
ness of having done his duty.
And now, fellow-citizens, we are gathered here to-day to
pay a long-postponed debt, to fulfill a long-neglected obliga-
tion. We have come to sanction and ratify the award of
history, as we find it in the pages of Ellis and Irving and Froth-
3 84 * V. THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINM.
ingham and Bancroft, to mention no others, by accepting this
splendid gift from a large company of our fellow citizens, of
whose names Dr. Ellis, I believe, — to whose inspiration we
primarily owe it, — is the sole depository ; and by placing the
statue of Colonel William Prescott in the very front of our
noble monument — thus recognizing him in his true relation
to the grand action which it commemorates, and of which he
was nothing less than the commander. We do so in full
remembrance of those memorable words of Webster, which
have almost the solemnity and the weight of a judicial decis-
ion : " In truth, if there was any commander-in-chief in the
field, it was Prescott. From the first breaking of the ground
to the retreat, he acted the most important part ; and if it
were proper to give the battle a name, from any distinguished
agent in it, it should be called Prescott's Battle."
Our celebration to-day has this sole and simple end ; and
it becomes me, therefore, my friends, to devote the little
remnant of my address to a brief notice of the career and
character of the man we are assembled to honor.
Descended from a good Puritan stock which had emigrated
from Lancashire in old England, and established a home in
New England, as early as 1640, he was born in Groton, in this
good old county of Middlesex, on the 20th of February, 1726.
Of his boyhood and common-school education there are no
details. But soon after arriving at maturity we find him
purchasing of the Indians, then still numerous in that region,
a tract of land, a few miles beyond the present limit of Groton,
which his great-grandson stiH holdf by the original Indian
title. Here he was more or less instrumental, with the
patriot clergyman of the parish, Joseph Emerson, who had.
served as a chaplain under Sir William Pepperell, in havin'g
that part of Groton set off into a separate district, and named
Pepperell, in honor of the conqueror of Louisbu'rg.
Meantime, the soldierly spirit which belonged to his nature
and which had been called into exercise by the proximity of
L
WILLIAM PRESCOTT A T BUNKER HILL, 3^5
the savages, had led him as early as October, 1746 — when the
approach of a formidable French fleet had created a con-
sternation in New England — ^to enlist in the company of
Captain William Lawrence, and march for the defense of
Boston. A few years later he takes the office of a lieutenant
in the local militia, and, in 1755, proceeds with his regiment
to Nova Scotia. Serving there under General Winslow, his
gallantry attracted special attention, and he was urged by the
general to accept a commission in the regular army. De-
clining this offer, he returned home to receive the promotion
to a captaincy. A happy marriage soon followed, and he re-
mained for nearly twenty years as a farmer and good citizen
at his Pepperell home ; as Addison said of some of the heroes
of his " Campaign " —
In hours of peace content to be unknown,
And only in the field of battle shown.
But the controversies with the mother country were by no
means unobserved by him. The bill for shutting up the port
of Boston, with the view of starving the people into submission
and compliance, signed by the king on the 31st of March, and
which went into operation on the ist of June, 1774, stirred
the feelings and called forth the succors of the whole con-
tinent. Letters of sympathy and supplies of provisions poured
in upon our Boston Committee of Correspondence, in answer
to their appeal, from every quarter. The earliest letter but
two, in order of date, was signed William Prescott, dated
Pepperell, 4th of July, by order of the committee of that
always patriotic town — sending at once forty bushels of grain,
promising further assistance with provisions and with men,
and invoking them " to stand firm in the common cause."
The cause of Boston was then the cause of all.
But the untiring research of the historian, Bancroft, brought
to light, for the first time, some years ago, a still more import-
ant and memorable letter from Prescott in behalf of his fellow
farmers and townspeople, addressed, in the following Augus^
L. M.— 13 ^
386 . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
to the men of Boston, which breathes the fiill spirit of Lexing-
ton and Concord and Bunker Hill conjoined, not without a
strong foretaste of the still distant Fourth of July. " Be not
dismayed or disheartened," it says, '' in this great day of trials.
We heartily sympathize with you, and are always ready to do all
in our power for your support, comfort, and relief; knowing
that Providence has placed you where you must stand the first
shock. We consider that we are all embarked in one bottom,
and must sink x)r swim together. We think if we submit to
thbse regulations, all is gone. Our forefathers passed the vast
Atlantic, spent their blood and treasure, that they might enjoy
their liberties, both civil and religious, and transmit them to
their posterity. Their children have waded through seas of
difficulty, to leave us free and happy in the enjoyment of
English privileges. Now, if we should give them up, can our
children rise up and call us blessed ? Is not a glorious death
in defense of our liberties better than a short, infamous life,
and our memories to be had in detestation to the latest pos-
terity? Let us all be of one heart, and stand fast in the
liberties wherewith Christ has made us free ; and may he of
his infinite mercy grant us deliverance out of all our troubles."
No braver, nobler words than these of Prescott are found
in all the records of that momentous period.
And now, the time having fully come for testing these
pledges of readiness for the last resort of an oppressed people,
and the voices of Joseph Hawley and Patrick Henry having
been distinctly heard, responding to each other from Massa-
chusetts to Virginia, " We must fight," Prescott is seen in
command of a regiment of minutemen. At the first alarm
that blood had been shed at Lexington, and that fighting was
still going on at Concord, on the 19th of April he rallies that
regiment without an instant's delay, and leads them at once
to the scene. Arriving too late to join in the pursuit of the
flying regulars, he proceeds to Cambridge, and there awaits
events, till, on the following i6th of June, he receives ^the
r
WILLIAM PRESCOTT AT BUNKER HILL. 1^7
order from General Ward—the commandet-in-chief of the
Massachusetts forces, with whom he had been in constant
communication and consultation — to conduct the secret expe-
dition which resulted in the battle of Bunker Hill.
All that remains of his career, after that battle was over,
may be summarily dispatched. He had originally enlisted
for eight months, hoping and believing that troops would not
be needed for a longer period ; but he continued in the service
until the close of 1776, when Boston had been freed from the
enemy, when independence had been declared, and when the
-war had been transferred to other parts of the country. Nor
did he leave it then until he had commanded the garrison on
Governor's Island in the harbor of New York, and had
attracted the notice and commendation of Washington by the
good order in which he brought off his regiment when the
American army was compelled to retire from the city. He
was then more than fifty years old, and physical infirmities
incapacitated him for the saddle. But in the autumn of 1777
he once more appears, as a volunteer, at the battle which
ended in the surrender of Burgoyne; and Trumbull, the artist,
who unconsciously, and to his own often expressed regret, did
hira such injustice in his fancy sketch of the battle on this
hill, has made ample amends in his picture of " Burgoyne's
Surrender *' — now in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington
— by giving him a place, musket in hand, in the principal
group, next to the gallant Morgan of the Virginia Riflemen,
whose statue, by a striking coincidence, has just been unveiled
at the Cowpens, at the Centennial celebration of that great
South Carolina battle, of which Morgan was the hero, as Pres-
cott was the hero of this. No two men are more worthy to
stand side by side in our national historic gallery than William
Prescott and Daniel Morgan. Honor to the memories of
them both in all time to come, from every tongue and every
laeart throughout our land !
Again Prescott withdraws to his farm at Pepperell, where
388 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
he constantly exhibits a vigilant interest, and exercises a .
wholesome influence, in the affairs of the town and of the
State, serving his fellow citizens as a magistrate and a select-
man, coming down to Boston in three several years as their
representative in the State Legislature, and buckling on his
sword once more, during Shays's rebellion in 1787^ to defend
the courts of justice at Concord. A man of strong mind,
determined will, benevolent as he was brave, liberal even
beyond his means, of courteous manners, the pride of his
neighborhood, delighting to show kindness and hospitality
to his old fellow-soldiers, he died at length on the 13th of
October, 1795, on the verge of threescore-years-and-ten, and
was buried with military honors.
He left a name, I need not say, not only to be honored in
its own right, as long as Bunker Hill shall be a watchword of
heroism and patriotism in our land, but to be borne, as it has
been, with eminent distinction by his only son, the learned
and admirable judge and jurist, and by his accomplished and
distinguished grandson, beloved by all who knew him, whose
" Ferdinand and Isabella " and " Conquest of Mexico and
Peru " and " History of Philip H." were the earHest triumphs
in American historical literature, and were achieved under
infirmities and trials that would have daunted any heart which
had not inherited a full measure of the bravery we are here to
commemorate.
Nor may I wholly omit to recognize the interest added to
this occasion by the presence of a venerable lady — his only
surviving grandchild — who, apart from those personal gifts
and graces to which I should not be pardoned for alluding,
brings to the memories of this hour another illustrious name
in American history — the name of Dexter — associated, in one
generation, with high national service in the Senate and in
the cabinet, and, in two generations, with eminent legal learn-
ing, ability and eloquence.
But I must not dwell longer on any personal topics, how-
J
WILLIAM PRE SCOTT A T BUNKER HILL, 389
ever attractive, and must hasten to a conclusion of this ad-
dress.
I have said, fellow-citizens, that we were here to-day, to ful-
fill a long-postponed obligation, to pay a long-deferred debt.
But let me not be thought for a moment to imply that there is
anything really lost, anything really to be regretted, as we
now unveil this noble statue, and hail it henceforth, for all
years to come, as the frontispiece and figure-head of this con-
secrated ground. The lapse of time may have evinced a want
of quick appreciation on the part of others, but it has taken
away nothing from the merits or the just renown of Prescott..
On the contrary, it has given an additional and most impres-
sive significance to this memorial, far more than a compensa-
tion for any delay in its erection.
I would by no means undervalue or disparage the sponta-
neous tributes which so ofteti, have immediately, or late, fol-
lowed the deaths of distinguished men, here and elsewhere,
and which are fast adorning so many of the public squares
and parks of our countr>' — at Washington, at New York, and
in Boston, as well as in other of our great cities — with the
bronze or marble forms of those who have been lost to our
civil or military service. Such manifestations are possible in
our day and generation, when wealth is so abundant and when
art is so prolific. They would have been all but impossible
for us, a century, or even half a century, ago. They do honor
to the men who are the subjects of them. They do honor to
the natural and irrepressible emotions which prompt them.
Like the decorations of the soldiers' graves, or the dedication
of the soldiers' homes, they challenge and receive the sympa-
thies of all our hearts. They are, however, the manifestations
of the moment, and bespeak but the impulses of the hour.
But when it was my privilege, just a quarter of a century
ago, to inaugurate, and give the word for unveiling, the first
bronze statue which had ever been erected in the open air
within the limits of Boston, and when I reflected that nearly
390 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
seveilty years had then elapsed since the death, and more than
a hundred and fifty years since the birth, of Benjamin Frank-
lin, whom that statue so admirably portrayed ; when, more
recently, the statue of Samuel Adams was unveiled at the old
North End of our city, nearly eighty years after his death, and
almost a hundred and fifty years after his birth ; and when
later still, two hundred and ninety-two years after his birth,
and two hundred and thirty-one years after his death, the
statue of John Winthrop was seen standing in yonder Scollay
Square, with the charter of Massachusetts in his hand, look-
ing out upon the great city' of more than three hundred and
fi*fty thousand inhabitants, which he had founded — I could
not help feeling that an accumulated interest, an enchanced
and augmented glory would gather around those memorials
for every year which had been allowed to pass since they
were so richly deserved ; and that the judgment of posterity
had at last confirmed and ratified the award, which history
had long ago pronounced, upon the merits of those whom
they represented.
And so again, emphatically, here, to-day, inaugurating this
splendid statue of William Prescott, eighty-six years after he
was laid in his humble grave, a hundred and fifty-five years
after his birth, and a hundred and six years after he stood,
where we now stand, in command of this momentous battle,
we may all well feel that the tribute has not come a day too
late for his permanent fame and glory. We may even rejoice
that no partial or premature commemoration of him had anti-
cipated the hour when not only the wealth of our community
and the advancement of American art should suffice for an
adequate and durable presentment of his heroic form, but
when the solid judgment of posterity should have sanctioned
and confirmed the opinions of our best historians, founded on
the most careful comparison of the most distinct contempo-
rary records. We recognize in such results that history is
indeed the great corrector, the grand decider, the irreversible
WILLIAM PRE SCO TT AT B UNKEK HILL. 39^
umpire, the magic touchstone of truth. An august posthu-
mous tribunal like that of the ancient Egyptians seems to rise
before us, open to every appeal, subject to no statute of limita-
tions— ^to which the prejudices of the moment or the passions
of the multitude are but as the light dust of the balance — and
pronouncing its solemn and final decisions, upon the careers
and characters of all whom it summons to the bar of its
impartial and searching scrutiny. •
Nor can there be, my friends, any higher incentive to hon-
est, earnest, patriotic effort, whether in the field or in the
forum, than such evidences, and such assurances, that what-
ever misapprehensions or neglects may occur at the moment,
and though offices and honors, portraits and statues, may be
withheld or postponed, the record will not be lost, truth will
not perish, nor posterity fail to do that justice which the jeal-
ousy, or the ignorance, or, it may be only the inability, of
contemporaries may have left undone.
It is a most interesting part of the story of this day, that
when Prescott proceeded to the headquarters of his comman-
der-in-chief. General Ward, at Cambridge, and reported the
results of the expedition which he had been ordered to conduct,
and had conducted, he added, perhaps rashly, but with char-
acteristic courage and confidence, that if he could only have
three fresh regiments, with sufficient equipments^ and ammu-
nition, he would return and retake the hill. I know not
whether he was ever on this spot again, from that hour to the
present. But he is here at last ! Thanks to the generosity of
our public-spirited fellow-citizens, and thanks, still more, to
the consummate skill of a most accomplished American artist
— second to no living sculptor of the world — who has given
his whole heart, as well as the exquisite cunning of his hand, to
the work — he is here at last, " in his habit as he lived ! "
And now, before 1 proceed with any poor words of my own,
let the statue speak for itself, and display the noble form
which has too long been concealed from your impatient sight !
392 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. . '
The genius of Story presents him to us now, in th^ light
banyan coat and broad-brimmed hat, which he is known to
have thrown on during the intense heat of the day and of the
battle, in exchange for the more stately and cumbrous uni-
form in which he had marched from Cambridge the night
before, and which may be seen dropped beneath his feet. His
eagle gaze is riveted with intense energy on the close-approach-
ing foe. With his left hand he is hushing and holding back
the impetuous soldiers under his command, to await his word.
With his right hand, he is just ready to lift the sword which
is to be their signal for action. The marked and well remem-
bered features, which he transmitted to his son and grandson,
and which may be recognized on at least one of his living
descendants, have enabled the artist to supply, amply and
admirably, the want of any original portrait of himself. Noth-
ing more powerful and life-like has been seen on this hill since
he was here before. - And that very sword — which so long
adorned the library walls of his grandson, the historian, and
which is now one of the treasures of the Massachusetts Histor-
ical Society — one of those " Crossed swords " whose romantic
story has so often been told in verse and prose, — that same
sword which, tradition tells us, lie waved where he now stands,
when, seeing at length "the buttons on the coats," or, it may
have been, "the whites of the eyes," of the advancing enemy
in their original onslaught, he first gave the word "fire!"—
that same sword I am privileged to hold up at this moment to
5'^our view, if, indeed, I shall be able to hold it, while it seems
ready to leap from its scabbard, and to fly from my hand, to
salute and welcome its brave old master and wearer! "Ko
blade which ever came from the forges of Damascus, Toledo
or Genoa was ever witness to greater personal perils, or w^s
ever wielded by a braver arm.
Prescott stands alone here now. But our little musetini —
to be reconstructed, I trust, at no distant day, of enduriog
materials and adequate dimensions — already contains a mart^
I THE FIRST PRINTED BOOK KNOWN, 393
statue of the glorious Warren. The great first martyr of the
Revolution, and the heroic-commander of this earliest Revolu-
tionary battle, are now both in place. Around them on other
parts of the hill, in other years, some of the gallant leaders
who rushed to their aid from other States, or from other parts
of our own State, will, it is hoped, be seen — Pomeroy and
^ark and Reed and Knowlton, with Putnam at the head of
them all. They will all be welcome, whenever they may come.
Primarily a Massachusetts battle, it was peculia riy also a New
England battle ; and all New England might well be repre-
sented on these heights. But the pre-eminent honors of this
occasion are paid, as they are due — ahd long, long overdue —
to our grand Massachusetts Middlesex farmer and patriot.
He has returned ;-:-not with three fresh regiments only, as
he proposed, but with the acclamations of every soldier and
every citizen within the sound of what is being said, or within
any knowledge of what is being done here, to-day. He has
retaken Bunker Hill ; and with it, the hearts of all who are
gathered on it, at this hour, or who shall be gathered upon it,
generation after generation, in all the untold centuries of
the future 1
THE FIRST PRINTED BOOK KNOWN.
In the forest of Soignies, in Brabant, there were in the
fifteenth century three priories occupied by Canons Regular
of the rule of St. Augustin. Of these, history from time to
time makes mention — history of art more frequently. It was,
for example, to one of them that the famous painterHugo van
der Goes, over whose life and works there hangs so thick a
cloud, retired. Here it was that he spent his last days among
the kindly friars, who by their singing soothed the hours
nrhen the darkness settled down upon his mind. Here, too,
IS we learn, the great Roger van der Weyden more than once
394 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
came to stay; and the priory of Groenendael possessed at all
events one picture by the master's hand. Curiously enough
it was in a manual made for the use of- the novices in this
house that the inscriptions written under Roger's famous
pictures for the Brussels town hall were preserved, which
have since enabled students to identify as copies of them the
beautiful tapestries won by the Swiss from Charles the Bold,
and hanging to-day in the cathedral at Berne.
The traditions of this society were to some extent artistic,
and Roger and Hugo do not seem to have been the only artists
who retired into or visited their cloisters. Hence it will not
be surprising if future investigation enables us to refer to
them some of the productions of the early school of wood-
cutters and engravers* The forest of Soignies lay near to the
populous towns of Brussels and Louvain. Religious houses
situated in it were used as resting-places by the great men
who had to journey past them. They were thus well suited
to be centers .from which new ideas might radiate.
The Canons Regular devoted themselves not only to re-
ligion, but, like the " Fratres vitae ommunis," to the spread of
learning also. They contain among their number not a few
authors famous in their day. Such were Ruysbroeck, John
of Schoonhoven, Arnold Sheyloven, and Mark Mastelyn,
The last mentioned of these left behind him a book, entitled
" Necrologium ViridiaVallis," which in the year 1630 a Brussels
printer found it worth while to publish. Among other per-
sons mentioned is one Henricus ex Pomerio or Van den
Bogaert, in his day Prior of Groenendael. It is to this man
that the reader's attention is more especially directed.*
The principril events of his life may be shortly told. He
was bom at Louvain in the year 1382, in troublous times; he
• A MS. m the Bjbliotheqtic Royaleat Brussels (No. 11,974), entitled "Gazophyl!a«ura
So^tantitn sjve historic sncra memoris Sogniae,^' gives a full list of tweqty-<ijEht of
Bogaarf» wntiu^^ It was from this volume that Sandenis took his intormatioQ.
See Tar thlt and for ether fact;^ connected with Bogaert, M. Ruelens^s learned mono^^a^
on the *' Pojncriura Spirit uaLe " in the ** Documents iconographiques et typographi^bei
_ de la BibLlatheque Ro^ale de Belgique.'*
I
1
THE FIRST PRINTED BOOK KNOWN, - 395
studied at the university of his native town ; and, after earn-
ing his degree, he went off to Brussels, and there opened a
school. After some time he returned to Louvain, bringing
his school with him, and there in due course he rose to a
prominent position among his fellow-townsmen, becoming
even town secretary. At the age of thirty, however, he ap-
pears to have wearied of. the turbulence of civic life, and,
following the example of many a man desirous of quiet, if not
for prayer, at all events for study, he retired from the world
and took refuge in the priory of Groenendael. In 142 1 we find
him sent as prior to the neighoring convent of Sept-Fontaines,
whichbelonged to the same order. Ten years later he was raised
to the dignity of Prior of Groenendael, but shortly afterwards
was elected to preside over the nuns of St. Barbera at Tirle-
mont — a position which he held for thirteen years. At length,
at the age of seventy-two, and much against his own in-
clination, he was again elected Prior of Groenendael. He held
the office for the shortest period allowable, and then retired
to the solitude and peace of his own cell. He died in the
year 1469.
So much for the man. With his numerous works, his con-
troversies with jealous rivals, how he was accused to the
Pope, how he defended himself and was acquitted — ^with all
this we have nothing to do. The reader's attention, however,
must be called to the names of two books which appear in
the list of his writings. They are " Explanationis figuralis
super pater noster descriptio," and " Spirituale Pomerium, cum
figuris." Recent investigation has shown that copies of these
books are to this day in existence ; and not only so, but that
they are the earliest books printed from engraved blocks of
wood to which a date can be assigned among those which are
known to have come down to us. So far our work has been
somewhat dull ; but let the reader take heart, for before leav-
ing hita we hope to be able to discover a fact not unimportant.
The Explanatio figuralis proves, as we shall hereafter show,
39^ THE LIBRA R Y MA GA ZINE,
to be identical with a block-book known as the " Exercitium
super Pater Noster," the only copy of which, in its original
state, is preserved in the Public Library at Mons. It was in-
cluded among the early books recently brought together in
the gallery of Retrospective Art in the exhibition at Brussels.
Unfortunately, the last two leaves are wanting — the remainder
of the book is in the most perfect state of preservation.
It is a folio volume of the same dimensions as the rest of
the block-books, and when complete it consisted of five
sheets. These are only printed on one side ; the other side
remains blank. The sheets are not gathered up into a quire,
one inside another, but sewn one by one into the cover, so
that in turning over the leaves the first page is blank, the
second and third contain printed matter, the fourth and fifth
are blank, and so on. In books printed in this fashion it was
not uncommon to paste the blank sides together two by two,
and then the volume resembled one printed in the later man-
ner on both sides of the paper.
The impressions were taken, not from a form composed of
type, but from engraved blocks of wood, the whole of a single
sheet being taken from one block. For the printing of the
book, five such blocks were required, each containing the
matter of two consecutive pages.
The contents of the pages are all similar. In a compart-
ment across the top of each are four or five lines of wood-cut
Latin text,* commencing with a sentence from the Lord's
Prayer, and then proceeding to point out three points worthy
of attention in connection with it. The center of the page is
occupied by a wood-cut illustrative of these three points, be-
low which, in another compartment, are some Flemish verses
freely translated from the Latin lines above.
* For example, th*^ text above the fifth cut is : — " Fiat voluntas tua sicut in celo et
ill terra. Hie nota in seculo tres vivorum defectiones. Primo habencium voluntates
aclhuc fractal quales sunt infideles. Secundo habencium perversas, quales sunt mali
chrifitiani. Tercio habencium imperfectas quales sunt boni. Et quia voluntates in
ct;lu sunL omaes integre, recte et perfecte ideo ut sic in terra fiat ora ut supra et ce.**
THE FIRST PRINTED B
o^eA^lP -l^^ cover.';/
t^ "Ocv^ cviV^ \iv \\i^ \>oo\l presenl
Tcvoti. T\ve f^tst, sV\ows us the brothi
-^se^i^d oiv 2L b^ivk outside the pric
est. A stag is seen among the tre
engaged in meditation, and, a scroll
us the direction of his thoughts ; it
doce me orare." To him there con
with a small tablet on his arm ; h
pater noster." The figure of the
robes are light ; his hair hangs in
his face is mild, and in some deg
brother looks up at him with more e
£nd in faces in early wood-cuts. I
both natural and easy ; there is a a
of his garments, and an air oi quiet 2
him.
These two figures — the brother a
appear in each of the ten cuts.
companion groups or incidents illu
the Lord's Prayer, and explains th<
three points especially worthy of re
It was long ago known that the I
Paris possessed a copy of a MS. ec
Pater Noster," and illustrated with ^
without reason, considered to be th
den Bogaert. More recent investigs
may not be the case. The prints w
MS. are impressions from the very s
which the Mons block-book — the re
printed ; but the blocks are in a late
them on which the Flemish verses ^
off before these impressions were
therefore, represents the same cuts
But there is a more noticeable dif
bJock-book and the prints in the MS
398 THE LIBRAE Y MAGAZINE,
the impressions are taken. The reader will probably know
that in the very earliest days of printing, long before the
invention of movable types, impressions from a wood-cut
block were taken, not by means of a press, but by rubbing
the back of the sheet of paper while it was in contact with
the block. The block was, first of all, thoroughly wetted with
some form of watery ink, and then the sheet of paper, well
damped, was placed in contact with it and held down, while
the operator carefully rubbed the back of it either with his
hand, with a brush, or with some kind of burnisher. The ink
employed for this purpose was alway§ of a light brown tint.
Owing to the wetness of the paper and the amount of rub-
bing which was necessary to produce a clear impression, the
back of the papen(^ten bears almost as clear an image of the
block as the front ; and the lines of ink lie in deep furrows,
which, in many cases, remain clear when the ink itself has
faded.*
But the discovery of printer's ink, an ink the vehicle of which
was a greasy substance, and the possibility of thereby taking
impressions by simple pressure, created a complete revolution
in the methods of printing. It led to the immediate introduc-
tion of the printing-press, and thenceforward systems of
rubbing, brushing, or burnishing were laid aside. The inven-
tion of printing-ink bears the same relation to the history of
printing which that of oil-colors does to the history of paint-
ing. It does so in this manner. When once a printer had had
experience of the use of the more advanced method, he would
be quite certain never to recur to the old one. On the other
hand, it is not to be supposed that the new invention would
spread like an electric flash over the whole country at once,
though it may be assumed that it would not be long in becom-
ing generally known.
Now, whereas the Mons block-book is printed in light brown
* It will be seen that it was impossible to print on both sides of a sheet of paper
by this method.
THE FIRST PRINTED BOOK KNO WN. 399
water-color ink by means of rubbing, the prints in the Paris
M3. are taken in black ink, and give, so far as I could see, no
indications of having been rubbed, but rather pressed or
rolled against the wood block. Owing to their being pasted
down at the corners, it is not easy to be certain of this ; but,
so far as can be seen, they give every evidence of the use of
some sort of printing-press.
As we shall hereafter see, the MS. must have been produced
• before 1440, and hence \^e find the date, resting upon certain
evidence instead of conjecture, for the group of block-books
to be before 1440.
So far we have spoken only of the ^Exercitium ; but the
Pomerium Spirituale mentioned among the works of Henrick
van den Bogaert has also come down to u^n a mutilated form,
and it is by means of it that we discover the very valuable Hate
for these volumes. It exists in the form of a MS., illustrated
by cuts preserved in the Bibliotheque Royale at Brussels, and
in all respects similar to that of the Exercitium found at Paris.
Each volume consists of a single six-sheet quire in folio. In
both cases one side of a sheet is occupied by a wood-cut, printed
in black ink, while the opposite page is filled with MS. text.
The writing is nothing but a somewhat verbose amplification
in Latin of the short wood-cut legends which appear on the
cuts. In the case of the Pomerium the writer of the MS.
seems also to have been its author, probably some Groenen-
dael monk who took the Prior's little book as his text, and
proceeded to write a commentary on it ; or, possibly, he may
have been the Prior himself. The Paris Exercitum is equally
obviously a copy by the hand of a scribe taken line for line
from a volume written by some one else. This is shown clearly
enough in one case, where the copyist has turned over two
leaves of the volume he was copying instead of one, and has
therefore written the wrong line opposite to a certain cut. He
has found out his mistake after a word or two and corrected it,
drawing his pen through them and starting afresh.
400 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
The two MSS., therefore, are twins, as abundant confirma-
tory evidence might be adduced to prove. The style of the
design of the cuts, of the execution, of the wood-cut letters,
of the treatment of the subjects,'^and of the MS. is the same in
. both ; they are the work of the same hands — ^author, wood-
cutter, printer, commentator — ^and they must belong to the
same date.
By carefully measuring the prints in the Pomerium MS., and
making allowance for compartments containing Flemish text,
such as those we saw were cut off in the case of the Exerci-
tium, we find that the blocks of the former were exactly half
the size of those of the latter, and that the original block-book
edition of the Pomerium must have formed a quarto volume.
Such a volume I have nowhere been able to discover, but that
it has existed there Is ample evidence. We are therefore quite
prepared to credit the statement of Dumortier* that he had
seen the Pomerium cuts united in a small volume unaccom-
panied by MS.
The subject of the " Pomerium Spirituale " is, as its name
implies, allegorical. A maiden, representing one of the twelve
virtues, is discovered kneeling at the foot of one of the twelve
trees of the spiritual orchard — the symbols of the Divine attri-
butes— receiving the fruits of the tree. The twelve maidens
form subjects for meditation for the twelve hours of the day.
In connection with each of the maidens is represented and
described one of the incidents of the sacred history, past or
future, serving to exemplify that attribute which is the real
subject of the picture. Each print is similar in its general
design to all the rest. The little maid kneels, sits or stands,
as the case may be, under a tree on the left, among the
branches of which, on a scroll, is the name of the attribute.
Three apples, the fruits of the tree, lie on the ground beside
her. Behind her is a scroll containing the words which she
* Dumortier— '* Notes sur rimprimerie," in the Pulletins de 1' Academic royalede
Belgique, tome viii., 1841.
THE FIRST PRINTED BOOK KNOWN, 4^1
addresses to her heavenly spouse. Other inscriptions, in dif-
ferent places, explain the scene. The right and center of the
cut are occupied by the event from sacred history. The names
of the three fruits are engraved in three lines, in a compart-
ment at the foot of the cut.
Lastly, the MS. text of the " Pomerium " distinctly informs
us twice over that the author of the book was Henricus ex
Pomerio, a canon regular of the monastery of the Blessed
Virgin of Groenendael. Twice over are we told that the book
was finished in the year 1440.* To this year, therefore, we
must refer both MSS.. though that of the " Exercitum " may
have been produced a year or two earlier or later. Both the
block-books must be dated before 1440.
We cannot finally quit this subject without casting a pass-
ing glance at the style of the execution of the wood-cuts. It
is the same in both books ; they are obviously the work of
one hand, and may be treated together. The most marked
feature is the constant employment of long pointed lines,
placed closely side by side, to shade large spaces, especially
as a sort of relieving shadow to detach the figures from the
ground. The shade is for the most part unpleasantly flat.
The faces and features are very similar in style to those which
appear in that most finished of all the early wood-cut books
— ^the "Ars Moriendi." But such is not the case with the
hair, which is much less carefully arranged by the Groenen-
dael artist. The head, however, of the kneeling maiden is
sometimes very pretty, with its pointed forehead, simple atti-
tude, and quiet look, the hair being wavy and light. The real
fault of the cut lies in the masses of gridiron shade, which
spoil their effect and add nothing to their meaning. Consid-
ering, however, their early date, and the diflftculties with which
* The author's name occurs in red at the end of the preface. Further on wc read,
**£ditum est hoc spirituale pomerium i)er fratrem Henricum ex pomerio canonicum
i^larem profcssum in monasterio beatae Mariae viridis vallis." On the last page is
wnttcn, '* Explicit spirituale pomerium editun\ anno domini m"cccc™»xl«"« ; " then fol-
lows a prayer of eight lines ; and then, " Explicit est sup. spirituale pomerium editum
et complctum, Anno domini m"cccc''xl«» deo gratias."
402 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
the artist must have had to contend, it must be allowed that
he has attained an excellence of finish in the arrangement
and shaping of his lines of no low order.
To sum up, then. The conclusions which an examination
of these volumes enables us to assert are as follows : — Some
time before the year 1440, Henrick van den Bogaert wrote a
little work entitled "Spirituale Pomerium." He employed
some artist living in the neighborhood of the priory of Groenen-
dael, and possibly one of the brothers themselves, to engrave it
upon blocks of wood with accompanying illustrations, from
which impressions might be taken by the recently introduced
process of printing. Nor was this the only work of his so
treated, but about the same period there appeared, in a similar
but larger form the " Exercitium super Pater Noster " by the
same author and artist. At a later time, in the year 1440, the
former, and probably both books, was taken in hand again, it
may well have been by the author himself — the blocks were
trimmed by the removal of the Flemish portions of the text
now no longer required, and impressions were taken from
them by a more advanced process of. printing. The prints
thus made were pasted into a volume of blank paper, pages
being left plain for the addition of a MS. commentary of a
more extensive kind than that admitted by the limited space
available on the cuts themselves.
The earliest printing-press, therefore, to which both a date
and a locality can at present be assigned was used near Groen-
endael, in the forest of Soignies, in the province of Brabant,
before the year 1440, While it is to be hoped that further
investigations may enable us to group together other block-
books as the productions of the same press, it is quite possi-
ble that they may reveal to us the existence of other centers
of printing activity at dates considerably earlier.
* M. W. Conway, in The Academy.
L
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT. 403
THE REVISED VERSION OF THE ENGLISH NEW
TESTAMENT.
A revision of the English Authorized Version could not
have been much longer deferred. By the year 1870, when the
Revision Companies were appointed, public opinion had
become quite matured upon the subject. The period for
debate, extending in real earnest from about 1856, was over,
and the period for action had arrived. A very healthy tone
had gradually come to prevail upon the question. Oh the one
hand, all thought of adding another to those many " Improved
s^ersions," which had turned out such conspicuous failures,
was abandoned. On the other hand, that idle sentiment which
strove for long to regard the Authorized Version as something
too sacred ever to be touched, had, by the date referred to,
talked and written itself out. Scholars connected with the
various churches in our country were all but unanimous in
the conviction that neither as respects text nor translation
could the common English Version of the New Testament be
regarded as satisfactory. As to the text on which the Author-
ized Version was founded, it was well known to have rested
on the slightest critical materials, a point which will be more
particularly adverted to afterwards. And as to the translation,
the mere fact that more than tv/o centuries and a half had
elapsed since it was formed, was of itself enough to suggest,
without going into points of lexical or grammatical correct-
ness, that, owing to the inevitable changes always taking
place in language, it could not but call for revision and recti-
fication.
Accordingly, when the Convocation of Canterbury, in Feb-
ruary, 1870, adopted certain resolutions in favor of instant
revision, it showed itself for once a true exponent and inter-
preter of national opinion. The particular resolutions which
were adopted did the utmost credit to the shrewd sense as
404 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
well as the catholic spirit of the body which had now under- {
taken to deal with the question. This will be plain from the
following extracts. After declaring (i) "That it is desirable
that a revision of the Authorized Version of the Holy Scrip-
tures be undertaken," and (2) *' That the revision be so con-
ducted as to comprise both marginal renderings and such
emendations as it maybe found necessary to insert in the text
of the Authorized Version," Convocation added the following:
(3) " That in the above resolutions we do not contemplate any
new translation of the Bible, or any alteration of the language,
except when in the judgment of the most competent scholars
«uch change is necessary ; " (4) " That in such necessary
changes, the style of the language employed in the existing
version be closely followed ;" (5) " That it is desirable that Con-
vocation should nominate a body of its own members to under-
take the Work of revision, who shall be at liberty to invite
the co-operation of any eminent for scholarship, to whatever
nation or religious body they may belong."
The golden mean was thus indicated between undue conser-
vatism and unnecessary alteration. The constitution of the
New Testament Company was also strikingly liberal. Among
its twenty-seven members, all the leading religious commun-
ions in our country were represented. Side by side with
bishops, deans, and other dignitaries of the Church of England,
there sat, on a footing of perfect equality, scholars connected
with the Presbyterian, Congregational, Wesleyan, Baptist, and
Unitarian churches. It may be regarded as a striking proof
how well-timed was the movement for revision, that scarcely
one of the divines invited to join the Company declined to
serve. " Only Dr. Tregelles, influenced by considerations oi
health, and Dr. (now Cardinal) J. H. Newman, whose co-Qper-
ation could hardly have been anticipated, failed to come for-
ward in response to the call of Convocation. Moreover, not
one of the original members of the Company whom time has
spared, ceased to act up to the very conclusion of the w©ck«J
' THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT. 4^5
Several lamented losses were incurred, through death, atmong
the members — Bishop Wilberforce, Dean Alford, and Dr.
Eadie, all dying within a few years after the commencement
of the work ; but the only resignation which took place was
that of the present Dean of Ely, who did not at first belong to
the members of the Company.
The work thus begun on June 22, 1870, has been uninter-
ruptedly carried forward during the last ten and a half years.
Altogether, the Company have held over 100 sessions, each
session consisting of four days, and the members sitting each
day for seven hours. This statement is of itself sufficient
to suggest how great labor and pains have been expended
on the task in hand. The result is before us in the Kevised
Version just published ; and what, let us now inquire, are the
practical gains which have been secured ?
There need be no hesitation in saying at once, that, both as
regards text and translation, an immense advance has been
made on the Authorized Version. We are, indeed, far from
supposing that, in either of these respects, the ne plus ultra
of perfection has yet been reached. Readings have here
and there been preferred which do not commend themselves
to our acceptance, and renderings have occasionally been
adopted from which we very strongly dissent. But both these
points were, in every case, determined, as they only could be,
by the decision of a majority of the Revisers; and few indeed
are the instances in which the present writer differed from
his colleagues, compared with the vast number of cases in
which the judgment of the majority of the Company had his
cordial concurrence.*
♦ I may give in a note, without lengthened argument, 2t, few examples of various kind$
of changes for the worse, which have, in my opinion, been accepted in the Revised
Version. First, the text adopted at Luk« ii. 14 seems to roe utterly to spoil the paral-
lelism, while it bsirdly yields % tensei, And Is, besides, opposed to 9, vast amount of exter-
Ral cvidene«i Secondly, I think an error^has becn^committed in introducing a personal
refef^ne^ to S*tan in the translation of <Xlt6 rov itoyj^ftov, given at Matt. vi. 13.
Thifdiy, the two verses, Acts, i, j8, 19, have, quite against the Greek, been printed, as
apj^Fpnthesis, s^nd this, apparently with the view of avoiding a fancied difficulty,
vhioh rwUy does not €>cUt. Speaking generally, it seems to me that too many minuta
variations from the Awthoriawi Version have been admitted. _ ^
406 , THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Readers of the Revised Version will be strongly tempted
to do it injustice on a first perusal. Their predominant feel-
ing will be one of disappointment and regret. They will miss
altogether certain passages with which they have been fa-
miliar all their days, and will be ready to say that in everv
chapter the rhythm of the Authorized Version, which has
charmed their ears from infancy, is unpleasantly disturbed.
But the prejudice thus apt to be excited should be resisted
and laid aside. The one vital question in every case is
whether or not evidence and argument are in favor of the
Revised Version ; and, if so, the changes which have been
made should be gratefully accepted. Let us consider this
point both as respects text and translation.
As is well known, the Bible was the first book ever printed,
but that was the Latin Bible. A splendid edition of it, of
which some^highly prized copies are still in existence, came
forth from the printing-press of Gutenberg and Fust at Mentz
in 1452. The Hebrew Bible had also been published under
the auspices of some wealthy Jews in 1488. But, what seems
at first strange, no edition of the New Testament in the
original was issued from the press within the century which
witnessed the invention of printing. The Songs of the Virgin
Mary and Zacharias were the only portions printed, as an
appendix to a Greek edition of the Psalms, before the begin-
ning of the eventful sixteenth century. The reason of this
curious fact doubtless was that the Greek language was as
yet hardly known in Western Europe. But the " new learn-
ing" was everywhere spreading; editions of the ancient
classics were pouring from the press ; and an edition of the
Greek New Testament, superintended by Erasmus, at last
came out in 1516, the year which marked the birth-throes of
the Reformation,
It is right, however, to state that, while the edition of
Erasmus was the first actually published, one had been printed
some little time before. This is known as the Complutenslan
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT. A^7
edition (from Complutum, the Latin name of Alpala in Spain,
where it was printed), and was prepared under the auspices
of the excellent and accomplished Cardinal Ximenes. The
printing of the New Testament was finished on January lo,
1514,. but, for various reasons, it was not published till six
years afterwards. In the meantime, Erasmus had a request
addressed to him on April 17, 1 51.5, by Froben, an eminent
publisher at Basle, that he would immediately set about the
preparation of an edition of the Greek Testament. Erasmus
"was at that time in England, and on receipt of Froben's com-
munication he immediately fell to work. His industry, then
as ever, was prodigious; and he actually had out his first
edition of the Greek New Testament, with Latin notes, form-
ing a large folio of 1,027 pages, before a 3'ear had passed, the
date of the work bemg February, 1516. Here, then, wc find
the beginning of our Authorized Version. The^irst edition
of Erasmus constituted the basis of that text on which our
common English Version was formed. He, no doubt, in-
troduced changes into subsequent editions — some of them
by ho means improvements — and alterations were afterwards
made by Stephens, Beza, and other editors ; but, without
gnoing into details, it may simply be stated that when, in 1604,
at the command of King James, our translators began the
preparation of the present Authorized Version, the Greek
text which they used was one substantially the same as the
fourth edition of Erasmus, published in 1 527. What, then,
let us inquire, were the critical materials on which that edition
rested ?
It has already been hinted how hurriedly Erasmus flung
forth his first edition of the New Testament. As he himself
said, " it was rather tumbled headlong into the world than
edited." In his haste, he laid hold of those Greek manu-
scripts which lay nearest to his hand, and these happened to
be both few and inferior in character. They are still to be
seen at Basle, bearing the marks of having been used as
408 THE LIBRAE V MA GAZINE.
" copy " for the printer. Of the one good manuscript to
which Erasmus had access he made but little use. The au-
thority he principally followed was a manuscript which the
monks at Basle had bought for two florins, and small as was
this price, modern scholars have declared, on examining the
document, that it was quite enough. What could be expected
as the result but the production of a very erroneous text ?
And still more remains to be said on this point. For the
book of Revelation, Erasmus had only one copy, and even
that was not complete. The last six verses were altogether
wanting, and the great scholar had no means of supplying
them, except through his own imagination and erudition.
Unwilling to send forth a mulitated edition to the world, he
took the Latin version of the missing verses, and conjec-
tu rally re-translated them into Greek. The remarkable fact
consequently is that, in the common, uncritical editions of
the Greek Testament, circulating in our own day, there are a
number of Greek words, which, so far from having been
written by St. John, can be traced no higher than to the
learned guesses of Erasmus.
By the time his fourth edition was published, Erasmus had
seen the work of Cardinal Ximenes, and took advantage of
it to clear away many of the erroneous readings he had at
first adopted, especially in the book of Revelation. But the
Complutensian text had itself been based on manuscripts of
modern date and little authority. Nor did subsequent editors
do much to improve the text down to the date of our Au-
thorized Version. The only manuscript of the first class to
which they had access was that now known as D, containing
only the Gospels and Acts in Greek and Latin, and belonging
to the sixth century. This manuscript was once the property
of the Reformer Beza, but he was afraid to use it. He thought
its readings dangerous, as they certamly are often peculiar ;
and both he and those who followed him down to the reign
of King James, adhered substantially to that text which
1.
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT, 4^9
we have seen, was founded on such a slender basis by Eras-
mus.
The plain truth then is, that our common English version
rests upon a Greek original Which can claim almost no crit-
ical authority. At the time of its preparation, none of the
sources of a pure text were available. The citations of the
New Testament found m the early Fathers had not been care-
fully examined. The ancient versions had not been critically
studied. The most valuable manuscripts of the New Testa-
ment had not been discovered. In a word, the science of
textual criticism had not yet come into existence.
During the two centuries and a half which have passed^
away since then^this science, like others, has made prodig-
ious strides. Many most able and learned men have devoted
themselves to its cultivation. In England, the names of Wal-
ton, Mill and Bentley; and in Germany, the names of Gries-
bach, Lachmann, and Tischendorf, are honored as those of
the great departed, who have made it the object of their Jives ^
that the very words of Scripture should, as far as possible, be
recovered.- And the question simply is, shall not the results
of tkeir labors be made known to English readers ? While
everything else has advanced, and while the very poorest now
have access to advantages and comforts which could not be
enjoyed by the wealthiest two centuries ago, shall we continue
to stand, in regard to the purity of the text of God's Word,
at the point where our ancestors stood when the Authorized
Version was formed ? This is a question which admits of but
one clear and decided answer, and, accordingly, the text from
-which the Revised Version of the New Testament has betn
formed is one which has, in multitudes of passages, departed
from -that text which constituted the basis of onr .common
Eng^lish translation.
But while changes due to this cause will be found in every
chapter, most of them are of very little importance. It is only
on rare occasions that the differences of reading mvolve
4 lO THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
questions of doctrine, or can otherwise be regarded as of very
great consequence. Before proceeding to consider those pas-
sages of which all will recognize the significance, let us glance
at some of the minor changes which have been made, both
asinteresting in themselves and as illustrating the principles
which have been adopted by textual critics.
At Mark vi. 20 the Authorized Version runs as follows : " For
Herod feared John, knowing that he was a just man and a
holy, and observed him; and when he heard him he did many
things, and heard him gladly." But in the Revised Version
the passage stands thus : " For Herod feared John, knowing*
that he was a just man and a holy, and kept him safe ; and
when he heard him, he was much perplexed^ and heard hini
gladly." Here, there are, no doubt, many ancient authorities
in favor of the reading represented in the common version.
But, notwithstanding, it can hardly be questioned on critical
principles that that reading is erroneous. The difference be-
tween the two versions springs from the fact that in the one
text a very common verb is found, while a very uncommon
verb occurs in the other. Now, Biblical scholars have adopted
the principle that, where there are conflicting readings, one
which is difficult or unusual is, in general, to be preferred to
another which is easy and common. The reason for this rule
is evident. On the one hand, a transcriber was strongly
tempted to change an expression or a construction which he
did not understand into another with which he was quite fa-
miliar, and which seemed to suit the context. On the other
hand, it is obvious that there was no temptation to alter a
common word or construction into one that was unusual and
could only be comprehended with difficulty. This one con»
side ration leaves little room for doubt as to the true reading-
in the passage before us. We can easily fancy a copyist being
stumbled by the very rare word rjicopzi^ and changing it into
the common iicoiti ; but the opposite process it is nearly im-
possible to imagine. There is a different critical principle
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT, 4^1
which comes into operation at such passages, as Acts viii. 37
and I Cor. vi. 20. Additions have, in both these passages,
been made to the true text. The first verse referred to is a
baptismal formula, which appears in some copies of the New
Testament to have crept in from the margin, and which must,
on every ground of evidence, be dismissed. In the second
passage, again, these words — " and in your spirit, which are
God's " — seem to have been inserted with the mistaken view
of promoting edification. It is quite plain, however, to one
who considers the apostle's line of argument in the passage,
that the added words are wholly out of place ; and, in point of
evidence, they have in fact hardly any support. The exhorta-
tion of St. Paul appositely ends with — " Glorify God therefore
in your body," just as his reasoning in the Epistle to the Ro-
mans is forcibly summed up at chap. viii. i, in these compre-
hensive words: "There is therefore now no condemnation to
them that are in Christ Jesus " — ^without the enfeebling and
unsupported addition here found in the Authorized Version.
Since, then, the sacred text was apt, in various ways, to be
added to. Biblical critics have adopted this other general
principle that a shorter reading is usually to be preferred to
a longer. If we now turn to i John ii. 23, we shall find a pas-
sage which calls forth a different line of remark. It will be
observed that the second half of that verse is printed in italics
in the Authorized Version, to indicate a doubt as to its gen-
uineness. No such brand, however, attaches to it in the Re-
vised Version, and modem criticism pronounces quite de-
cidedly in its favor. How then did it come to be omitted m
some even of the best manuscripts ? The answer is that this
was due to the fact that the two clauses of the verse end with
three words exactly the same in Greek. The eyes of some
transcribers were thus deceived. They wrote the first clause,
and then on looking up from their work to the copy before
them, their glance fell on the last words of the second, and
supposing from the appearance which these presented that
412 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
they had just writteh it, they were led to omit the clause alto-
gether. These words and clauses of like ending have been a
very fruitful cause of omissions in the manuscripts, but, the
cause of the mistake being so obvious, there is usually little
difficulty in making the necessaiy correction.
Having* thus given some examples of those minor changes
of text which are represented in the Revised Version, with
the reasons which may be assigned for the various readings,
we now pass on to notice those more important omissions and
alterations which will be observed in the revised translation.
The first instance of omission which will probably strike the
English reader is that of the doxology to the Lord's Prayer.
These words (Matt. vi. 13), " For thine is the kingdom, and the
power, and the glory, for ever. Amen ; " have entirely disap-
peared in the Revised Version. The state of the evidence is
as follows : The words in question are not quoted or com-
mented on by the earliest of the Fathers, even by those of
them, such as Origen, who formally expounded the' Lord's
Prayer ; they never existed in the Latin versions, and they are
not found in the two oldest manuscripts, B and- K, both be-
longing to the fourth century, nor in D ; while A and C, both
dating from the fifth century, are here unfortunately defective.
On the other hand, the words are found in the ancient Syriac
version, formed perhaps in the second century, but apparently
conformed at a later d^te to the text prevailing in the Church,
so that its authority loses much of the weight it would other-
wise possess ; and they are also found in the great majority
of the later manuscripts, but in varying forms, always a sus-
picious circumstance. What then, are we to conclude re-
specting the words ? If evidence is to decide, as evidence alone
ought to decide, there can hardly be a doubt that they did not
exist in the original text, but crept into it from some of the
ancient Liturgies. This is a conclusion which some may
regret, or even refuse to accept. But it should be remembered
that unless a strict adhesion to critical principles is maintained
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT, 4IJ
in dealing with Scripture, all must soon become uncertainty
and confusion ; and that,, if we defy the laws of evidence in
regard to any one passage which is wished to be retained, we
cannot logically appeal to these laws either for the exclusion
or retention of other passages.
We now turn to Mark xvi. 9-20 (close of St. Mark's Gospel).
Quotations are made from this passage by Irenaeus and other
very early writers. It is found in all the ancient versions. It
exists in A, C, D — ^three of the five great Uncials — and in
almost all the other Greek manuscripts. But, while there can
thus be no question as to the canonical authority of the pas-
sage, there is not a little doubt respecting its authorship.
Eusebius, the father of ecclesiastical history (circ. A. D. 330),
tells us that the section did not exist in the best manuscripts
in his day. And when we look into &<, we find that the verses
are wholly wanting. When, again, we turn to B, we see that
in it, too, the verses are wanting ; but a space is left vacant,-
indicating that the transcriber was aware of the existence of
the passage. The internal evidence is still more decisive
against the belief that the section proceeded from St. Mark.
No fewer than seventeen expressions occur in its twelve
verses, which are found nowhere else in the second Gospel.
The difference of style is perceptible even to a reader of the
English version, and far more so to one who peruses the pas-
sage in the original. We cannot tell why St. Mark stopped at
the end of the 8th verse. That must have been due to acci-
dent, and not intention. The evangelist could never have
meant to end his work with the wor^^ " for they were afraid."
No history that was ever given to the world intentionally
closes with such abruptness. The last word is actually a con-
junction, being the Greek expression corresponding to the
English " for.** But such a termination, while it could not
have beeij intentional, may have been caused by accident. We
know, for instance, how many works have been left unfinished
owing to the sudden death of their authors. This was, doubt-
414 THE LIBRAR V MAGAZINE.
less, the reason why the history of Thucydides ends so
abruptly. This, too, was the reason why the great epic of
Virgil was left with so many of its lines incomplete. And
every one knows and regrets that it was owing to the sudden
death of Lord Macau lay that his history is only a magnificent
fragment. So St. Mark may never have had it in his power to
complete the Gospel as he intended. But that does not in the
least detract from the authority of its last twelve verses, while
the fact of their being due to a different authorship really im-
parts to them an additional interest and importance. They
undoubtedly come to us from the period of the Apostles, and
thus furnish a practical attestation that the second Gospel
was accepted in the Church even from the earliest times.
We must next look at another long passage, which stands
on much the same footing, viz., St. John vii. 53 — viii. 1 1 (the
woman taken in adultery). That section is wholly wanting in
A, B, C, K, while it occurs in a peculiar form in D, and is not
found in the best versions. Internal evidence is also strongly
against it. The style is entirely different from that of St
John, and the passage has no connection with the context
Besides, some manuscripts do not insert it here, but have it at
the end of Luke xxi., which seems a far more fitting place for
it. Taking all these facts into. consideration, the almost unani-
mous opinion of modern critics is that the paragraph formed
no part of the original Gospel of St. John. At the same time,
all agree that the narrative is eminently Christian in sentir
mcnt, 3.nd probably quite historical as to the facts stated. It
thus comes to us as one^of the very few genuine narratives
connected with Christ, which have reached us outside of the
New Testament. The reason why this one has been pre-
served, while multitudes of others that must have been prev-
alent in the early Church passed away, is that it secured for
itself in many copies a place within the sacred inclosurc "of
the Scriptural text.
We may now pass to a brief consideration of the fam<
'«%J
, THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT, 4^5
passage, r John v. 7, 8. The reader will observe that these
words — "in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy-
Ghost : and these three are one " — have been omitted in the
Revised Version, so that the passage reads as follows : " For
there are three that bear record, the Spirit, and the water, and
the blood ; and these three agree in one." All reference to
the " three heavenly Witnesses " thus disappears, and the
most popular of all texts in proof of the doctrine of the Trin-
ity has no longer a place in the New Testament. This is one
of the most certain results of textual criticism. The words
referred to are as undoubtedly spurious as the first verse of
St. John's Gospel is genuine. They are not quoted or referred
to by any of the early Fathers, even when expressly treating
of the doctrine of the Trinity. They do not exist in any of
the ancient versions, except the Latin, and not in the best
copies even of that. They are not found in any of the ancient
manuscripts, nor indeed in any Greek manuscript at all, except
two, respecting which it is the settled conviction of Biblical
critics that the words have been translated from the Latin.
Nothing, therefore, is more certain than that the passage did
not exist in the original text of the New Testament. It seems
to have been foisted into the Latin in the supposed interests
of orthodoxy, and has not been thought worthy of notice even
on the margin of the Revised Version.
But what criticism takes away in the above passage, it
rnakes up for at i Pet. iii. 15. There the Authorized Version
reads, " But sanctify the Lord God in your hearts." There is,
however, very feeble support for this reading. All the great
manuscripts. A, B, C, ^C, with the best versions and several of
the Fathers, sanction the following as the true text : " But
sanctify the Lord Christ in your hearts." Now, this is a change
of the greatest doctrinal importance. To see that such is the
case it must be noticed that the Apostle is here quoting from
Isa. viii. 13. And, as he applies to Christ language which is in
the Old Testament made use of with reference to Jehovah,
4l6 . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
there can be no question that he takes for granted the supreme
Godhead of the Saviour.
Another passage presenting various readings of great inter-
est rs found at i Tim. iii. i6. The question there is whether
we are to jead " God " or "who." Previous to the discovery
of K. some twenty years ago, the Alexandrian manuscript (A)
was here of supreme importance, as being the only great
Uncial containing the passage. From the worn and faded
condition of the manuscript at the place, and from the fact
that there is very little difference in the forms for "God" and
"who," as written in ancient Greek documents, the utmost
variety of opinion existed among Biblical critics as to the side
which A really favored. Both the great Vatican manuscript
(B), and the Ephraem manuscript (C) are here defective,-so
that the Sinaitic manuscript (&5) has supreme weight in hece
establishing the true text. And, as it clearly reads " who,"
there is now no doubt that we should read, as in the Revised
Version, " He who was manifested in the flesh."
The results reached by criticism may be regarded as certain
with respect to all the passages which have yet been noticed.
But it is not so in regard to these two important texts. Acts
XX. 28, and Col. ii. 2. The renderings of these adopted in the
Revised Version can only be viewed as resting upon readings
in favor of which a slight probability may be pleaded. And
no one who examines the amount of the evidence on either
side will attach much less weight to the readings which have
in these passages been placed on the margin than to those
which have been admitted into the text.
We now proceed more briefly to look at some of those
changes which are due to an amended rendering of the text
of the Authorized Version.
Positive mistakes of the Greek have been corrected. We may
turn for an example to Acts iii. 19, 20. The Authorized
Version here presents an instance of sheer mistranslation;
and it is important in the interests of eschatology that the
• THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT, A^l
error should be corrected. It is impossible that the Zitoo^ ocv of
the original can be translated "when ; " the only proper ren-
dering is, " in order that," and, with this meaning, it dominates
the verb not only in the 19th, but also in the 20th, verse. The
proper translation is, as in the Revised Version, *' Repent ye
therefore, and turn again, that your sins may be blotted out,
that so seasons of refreshing may come from the presence of
the Lord ; and that he may send the Christ who hath been
appointed for you (even) Jesus." For another example of
mistranslation, let us look at Gal. v. 17, as it stands in the
Authorized Version. We there read, " For the flesh lusteth
against the Spirit, and the Spirit against the flesh ; and these
are contrary the one to the other; so that ye cannot do the
things that ye would** This rendering completely inverts the
meaning. In the original it is " the Spirit " and not " the
flesh," which is represented as the conquering power; and the
proper translation is that of the Revised Version — " For the
flesh lusteth against the Spirit, and the Spirit against the flesh ;
for these are contrary the one to the other; that ye may 7tot
do the things that ye would.'' For other examples of mis-
translation in the Authorized Version we refer the reader to
Matt. xiv. 8 ; Luke xviii. 12 ; Acts xxvi. 28 ; i Tim. vi. 5 ; Heb.
xi. 13, etc.
Mistakes in Greek graminar have been rectified. This might
be largely illustrated with respect to several points. It is seen
with reference to the article ; the Authorized Version some-
times inserts it without any sanction from the original, as at
John iv. 27, " they marveled that he talked with the woman,"
instead of "they marveled that he talked with^ woman," the
meaning being thus perverted and obscured. More frequently
it omits the article when found in the Greek, as so often before
the official title " Christ " in the Gospels, and as at 2 Thess. ii. 3,
*• except there come a falling away first," for " the falling away,"
the definite apostacy in question. Sometimes, again, the
article is over-translated as a demonstrative pronoun, as at
L. M. — 14
4l8 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
John i. 21, "Art thou that prophet?" for ''the prophet/' and
in many other places. The same incorrectness appears in the
renderings of Greek tenses. Aorists are constantly trans-
lated as perfects, and though this is necessary and proper in
some passages, there are many others in which the strict
grammatical rendering of the tense should be adhered to, as
at Matt. vii. 22, " Did we not prophesy ? " instead of " Have we
not prophesied ? " On the other hand, perfects are sometimes
translated as aorists, to the detriment of the sense, as at Luke
xiii. 2, where the proper rendering, " because they have suffered
these things," indicates the recent character of the calamity.
Imperfects are frequently translated as aorists, and fine f)oints
indicated in the original are thus concealed, as at Mark xv. 6,
" he released unto them one prisoner," for, '* he used to release
unto them one prisoner." See also Luke i. 59; v. 6, etc.
Further, the Greek prepositions are oftan mistranslated. One
example out of multitudes is seen at 2 Peter iii. 12, where,
instead of " The day of God wherein" the proper rendering
ia " The day of Grod, by reason of which'* Compare Rom. iii.
25 ; Heb. vi. 7, etc. ; and for an improper translation of other
prepositions see Luke xxiii. 42 ; 2 Thess. ii. i, etc. — in a word, 1
the number of grammatical errors in the Authorized Version
is so great that it would take many pages simply to enumerate
them.
Unintelligible archaisms have been removed and proper names
consistently translated. Of course no attempt has been made
to impart a modern air to the Revised Version. On the con-
trary, the antique style has been carefully preserved, as shed-
ding a sort of solemnity about the sacred volume. But a num-
ber of terms which are now obscure or misleading have been
replaced by others. It is sufficient to mention " prevent,"
which occurs with the sense of " anticipate " at Matt. xvii. 25 ;
I Thess. iv. 15 ; " ensue," which is used for " pursue " at i Peter
iii. II ; and " conversation," which means " conduct " at GaLi.
3; and many other passages. As to proper names, tbe
\
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT. 419
greatest confusion prevails in the Authorized Version. We
find Timotheus and Timothy, Lucas and Luke, Marcus and
Mark, Midian and Madian, etc., variously employed in re-
ferring to the same persons or places. This is often most
misleading to plain readers, especially in regard to the name
"Jesus," which is twice employed, not to denote Christ, but
Joshua, the leader of the people of Israel (Acts vii. 45 and
Heb. iv. 8). It borders on the grotesque to find Kish spoken
of as " Cis," Hosea as " Osee," Jeremiah as "Jeremy " ; and it
is credibly reported that even dignitaries of the Church have
been known to treat the New Testament form of Korah as a
monosyllable, while they read in the epistle of Jude of " the
gainsaying of Core** All these points have, as a matter of
course, been rectified in the Revised Version.
Consistency has, asfar as possible, been maintained in translating
the same Greek words. Variation is, of course, to some extent
a necessity, since the same word has different meanings in
different passages. The only question, therefore, is whether
our translators have not varied their renderings unnecessarily
and unreasonably, so as, in fact, to have diminished the value
of their work. That such is, in reality, the case might be very
largely evinced. But here a few illustrations only can be
given. At 1 Peter ii. 4, 5, we read, " To whom coming, as unto
a living stone, disallowed indeed of men, but chosen of God,
and precious, ye also, as lively stones, are built up," etc., the
very same word being thus variously translated in the two
clauses, and the identification of Christ's life with that of his
people being thus to some degree obscured. The very same
words rendered " thy faith hath saved thee " at Luke vii. 20, and
xviii. 42, appear as "thy faith hath made thee whole " at Luke
viii. 48, and xvii. 19. At chapter vi. 20 of the same Gospel we
find the words " blessed be ye," while the very same Greek
words are rendered " blessed are ye " in the next and following
verses. Exactly identical expressions are variously repre-
sented in the several Gospels. Compare, for instance, Matt^
420 " . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
xxvii. 45; Mark xv. 33; Luke xxiii. 44. Quotations from the
Old Testament repeated in the same language in different
passages are very variously rendered, as at Heb. iii. 1 1 and
Heb. iv. 3,- etc. Different degrees of force are given to the
very same Greek words in different passages, as at Matt. xvii. 5,
compared with Mark ix. 7, and in multitudes of other places.
Now, all this needless variety of rendering must be very per-
plexing to an English reader, must often lead him to imagine
differences in the original which do not exist, and must go far
to deprive him of the advantage which might be derived from
comparing one passage in which a particular expression
^occurs with another in which the same word or phrase is_
employed.
' Unnecessary confounding of one Greek word with unotJrer in
trafislation has bee^t avoided. This is-the opposite error to that
which has just been noticed, and admits of large illustration
from the Authorized Version. Let the following examples
suflicie. Three different terms are alike translated " bright-
ness." The first occurs at Acts xxvi. 13 — " I saw in the way a
light from heaven above the bright7iess of the sun " — a per-
fectly correct translation. The second is found at 2 Thess.
\\. 8, " shall destroy with the brightness of his coming," and
this passage furnishes an instance of sheer mistranslation.
The word rendered " brightness " is in every other passage (i
Tim. vi. 14; Tit. ii. 13, etc.) translated "appearing," and should
always have some such, meaning assigned to it. The third
term occurs in the striking passage, Heb. i. 3, ** who being the
brightness of his glory," and is found nowhere else in the New-
Testament. It denotes the flashing forth of radiance, and not
a mere reflected splendor, as might be inferred from the
Authorized Version : it should therefore, be translated by some
such expression as " effulgence." Again, two very different
terms are alike translated " hell " in the Authorized Version^
and this sometimes grates very harshly on the reader. A bold
attempt has been made in the revised translation to escaipe
r
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT. 4^1
this result by transferring the word " Hades " into our lan-
guage, while " hell " is reserved for the other expression.
This attempt deserves to prove successful, as it serves to dis-
tinguish between the abode of the dead, or the region of dis-
embodied spirits, and the popular conception of hell. The
gain thus secured is strikingly seen in such verses as Acts ii.
27, 31, where it is almost dreadful to read of Christ's soul not
having been "left in hell." The meaning, of course, is that
he was not left in the region of the dead ; and the revised
translation therefore is, " Because thou wilt not leave my soul
in Hades, neither wilt thou give thy Holy One to see corrup-
tion." Once more, as is well known, two very different words
are alike translated *' beast " and " beasts " in the Book of
Revelation. The one simply denotes " living creature," while
the other is properly rendered " beast." The worst results
have followed from confounding them — from translating the
word which occurs, for instance, at Rev. iv. 6, by the same
term in our language as that which is found at xiii. i. It is»
indeed, simply horrible to read (chap. v. 14) that " the four
beasts said. Amen ;" and when the necessary corrections have
been made, as in the Revised Version, an English reader can-;,
not fail to have much additional pleasure in perusing the
Apocalypse.
Such, then, are a few illustrations of what has been done to
amend the English New Testament, both as respects text and
translation. And nov/ the question naturally suggests itself,
What is to be the fate of the Revised Version ? That is a ques-
tion which can, of course, be definitely answered only after
the Version has passed through the ordeal of public opinion.
But, judging by analogous cases in the past, there is little rea-
son to be sanguine as to the favorable reception which awaits
it, at least in the immediate present. We know how high the
Vulgate now stands in the estimation of the Church of Rome.
Well, that is substantially the revision of the Old Latin made
by St. Jerome in the fifth century. And how was his work
422 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
received when it appeared ? Why, it was condemned with the
greatest severity, and lie himself assailed with the utmost vir-
ulence, while the greatly improved version which he had pro-
duced did not obtain general acceptance in the church till
after a period of 200 years ! Think again how dear to every
one is now our existing Authorized Version, how proud we
are of its general faithfulness as well as its noble style, and
how attached to its sweet and solemn utterances. And how
^ was // ushered into the world ? Why, it lay neglected ai^d de-
spised for the first fifty years of its existence, while one of the
greatest scholars of the age declared that he " would rather
be torn in pieces by wild horses than impose such a version
on the poor churches of England"! How then can it be
expected that the new revision will escape the fate of those
which have preceded it ? The present writer well remembers
that when, as a Company of Revisers, we first took our seats
around the long table in the Jerusalem Chamber, the Bishop
of Gloucester and Bristol, who has throughout acted as chair-
man, plainly warned us not to be over-sanguine as to the im-
mediate success likely to attend our work. And he had
expressed the same thing previously in his " Considerations
on the Revision of the English Version of the New Testa-
ment." His words (p. 221), were :
Even with the most prospered issues, a generation must pass away ere the labors of
the present time^will be so far recognized as to take the place of the labors of the past.
The youngest scholar that may be called upon to bear his part in the great undertak-
ing will have fallen on sleep before the labors in which he may have shared will bo
regarded as fully bearing their hoped-for fruit. The latest survivor of the gathered
company will be resting in the calm of Paradise, ere the work at which he toiled will
meet with the reception which, by the blessing of Qod the Holy Ghost, it may ulti<.
mately be found to deserve. The bread will be cast upon the waters, but it will not be
found till after many days.
This may appear too despondent a view to take of the matter,
but it is certainly one which is confirmed by all past ex-
perience. The old words of Scripture, with which our ears
have been familiar from childhood, possess an indescribable
"harm, and w« can hardly be persuaded to part with them for
THE REVISED NEW TESTAMENT, ' 4^3
others, however more accurately these may represent the
original. But while this is so, there can, at the- same time,
be no doubt that the Revised Version will gradually win its
way to public acceptance, if it deserves to do so. Beyond all
question it will be subjected to a vast amount of criticism,
much of which will, doubtless, be intelligent, and not a little,
probably, the reverse. Considering the long time which lias
been taken in its preparation, and how many minds have
aided in suggesting the amendments which it embodies, there
seems little likelihood that anything new will emerge in the
discussions it may excite, anything, that is, which was not
considered by the Company. There is a well-known story
connected with the Authorized Version, to the effect that a
certain scholar sent the translators five reasons in favor of
a particular rendering, but was answered that they had
already had the suggestion before them, and had found fifteen
reasons for rejecting it. Something like this will, doubtless
occur again, and will combine with many other causes to
occasion delay in the acceptance of the Revised Version.
•Yet who can tell but, in these times of ours, when everything
is so rapidly accomplished, a favorable , reception may be
gained for this new edition of the English Testament at an
earlier date than its best friends now venture to anticipate ?
At any rate, the utmost confidence may be felt that no rash
changes have been made ; that every effort has been put forth
to render the work as faithful a transcript of the original as
possible ; that neither ecclesiastical nor theological prejudices
have been allowed the slightest influence in molding the
translation ; and that the one object aimed at has been to
cause the light of Divine truth to shine with a brighter luster
on the minds of those who are indebted for an acquaintance
with it solely to the English language.
Alexander Roberts, D. D., in Eraser's Magazine.
424 THE UBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
SIR DAVID BREWSTER AND SIR JOHN HERSCHEL.
Already, in these brief reminiscences, I have spoken of
divines, novelists, and essayists. Incidentially, allusion has
also been made to poets. The two distinguished masters of
physical philosophy whose names are written at the head of
the present paper, may well be taken as representatives of
the men of science with whom my earlier business projects
brought me into contact. In settling the programme of Grood
Words, the desirability of popularizing science was one of the
aims kept in view. I may now venture to say that this deal-
ing with scientific topics in the pages of a magazine which
was to be offered for Sunday as well as week-day reading, was
felt to have some riskiness about it. At least, there was need,
for care in selecting the writers. If it would be too much to
assert now, as it most certainly would be, that Science and
Religion are in Literature reconciled, it may at least be stated
that they are not so fiercely hostile as they were twenty years
ago. One might almost say that religious teachers and the
younger men of science then were in open feud. Mr. Darwin's
" Origin of Species " had just been published, and had caused
an excitement in the religious world which did more than
bring back the only half-abated tumult and heat arouseyd by
"The Vestiges of Creation." There is nothing issuing from
the press to-day approaching in polemical bitterness to the
loud debates of that stormier time. Darwinism survives, but
so also does religion ; and it then was thought by a good
many people that this double result was not possible. Some
of those, however, with whom I was then working, had hearts
too brave to fear for the future of Chiistianity.
" We cannot leave science out of the mag^ines," said Dr.
Norman Macleod to me in one of our preliminary talks. " And
there is no cause why we should do so. The thing to make
sure of is that Christianity is not left out of the science we
BREWSTER AND HERSCHEL, 425
put in. Thank God," he added, " we have Christian philos-
ophers still left among us, as the world always will have."
Dr. Macleod, I believe, had some acquaintance with the
Herschel family on Lady Herschel's side. He made applica-
tion to Sir John, and received a kind promise in the matter.
The appeal to Sir David Brewster fell to my lot; and I com-
municated with him, in the first instance, by letter. At this
time I had not removed from Edinburgh ; and, owing to his
connection with the University, I had opportunities from
time to time of seeing Sir David's easily-recognized figure.
I had not had the good fortune of being acquainted with him,
and only knew him by sight. By repute, of course, every-
body knew him. That held good, indeed, of Europe, no less
than of Britain. There is no scientific man to-day nearly so
popularly^ known as he was then. He was always coming
before the public in some fresh way, announcing some new
discovery. But to one who, like myself, had chosen publish-
ing for his business in life, Sir David Brewster was interest-
ing, not alone as the scientific discoverer and the academic
dignitary, but as the editor of a " Cyclopaedia," before the
long lines of the volumes of which I had often stood in ad-
miration. I was jiecessarily aware, too, of his far-back con-
nection with The Edinburgh Review and The North British
Review, for which latter publication I need not hesitate to
confess an early predilection. I very well remember the. kind
of professional gratification I felt when I, at length, found
myself in relation with one whose association with literature
included all the leading publications, and went back so far.
But I am hurrying on a little too quickly.
It was not until the spring of 1862 that I was honored by a
visit from Sir David at my office, immediately after his
earliest paper had appeared in Good Words. A partial break-
down in his health had delayed his writing for the magazine.
This first contribution attracted a good deal of public notice,
for it was entitled "The Facts and Fancies of Mr. Darwin/*
i26 THE LIBRAE V MA GAZINE.
and it was written with not a little of Sir David Brewster's
indsiveness of style. In the opening sentence he asserted
that Mr. Darwin's book contained " much valuable knowledge
and much wild speculation " ; and, as was natural, starting
from this point of view, the critic dwelt more upon the latter
division than the former. Nearly Sir David's Brewster*s first
words upon entering the room on the second floor of No. 42
George street, Edinburgh, which then formed my office, were,
" I hear that some of Mr. Darwin's friends think I used too
sharp language ; but I adhere to all I said. He is very clever,
but a surprisingly loose reasoner. A capital observer ; I fully
admit that." Sir David went on to speak very kindly of the
magazine, and unhesitatingly condemned some of the op-
position it was then meeting with in certain religious quar-
ters. Science and religion, he repeated several times during
the interview, must be one, since each dealt with Truth, which
had only one and the same Author. His aged face lighted
up with wonderful fire as he asked, " Did Newton ever doubt
it, or was he a smaller man than some of these we have now.^
But who is it who demurs to-day ? Not Herschel, not Fara-
day." Most assuredly, I thought to myself, it was not Sir
David Brewster who did so, for the light of faith was visible
in his eyes as he spoke. It was the light of faith touched
with just some sparkles of the flame of battle. For the
prompt combativeness of the strong man, which had rendered
his career often stormy as well as nearly always triumphant,
and which age had only slackened not extinguished, made
itself seen and felt in the first passages of even fragmentary
talk. But again and again, as I more fully learned later, his
speech could soften into a fine restraint : there came X pla-
cidly gentle expression into the eyes ; and the veteran
losopher's manners took on a courtliness which bore witn^
to his wide social experience.
Before the interview ended, I found that Sir David had
bethought himself of the Human Eye as a likely subject for
Lpia-
BREWSTER AND IJERSCHEL, 4^7
one or two articles for Good Words ; and it was to mention
this that he. had so kindly taken the trouble to climb my stair-
case. He promised to supply the first paper for the March
number of the magazine. He continued for some little time to
talk upon a variety of subjects, his full mind seeming easily
to well over into fluent conversation on any matter for which
the slightest of cues happened to offer. As I listened I could
not help thinking that the speaker carried you back in his
career, to times and persons that supreme celebrity had long
since made historic. The venerable man before me — he was
then in his eighty-first year, — had talked with La Place ; he
had seen Cuvier; been introduced to Lamarck. But though
the four-score years had bent his shoulders a little, and worn
the.figure into what I fear must be called gauntness, drying
his visage and stamping it with wrinkles, he was arranging,
with ah enthusiasm not unbefitting youth, for fresh papers to
appear in a newly-started cheap popular monthly periodical.
He wrote two articles on the Eye, the second being printed in
Good Words for August, 1862. The precise titles were, "The
Eye : Its Structure and Powers ; " and " The Human Eye * Its
Phenomena and Illusions." It is nearly superfluous to say that
the papers were models of scientific exposition, giving the
exactest information in the easiest, most readable style. Any
one may refer to them to-day with pleasure and advantage.
In the meantime we removed our business from Edinburgh
to London, and I had no further personal intercourse with
Sir David in Scotland. But I had not been very long settled
in my new quarters before he, on visiting town, again looked
in upon me. Subsequently I had the favor of several calls
from him there ; and he went on writing for the magazine
rHiring 1863, he contributed two papers ; the first of these,
siMjublished in the January number, being on ** The Character-
^Vics of the Age." It was full of pleasant banter, deriding
d try skillfully a number of semi-scientific crazes just then
r iaking a great stir in London and other places. But in the
t
428 ^^ .' THE. LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
issue for October, he took in hand a more serious topic, one
which he had much at heart, as the suggester of the " built-
up " lens for use in lighthouses was likely to have, viz., "The
Life-boat and its Work." Once again, and only once, did Sir
David use his pen for Good Words in a paper entitled " Life
in a Drop of Water," published in February, 1864. I cannot
resist the temptation to quote the concluding paragraph of
the article, for it appeared to me at the time, and does so still,
to be a good specimen of Sir David's style at its best, and very
remarkable indeed, remembering the years whigh he had
reached : —
" Whatever difference of opinion may exist respecting the
origin of animalcular life, there is but one opinion about its
universal diffusion. In the lower atmosphere in which we
live, the air is full of particles, mineral and vegetable, from
Nubstances injurious to health, and of millions of animalcules
?)orn and bred in putrid marshes, and in the countless charnel-
houses of civilization. Neither power, nor wealth, nor science,
can purify the air which they poison, nor strangle the scor-
pions which that poison breeds. The storm that changes our
aerial food may leave us in a less salubrious atmosphere, and
the zephyr breath even, that wafts to us the perfumes of sum-
mer, may mingle with them the malaria through which they
have passed. The thunderbolt from above may precipitate in
meteorites the solid particles in the atmosphere ; but the as-
cending lightning-stroke again carries them upward, from the
metalliferous rocks around us. The cunning of the chemist
cannot throw down the poison that twinkles in the sunbeams,
or slay the vampires that swarm under our roofs. In the
meadows, and on the heath or the river sid j, and on the gran-
ite peaks, in the day and in the night, in our food and in our
drink, we cannot escape from the atoms of poison which we
breathe, and the legions of swarming, crawling, and whirling
life which are ever at work within us, and without us, and aroofid
us. The epidemics which are ever filling our homes, with
BREWSTER AND HERSCHEL. 429
mourning, are doubtless the slow and the sudden growth of
these deleterious visitants. The lance and the leech cannot
cope with them ; and all the correctives in the pharmacopoeia
are equally powerless. There is no relief but in resignation^
no comfort but in the true anodyne of life, — ^Thy Will be
Do'NE."
Sir David's long life did not reach its end until 1869; but
his age, and the repeated public reports of weakening health,
made it impossible to urge appeals for further contributions.
Again and again, however, expressions of his continued in-
terest in the magazine reached the office indirectly. Very
gratefully I bear testimony to the punctuality and consider-
ateness in every way which he showed in reference to his
contributions. If any writer had good justification for asking
postponement or for causing inconvenience by not adhering
to understandings as to amount of space, it surely was Sir
David Brewster, at his time of life, and with a mind surcharged
on what he was writing. But he was just the one who made
no excuse, required no indulgence. Every one of the promises
he made was kept to the moment, fulfilled to the letter. I
was much surprised when he one day, in reply to a compli-
mentary remark on this score, said, " It costs me a good many
pains to write against time." But I learned afterwards, from
those who had opportunities of observing his working habits,
that this really was so, and that, though he was always ready
for experimental study, he had a tendency to put off any piece
of writing to the last moment. How he managed to combine
precise punctuality with that impulse I cannot tell, but I know
that he did 'succeed in doing it. His manuscript was very
legibly penned, and in revising for the press he made little
alteration : there was every mark of great care being taken
with the original composition. On the last occasion, or the
last but one, of his talking with me, he said,
" Go on giving the people full, true information about the
facts of the world, and it is impossible that better knowledge
430 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
of it can finally .leave men ignorant of the Maker of the
world."
I bethought myself of that when he was finally laid to rest,
full alike of years and honors, in the shadow of Melrose
Abbey, feeling assured that even his learning had then been
added to, and that his knowledge had at last become perfect.
But so far I have confined myself to one of the two names
prefixed to this paper. During these years, the magazine had
another scientific contributor, whose fame in some respects
outshone that of Brewster himself. Sir John Herschel, the
second — or, if we reckon, as we well may do, his aunt Caro-
line, the third — of the family dynasty, the inheritor of his
father's genius as well as his honors, could not, it is true,
point to the same multiformity of popular achievement as his
great northern contemporary, the inventor of the kaleido-
scope, and I know not what else, but his wonderful successes
in his own loftier, stiller, more solemn field, and an unequaled
brilliancy of literary style, caused him to be regarded in Eng-
land in those days as the very sun of the world of science,
though Faraday and Whewell were yet above the horizon.
I have already mentioned that he kindly yielded to the
appeal Dr. Macleod made to him, immediately after Good
Words started, to become a contributor to its pages. But the
carrying out of this welcome promise was in some way hin-
dered month after month, so that the first paper from his pen
did not actually appear until just a year after Sir David Brew-
ster's earliest contribution. The precise date was January,
1863. It was an article entitled " About Volcanoes and Earth-
quakes, "* and he followed it up with a second essay on the
same subject next month. In the first of these papers was
given a most lucid exposition of the causes of the phenomena ;
in the other was supplied an admirably condensed history of
the more notable among the recorded catastrophes. A few
days after the second paper appeared in print, I made my first
personal acquaintance with the distinguished writer of thenu
BREWSTER AND HERSCHEL. * \^ 431
It was, I remember, a dull afternoon when the name of Sir
John Herschel was unexpectedly announced in the inner
room of my office. I hurried forward to receive him with all
possible respect, and my first sight of the visitor gave me a
gentle, not unpleasant, but still a distinct shock of surprise.
I saw standing in the dimly-lighted doorway, as it might be in
the frame of a picture, a small, finely-shaped old man, wearing
on his head a black velvet skull-cap, from beneath which fell,
in a loose straggling way, long locks of snow-white hair. His
face, which had the placid worn look of age, was made very
striking by large lustrous eyes, above which the expansive
brow rose deeply furrowed by countless wrinkles. It was like
receiving a guest from another time, one who brought with
him the atmosphere of past generations. Indeed, if I must
quite convey the impression I got during the first seconds of
his unlooked-for presence, I think I must say that I was rather
reminded of one of the ancient alchemists than of our-modern
men of science. But very quickly this sense of a picturesque
unusualness of dress and appearance merged into an apprecia-
tion of a strict fitness in it all. Sir John Herschel's bearing,
even under his weight of years, was grace itself, and the most
ordinary remarks falling from his lips had a certain polish of
diction. A little foreignness of aspect and manner seemed to
me to cling to him throughout, but our interview had not
advanced very far before I mentally put away my first thought
of the alchemist, and was quite ready to substitute for it the
notion of one of the old scholarly Venetian nobles.
" I was passing," he kindly explained, " and I felt that I
must call and thank you." (Some little act of service had
l>een done him ; if I recollect rightly the sending of copies of
tlie magazine to friends of his whose names he had supplied.)
" But, besides that, I wanted to say to you, as well as to Dr.
Macleod, how glad I am to find myself in such good company
in your pages."
He went on to speak in words of high praise of several
432 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
well-known contributors, who happened to be among the
writers in the last number of the magazine. I had to submit
to a keen, though very courteously-conducted cross-examina-
tion as to the position of the periodical, its early obstacles,
and pur means and modes of distributing it. Some of Sir
John's remarks on particular articles which had appeared in
Good Words, ranging from the very beginning of it, showed
that his saying that he had watched its progress with interest
was not a compliment merely.
" I am not a very young man," he finally said, shaking his
head with a sad smile, " and I must not make large promises ;
but 1 have planned several papers, if I am spared to write
them. You may depend upon my doing what I can."
The expectations thus raised were not disappointed, for he
contributed to the April issue of Gk>od Words a magnificent
paper on " The Sun." It was the proper theme for the man
who had once said, " My first love was Light," and he made
its treatment worthy of it and of himself. He summarized
the recent discoveries as to the great orb down to the very
latest announcement, evidently rejoicing in the advances
which younger men were making on the splendid investiga-
tions of his father and himself. During the same year (1863),
Sir John Herschel furnished two more papers,- both dealing
with the subject of " Comets." Every one of his contribu-
tions showed his special power of bringing recondite knowl-
edge down to the level of the common understanding ; and.
at the same time, his no less unfailing characteristic of mixing
lofty speculation with the most laboriously-minute expounding.
A striking instance of this occurs to me as I write. On his
returning the proof of the second article on " Comets," it was
found that he had added a footnote containing ahint which,
if worked out into all its details, must of necessity greatly
modify the fundamental conception of the physical universe.
In the body of the paper he had occasion to speak of ,two^
kinds of matter, one of which he styles " levitating/' asopposedl
t
BREWSTER AND HERSCHEL, _^ ' 433
to ^* gravitating." The npte goes on to say, " But the existence
of a rej)ulsive force, somehow operated, remains unco'itro-
verted. . . . All this supposes a real existence of " electricity "
as a things an entity having forces but devoid of inertia^ which
ideas if we once consent to detach from each other, we are
landed in a new region of metaphysical as well as dynamical
speculation, and may be led to conceive the possible exist-
ence of a transferable cause of force distinct alike from force
and from matter." (The italics are Sir John Herschel's own.)
In times when " force " is a term so largely used, it may be
worth while recalling that this experienced philosopher had a
glimpse of a conception more ultimate still, and which he
believed he could apply in the explanation of physical phe-
nomena. His lofty imagination always shot new light through
the topic he was handling. Whether he is speaking of the
distance and velocity of magnificent Sirius or of the measure-
ment of " the standard British inch," he plays with the theme
in a way which alternately makes the large small and the
small large.
In this last remark I have unawares anticipated mention of
Sir John's fi??al contributicjp to Good Words ; it was a paper
with the title "Celestial Measurings and Weighings," and
appeared in June, 1864. The thoughtful reader will thank me
for quoting a fine imaginative passage, in which the veteran
astronomer may be thought to sum up, with his owi> eloquence,
his life-long telescopic searchings of the heavens : —
"Practically speaking, the material universe must be re-
garded as infinite, seeing that we can perceive no reason
which can place any bounds to the farther extension of that
principle of systematic subordination which we have traced
to a certain extent, and which combines in its fullest concep-
tion a unity of plan and a singleness of result with an unlim-
ited multiplicity of subordinated individuals, groups, systems,
and families of systems. Thus it by no means follows that all
those objects which stand classed under the general designa-
434 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
tion of * nebulae ' or clusters of stars, and of which the num-
ber already known amounts to upwards of five thousand, are
objects (looked upon from this point of view) of the same
order. Among those dim and mysterious existences, w^hich
only a practiced eye, aided by a powerful telescope, can pro-
nounce to be something different from minute stars, may, for
anything we can prove to the contrary, he included systems
of a higher order than that which comprehends all our nebulae
properly such) reduced by immensity of distance to the very
last limit of visibility. And this conceptions^ we may remark,
affords something like a reasonable answer to those who
have assumed an imperfect transparency oi the celestial spaces
on the ground that, but for some such cause, the whole celes-
tial vault ought to blaze with solar splendor, seeing that in no
direction of the visual ray, if continued far enough, would it
fail to meet with a star. . . .
" Such a speculation as this just mentioned may possibly
appear irrelevant. But it must be remembered that it is
LIGHT, and the free communication of it from the remotest
regions of the uniyerse, which alone can give, and does fully
give us, the assurance of a uniform and all-pervading energy
— a mechanism almost beyond conception^ at once complex,
minute, and powerful, by which that influence, or rather that
movement, is propagated. Our evidence for the existence of
gravitation fails us beyond the region of the double stars, or
leaves us at best only a presumption amounting to conviction
in its favor. But the argument for a unity of design and
action afforded by light stands unweakened by distance, and
is 'co-extensive with the universe itself."
1 wish that I was able to recall more fully than I am Sir John
Herschel's conversation at the interviews with which he from
time to time favored me. During one of the talks, some
allusion was made to Africa, and a fair opening arose for
mentioning his famous labors at the Cape. It was surprising
to see the quicl^ enthusiasm with which his mind carried him
BRE WSTER AND HERSCHEL, 43 5
back to the southern hemisphere, whose glittering constella-
tions he was the first learnedly to track. On several occa-
sions, he spoke of the supposed opposition between science
and religion, and always repudiated the notion. I remember
he firmly insisted that in the end theology would gain by
successful physical investigation, making our knowledge of
the Deity's operations more definite. This prospect of intel-
lectual advancement seemed to him to promise spiritual pro-
gress. Anjrthing that theology lost, he said, would be simply
non-essentials, founded on mistake, arising from ignorance,
and really hurtful to spiritual life, not helpful to it. One of
his remarks was this, — " Science will teach man how God deals
with him physically in this world, and, as he learns both the -
wisdom and the love of the methodOjf^such dealing, man can-
not but know and love his Maker and'Ruler better." Through-
out, his speech on these matters was, as all acquainted with
his writings would expect, that of the older generations of
philosophical thinkers, Brewster, Faraday, Whewell, whose
knowledge most assuredly added to their faith, not detracted
from it.
I had the privilege ct seeing Sir John Herschel two or three
times after the appearance of his latest paper, and on each
occasion his unwearied mind was pr(/mptly willing to project
fresh contributions to the magazi ne. But it was too much to
hope for. I, indeed, now a little wonder at the courage
required for the application alike to him and to Sir David
Brewster to take up their pens at their time of life. The spec-
tacle of these two patriarchs of science, one turned eighty
years of age, and the other not very much younger, writing
side by side in the pages of a sixpenny magazine, with no
other motive than the wish to increase knowledge among the
people, seems to me even more impressive looked back upon
now than it did then. Not a little of the credit of the modern
popularization of physical science is fairly due to these two
great men. ^
43^ ^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
I always remember them together, for when in personal
communication with either of them, I was in some way made
to think of the other. In appearance, in manner, and in the
modes of their relation to the public, they were very different ;
you might almost term them contrasts. One was combatant,
ready always to champion science in front of the world, the
founder of a " British Association " for its promotion ; the
other, though the most widely-traveled savant of his time, was
elegant, preferring quiet, working in privacy. But on one
point they were alike, and the palm must be equally divided
between them, — ^that is, their eager desire to scatter wide
among the multitude the knowledge which they so laboriously
won.
It is a lasting gratification to have been, owing to the acci-
dents of one's own career, a little helpful to them in their
great task.
Alexander Strahan, in The Day of Rest.
CHARLES DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR.
The figure of the amiable, accomplished, and ever-to-be-
regretted Charles Dickens has been brought before us " even
in his habit as he lived," with abundance of detail and color.
Mr. Forster's complete and admirable biograj>hy, done with
the taste and workmanlike finish of a true " man of letters,"
will be more and more esteemed as the time from hi§ death
lengthens. Objection was indeed taken to the biographer
accompanying his hero about as closely as Bos well did John-
son ; but this really brought before the world much that would
otherwise have been lost or unseen;. and in the last volume^
where the author seems to have accepted this criticism and to
have become historical, there is a sensible loss of dramatic
-nvidness. Lately the world has received the closing c(4^0i
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR, " 437
tion of hisietters, edited by Miss Hogarth and Miss Dickens,
and set off with a graphic and most pleasing commentary
whose only fault is that of being too short. Here his gaiete
de coeur, his unflagging spirit, wit, and genial temper, are
revealed in the most striking way.
There is, however, one view of him which has scarcely been .
sufficiently dealt with — namely, his relations with his literary
brethren and friends, as editor and otherwise. These exhibit
him in a most engaging light, and will perhaps be a surprise
even to those abundantly familiar with his amiable and gra-
cious ways.
In the old Household Words days, the " place of business "
was at a charming little miniature office in Wellington Street —
close to the stage door of the (xaiety Theater. It seemed all
bow window; at least, its two stories — it had only two — ^were
thus bowed. The drawing-room floor seemed a sunshiny,
cheerful place to work in. This is now the workshop of
another magazine, the Army and Navy. But I always pass it
with respect and affection. I never came away from it with-
out taking with me something pleasing.
Often, about eleven o'clock, he was to be seen tramping
briskly along the Strand, coming from Charing Cross station,
fresh ifrom his pleasant country place in Kent, keen and ready
for the day's work, and carrying his little black bag full of
proofs and MS. That daily journey from Higham station,
with the drive to it in his little carriage or wisk car, took full
an hour each way, and was a serious slice out of his time.
It is always a problem to me why business men, to whom
moments are precious, should be thus prodigal in time devoted
to traveling — coming from Brighton and returning at head-
long speed. At Bedford Street, by the bootmaker's shop, he
would turn out of the Strand — ^those in the shops he passed
-would know his figure well, and told me after his death how
they missed this familiar apparition — ^and would then post
along, in the same brisk stride through Maiden Lane, past
43^ THE LIBR4Ry MAGAZINE,
" Rule's," where he often had his oyster, through Tavistock
Street, till he emerged in Wellington Street, the last house he
passed before crossing being "Major Pitt's," the hatter's.
This mention of " Major Pitt " suggests that it was always-
pleasant to see what pride the tradesmen took in having him
for a customer, and what alacrity they put to his service, or to
Qblige him in any way. This I believe was really owing to his
charming hearty manner, ever courteous, cordial, and zealous ;
his cheery fashion of joking or jest, which was irresistible.
The average tradesman has small sympathy or intelligence
for the regular literary man. It is sometimes caviare, indeed,
to them.
Our writer, however, was a serious personality of living
flesh and bl6od, and would have made his "way in life under
any condition. His extraordinary charm of manner, never
capriciously changed, the smile and laugh always ready — the
sympathy, too, that rises before me, and was really unique — I
can call no one to mind that possessed or possesses it now in
the same degree. Literary men, as a rule, have a chilliness as
regards their brethren ; everyone is more or less working'for
his own hand. Yet, few men had more anxious responsibili-
ties or troubles to disturb them, or so much depending upon
them as he had in many ways. I believe the number of people
who were always wanting '* something done for them," either
in the shape of actual money advances, or advice, or produc-
tions " to be taken," or to be seen, or to have their letters
answered, or who desired letters from him in their interests,
was perfectly incredible. Many a man takes refuge in a com-
plete ignoring of these worries, which would require a life to
attend to. An eminent and highly popular man of our own
day, who is thus persecuted, has adopted this latter mode, and
rarely takes notice of a letter from a friend or stranger, unless
he is so minded to do. He is strictly in his right. You are
no more bound to reply to persons that do not know you, than
you are to acknowledge the attentions of an organ-grinder
—ho plays for an hour before your window.
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR* S CHAIR. 439
Another little Household Words tradition was this : The
"chief" himself always wrote with blue ink on blue paper.
His was a singularly neat and regular hand, really artistic in
its conception, legible, yet not very legible to those unfamiliar
with it. Here, as in everything else, was to be noted the
perfect finish, as it might be styled, of his letter-writing — the
disposition of the paragraphs, even the stopping, the use of
capitals, all showing artistic knowledge, and conveying ex-
cellent and valuable lessons. His " copy " for the printers,
written as it is in very small hand, much crowded, is trying
enough to the eyes, but the printers never found any diffi-
culties. It was much and carefully corrected, and wherever
there was an erasure, it was done in thorough fashion, so that
what was effaced could not be read. Nearly all the band
followed his example in writing in blue ink and on blue paper,
and this for many years; but not without inconvenience.
For, like the boy and his button described by Sir Walter
Scott, the absence of paper or ink of the necessary color af-
fected the ideas, and one worked under serious disabilities,
strangeness, etc. Another idiosyncrasy of his was writing the
day of the month in full, as "January twenty-sixth.'*
It is in his relations with writers in his periodical, and, in-
deed, in all connections with his " literary brethren," as he
modestly called them, that this amiable and engaging man
appears to the most extraordinary advantage. As I read over
his many letters on those points, I am amazed at the good-
natured allowance,^ the untiring good humor, the wish to
please and make pleasant, the almost deference, the modesty
in one of his great position as head, perhaps, of all living
writers — ^to say nothing of his position as director of the
periodical which he kindled with his own perpetual inspira-
tions. There was ever the same uniform good nature and
ardor, the eagerness to welcome and second any plan, a re-
luctance to dismiss it, and this done with apologies ; all, too,
in the strangest contrast to the summary and plain-spoken
440 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
fashion of the ordinary editor. I fancy this view has scarcely
been sufficiently brought out in all the numerous estimates
of this most charming of men. And, at the risk of some in-
trusion of my own concerns, I shall be enabled to show him
in even a more engaging and attractive Tight. The various
accounts have scarcely been concerned with this side of his
character.
This patient interest should, in these editorial matters, be-
come more wonderful when it is considered that his position
as head of an important periodical made him a marked figure
for importunity. Many of his friends were tempted to become
*" 1 iterary." They even had their friends who desired to become
liteniry, and under pressure would introduce to this great
writer immature and unprofitable efforts which he had to put
aside with what excuses he could. Then there were his
" literary brethren," each with his " novel " or short paper,
which it would occur to him some morning " he would send
off to Dickens." These had to be considered, and his good
nature or courtesy drawn upon. As for the general herd of
scribblers, the postman on " this beat " could give due account
of the packages of MS. that daily arrived. It was no wonder
that he had to compose a sort of special circular answer,
whicli was duly lithographed and returned with their pro-
ductions to the various candidates. I believe every com-
position was seriously glanced at, and some estimate made —
and many an obscure clever girl was surprised to find her
efforts appreciated. The usual rejection-form was as fol-
lows : —
SiTt— 1 ^"^ requested by Mr. Charles Dickens to express his regret that he cannot
ACCl^pt the contribution you have had the goodness to offer him for insertion in this peri-
od leaJ, bo many manuscripts are forwarded to this office, that Mr. Dickens trusts it is
Ciuly necessary to.suggest to you the impossibility of its business being transacted, if a
speeEa! tetter of explanation were addressed to every correspondent whose proffered
wiJ IS deetiiiedt But he wishes me to convey to you the assurance, — firstly, that yo"^
favnt hoi beet! honestly read, and secondly, that it is always no less a pleasure to mlftto
tha» jt Ls htis interest to avail himself of any contributions that are, in his judgment, ^^
suU&d to the requirements of Household Words. ^
The band of writers he assembled round him and inspired x
\
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR, 441
was certainly remarkable. There was Hollingshead, incisive,
wonderful in collecting facts where abuses were concerned,
and putting his facts into vigorous downright English. Hi*
strokes always told, and a little paper of his, conceived in this
spirit, entitled " Give us More Room," a simple subject, was
copied at length into the Times, and from the Times into othei
papers. There was Moy Thomas, now the pleasant writer o:
the Monday " Causeries " in the Daily News. There was Wal*
ter Thornbury, with his extraordinary knowledge of London
antiquities and curious " out-of-the-way " reading, an explorer
of old " wynds " and alleys, from " Bookseller's Row " to Red
Lion Square ; very dainty in his taste, as his quaint bookplates,
designed for him by Mr. Marks, show. He had great anti-
quarian knowledge, and yet, odd to say, a facile dramatic and
unantiquarian style. There was also the amiable Charles Cc!^
lins — our '* Conductor's " son-in-law — a man of a quiet, pleas-
ant humor with a flavor of his own, and heartily liked by his
friends. He had a remarkably sweet disposition, though
sorely tried by perpetual ill health. His humor was stimulated
by the companionship of his father-in-law, and took somewhat
the same cast. For instance, when he was appointed, during
one of the great exhibitions, to the odd function — but that era
of exhibitions engendered all sorts of fantastic things — of
making a collection of all the existing newspapers of the
kingdom, the oddities that cropped up during this duty tickled
his fancy and that of his friends hugely. He noted that the
smaller and more obscure the place, the grander and more
commanding was the title of its organ — witness, The Skib-
bereen Eagle, a name that gave him much delight. Writing
he delighted in, but, by a cruel fate, it was a labor, if of love
yet accompanied by something like torture. Every idea or
sentence was wrung from him as he said, like drops of blood.
Neither ideas nor words would flow. His "Cruise upon
\ Wheels," a record of a journey along the French roads in a
gig> is a most charming travel-book, in which his quaint humor
t
'442 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
is well shown. The late Andrew Halliday was another useful
writer that could be depended on to gather hard facts, and set
them out when gathered in vivacious style. He enjoyed a
fixed substantial salary — ^think of that, ye occasional "con*
tributors " — and I have seen him arrive in his hansom with his
formal list of " subjects " for treatment, which were carefully
gone through, debated, ahd selected. He afterwards made
play-writing his regular vocation, but was cut off in his prime*
like many a writer. There was Parkinson and there was Pro*,
fessor Morley ; above al], there was the always brilliant George
Augustus Sala, perhaps the only writer in periodicals who
writes a distinctly original style, with personality and unflag-
ging vivacity. I have not space to dwell on his merits hercv
but I may at least confess to looking with a sort of wistful
envy at his exquisite penmanship, that seems never to depar*.
from one steady standard of excellence. The surprising neat-
ness and clear picturesqueness of his calligraphy is the delight;
of compositors, as with humiliation I have to confess that
mine is their despair. Indeed, I may make a clean breast pf it
and further own that on one journal of enormous circulation
the men demanded, and obtained, extra pay "for setting Mr.
's copy.** As I write, the old Household Words — a title
infinitely superior to All the Year Round — is revived by the
old editor's son, a capable, energetic, and clever man, who has
pushed his way with success. One of the old guild thus
writes of the new venture in the Daily News : —
One function of the original Household Words, as of its legitimate successor, AH
the Year Round, has proved to be that of ushering in new claimants to a place in the
world of literature and journalism. The great position enjoyed by Dickens in the
literary world, his early and intimate connection with newspaper work as a man ** in
the gallery," and his genial and helpful nature, attracted a crowd of aspirants around
him. He was immeasurably more infested than ever was Pope by *' frantic poetess **
and " rhyming peer," and the "parson much bemused with beer" was assuredly not
wanting. Out of this crowd of claimants he chose his " young men " with the sldll of
a born leader, and helped them on by tongue and pen, by shrewd counsel, and fierce
*' cutting " of their articles. If he had any fault, it was in the good nature which p^;^
vented him from crushing unhappy creatures, doubtless well fitted for every pureuK^
but that of letters ; and who were induced to persevere by his mistaken kindness, to
'heir own ultimate sorrow and discomfiture. Some had written much or kittle before
i
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S C^AIR: 443
tkey came to him, but the fact remains that it was under his leadership that they
achieved reputation. Beneath the banner upheld by Charles Dickens and his faithful
friend, th^ late Mr. W. H. Wills, marched a brilliant array of writers, if not quite of
the Titanic proportions of the early contributors to Fraser's Magazine, yet noteworthy
by their brilliant success in the new periodical. Mr. Wilkie Collins had previously
written fiction, but his most famous work, " The Woman in White," appeared in
H >usehold Words. The late Mr. Qharles Collins was actually egged on by " the
Chief " into writing hb remarkable ^^ Eye Witness," and other papers. Mr. Sala's
** Key of the Street '* unlocked "for him the avenue to his successful career; and Mr.
Grenville Murray spreads his wings as " The Roving Englishman," and made his
mark by a Aerce attack on the late Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, whom he satirized as
** Sir Hector Stubble." Mr. Edmund Yates's best novel, " Black Sheep,'' and scores
of his best articles, appeared in the journal " conducted by Charles Dickens," as did
Lord Lytton's '* Strange Story ; " as well as " Hard Times," '* Great Expectations,"
the " Uncommercial Traveler," and a regiment of Christmas stories by the hand of
the master himself. Among the writers of poems and stories, short and long, essays
and descriptions, are the well-known names of Harriet Martineau, Mrs. Gaskell, Peter
C/unningham, Miss Jewsbury, John Forster, Albert Smith, James Hannay, and Mark
Lemon.
The time when " the Christmas Number " had to be got
ready was always one of pleasant expectancy and alacrity. It
was an object for all to have a seat in a " vehicle " which
traveled every road and reached the houses of a quarter of a
million persons. With his usual conscientious feeling of duty
to the public, he labored hard, first, to secure a good and telling
idea ; and second, to work it out on the small but effective
scale with which he had latterly grown unfamiliar, owing to his
habit of dealing with large canvases. Hence the labor was in
proportion, and at last became so irksome that he gave the
place up altogether, though it must have been a serious loss
of profit. Frappez vite et frappez fort, was the system. I
remember his sajang, when complaining of this tax, " I have
really put as much into Mrs. Lirriper as would almost make a
novel." He himself generally supplied a framework and a
couple of short stories, and the rest was filled in by "other
hands." I have myself furnished two in a single number.
As the time drew near, a pleasantly welcome circular went
forth to a few of the writers of the journal ; the paragraphs
of which, as they exhibit his lighter touches, will be welcome.
They show, too, the matter-of-fact, business-like style in which
the matter was conceived and carried out.
444- THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
In inviting you to contribute to our Christmas Number, I beg to send you JAx,
Dickens's memorandum of the range that may be taken thb year. You will see that
it is a wide one. ,
The slight leading notion of the Number being devised with a view to placing as
little restriction as possible on the fancies of my fellow-writers in it, there is again no
limitation as to scene or first person or third person ; nor is any reference to the season
of the year essential.
It is to be observed that the tales are not supposed to be narrated to any audience,
but are supposed to be in writing. How they come to be in writing requires no ac-
counting for whatever. Nothing to which they refer can have happened within
seven years. If any contribution should be of a kind that would derive any force or
playfulness, or suggestiveness of any sort, from the pretense that it is incomplete —
that the beginning is not there, or the end, or the middle, or any other portion — the
pretense will be quite consistent with the general idea of the Number.
On another anniversary the circular ran : —
Your tale may be narrated cither in the first or in the third person — may be serious Or
droll — may be told by an individual of either sex, and of any station. It is not es-
sential to lay the scene of action in England (tho' the tale is told in England), and no
reference whatever to Christmas is desired.
The tale is supposed to be related by wqrd of mouth to a man who has retired Trom
the world and shut himself tip moodily, gloomily, and dirtily. Generally it should
have some latent bearing^y implication on the absurdity of such a proceeding — on the
dependence of mankind upon one another — and on the wholesome influences of the
gregarious habits of humanity.
A third was to this effect : —
The tales may be in the first person or in the third, and may relate to any season or
period. They may be supposed to be told to an audience or to the reader, or to be
penned by the writer without knowing how they will come to light. How they come
to be told at all does not require to be accounted for. If they could express some new
resolution formed, some departure from an old idea or course that was not quite
wholesome, it might be better for the general purpose. Yet even this is not indis-
pensable.
The following was more elaborate : —
An English trading-ship (with passengers aboard), bound for California, is supposed
to have got foul of an iceberg, and becomes a wreck. The crew and passengers, not
being very many in number, and the captain being a cool man with his wits about him,
one of the boats was hoisted out and some stores were got over the side into her before
the ship went down. Then all hands, with a few exceptions, were got into the boat
— an open one — and they got clear of the wreck, and put their trust in God.
The captain set the course and steered, and the rest rowed by spells when the sea
was smooth enough for the use of the oars. They had a sail besides. At sea in the
open boat for many days and nights, with the prospect before them of being swamped
by any great wave, or perishing with hunger, the people in the boat began, after a
while, to be horribly dispirited. The captain, remembering that the narration of stories
had been attended with great success on fonper occasions of similar disasters, in pre*
venting the shipwrecked persons' minds from dwelling on the horrors of their condition,
proposed that such as could tell anything to the rest should tell it. So the stories are
introduced.
The adventures narrated need not of necessity have happened in all ca.nes to the
^>eople in the boat themselves. Neither does it matter wlwther they are tokl in the
w
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR. 44S
. first or in the third person. The whole narrative of the wreck will be given hy the
captain to the reader in introducing the stories, also the final deliverance of the
people. There are persons of both sexes in the boat. The writer of any story may
suppose any sort of person — or none, if that be all — as the captain will identify him it
need be. But among the wrecked there might naturally be the mate, the cook, the
carpenter, the armorer (or worker in iron), the boy, the bride passenger, the bride-
groom passenger, the sister passenger, the brother passenger, the mother or father
passenger-, or son or daughter passenger, the runaway passenger, the child passenger,
the old seaman, the toughest of the crew, etc., etc.
This was the skeleton or ribs of " The Wreck of the Golden
Mary/' which, had extraordinary success, though some critics
were merry on the idea of the suffering passengers having to
listen to such long narratives — one adding, that he wondered
that it did not precipitate the catastrophe.
Another was more general : —
Mr. Pickens is desirous that each article in the new year's number of Household
Words shall have reference to something new^ and I beg to ask you to assist us iu pro-
ducing a paper expressive of that always desirable quality.
I can give you no better hint of the idea than the roughest notion of what one or
two of the titles of the papers might be : A New Country ; A New Discovery (in
science, art, or social life) ; A New Lover ; A New Play, or Actor, or Artress ; A New
Boy.
Your own imagination will doubtless suggest a topic or a story which would har-
monize with the plan.
Yet one more : —
In order that you may be laid under as little constraint as possible, Mr. Dickens
-wishes to present the requirements of the number, in the following general way : —
A story of adventure — that is to say, involving some adventurous kind of interest —
would be best adapted to the design. It may be a story of travel or battle, or im-
prisonment, or escape, or shipwreck, or peril of any kind — peril from storm, or from
being benighted or lost ; or peril from fire or water. It m?iy relate to sea or land. It
may be incidental to the life of a soldier, sailor, fisherman, miner, grave-digger, en-
gineer, explorer, peddler, merchant, servant of either sex, or any sort of watcher— from
a man in a lighthouse, or a coastguardsman, to an ordinary night nurse. There is no
necessary limitation as to the scene, whether abroad or at home ; nor as to the time,
within a hundred years. Nor is it important whether the story be narrated in the first
person or ia the third. Nor is there any objection to its being founded on some ex-
pedition.
In connection with this matter, I may say, that nothing
was more delightful than the unrestrained way in which he
confided his plans about his own stories, or discussed others
connected with mine ; imparting quite a dramatic interest and
color to what might, as mere business details have been, left
to his deputy.
44^ , THE LIBRA'R Y MA GAZINE.
Once, iu a little town in Wales, I had seen a quaint local
museum, formed by an old ship captain, who had collected
odds and ends of his profession, mostly worthless ; much like
what is described in " Little Pedlington." The oddest feature
was the garden, in whidh he had planted various figure-heads
. ot vessels, Dukes of York and others, who gazed on the
visitors with an extraordinary stare ; half ghastly, half gro-
tesque. This seems to furnish a hint for the machinery of one
of his Christmas stories, and was suggested to him.
That notion of the shipbreaker's garden (he wrote, November, 1865) takes my fancj*
strongly. If I had not been already at work upon the Christmas Number when you
suggested it, I think I must have tned my hand upon it. As it is, I often revert to it,
and go about and about it, and pat it into new forms, much as the buttermen in the
shops (who have something of a literary air at their wooden desks) pat the butter. I
have been vexed at not being able to get your story into *' Dr. Marigold." I tried it
again and again, but could not adapt its length to the other requirements of the
Number. Once I cut it, but was not easy afterwards, and thought it best to restore
the excision and leave the whole for a regular Number. The difficulty of fitting and
adapting this annual job is hardly to be imagined without trying it. For the rest, I
hope you will like the Doctor — and know him at once — as he speaks for himself in the
first paper and the last. Also I commend to your perusal a certain short story,
headed " To be taken with a grain of salt."
I hope you are in force and spirits with your new story, and hope you noticed in the
Times the other day that our friend is married !
How amazing this modesty, and these excuses for not using
what another would have simply said he found " unsuited to
the magazine."
As I look over the records of his interest in my undeserving
scribble, there comes, mingled with pain and regret for this
genial, never-flagging friend, something of a little pride in
having gained the interest of so true and appreciative a
nature. It will be seen how he encouraged — how even
grateful he appeared to be, for anything he thought good or
successful ; and how patient and apologetic he was under
circumstances where his good will and good nature were
tried. It was so for a long period of years ; he was the same
from beginning to end ; no caprice ; steady, firm, treu und fest.
Carlyle, in a single line, gave the truest estimate of him.
Another trait in him was his unfailing pleasure in commu-
;^ DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR, 447
nicating some little composition of which he was particularly
pleased ; or he would tell of some remarkable story that he
had been sent, or would send one of his own which he
fancied hugely. It was a source, too, of pleasant, welcome
surprise to find how he retained in his memory, and would
quote, various and sundry of your own humbler efforts —
those that had passed into his own stock associations. These
generally referred to some experience or humorous adven-
ture, or it might be some account of a dog.
After two or three years of industrious practice in short
stories and essays, I had fancied I could succeed in novel-
writing with a first attempt, and timidly suggested that I
might " try my hand " in his weekly journal. He at once
agreed, and good-naturedly had about half a volume " set up,"
so as to give the production every chance in the reading.
But the attempt was immature ; its waxen wings melted, and
he was obliged to decline. By and by 1 got a new pair, and,
making a formal attempt in two volumes, was lucky enough to
make a success.
The history of this little transaction will be found interest-
ing, not, of course, from my own share, but as illustrating
that charm of hearty good will which marked every act of his
where his friends were concerned. Here also enters on the
scene his faithful coadjutor and assistant, W. H. Wills; a
sterling character, practical, business-like, and yet never let-
ting his natufally friendly temper be overcome by the stern
necessities of his office. He had a vast amount of business,
as may be conceived ; yet his letters, of which I have some
hundreds before me now, were always playful, amusing,
clever, and written in a flowing lengthy style — even to
" crossing." His sagacity was heartily appreciated by his
chi^f. He ever appeared a most favorable specimen of the
successful literar)'- man.
At the risk of becoming more personal, I may enter a little
at length on the subject of what Lamb calls the " kindly en-
448
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
gendure "of this story— which, in truth, has some flavor of the
romance of authorship. I had sent my successful two-volume
venture to my friend : —
My Dear , — Do not condemn me unheard (I know you are putting on the hlack
cap), i have been silent, but only on paper ; for a fortnight after you last heard from
me I was roaring with pain. The first use of my convalescence was to read your story
— like a steam engine. My impression is that it is the best novel I have read for years ;
why I think so I need not tell you. I posted off with it to Dickens, whose impression
of it results in this : that we should like you to write a novel for All the Year Round.
If you respond to that wish, it will afford m« very great pleasure.
In that case, it would be necessary for you to begin at once ; for should you make a
hit with your plot, we would require to publish the first installment in September next.
The modus operandi I propose is this : let us have a rough sketch of your plot and
characters ; Dickens would consider it, offer you suggestions for improvement if he
saw fit, or condemn it, or accept it as you present it if he saw no ground for remark.
In case of a negative, you would not mind, perhaps, trying another programme. I
need not tell you how great an advantage it would bie for you to work under so great a
master of the art which your novel shows you to know the difficulties of ; and your
artistic sympathies will, I know, prompt you to take full advantage of hints which he
would gi\ e you not only in the construction and conduct of your story, but in details,
as you proceed with it in weekly portions.
Experience has shown us that the pre-appearance of a novel in our pages, instead of
occupying the field for after-publication in volumes, g^ves an enormous stimulus to
the issue in complete form. We can, therefore, insure you for ypur work, if it will fill
three volumes, five hundred pounds (£500), part of which we would pay for our use
of your manuscript, and part the publisher of the volumes would pay ; but we would,
in case of acceptance, guarantee you £500, whatever the republication may fetch.
Think this over, and when your thoughts are matured, let me have them in your
next letter.
This was almost thrilling to read. Every word was as
inspiring as the blast of a trumpet. It will be rioted how
pleased the writer is at the very communication of his intel-
ligence. And then the *' pecune " ! Five hundred pounds !
The dilligent magazine-writer might exclaim with one of Jer-
rold's characters, " Is there so much money in *the world ! "
It was really liberal and generous.
* No time was lost in setting to work. I had soon blocked
out a plan — ^what dramatists call a scenario — and had, about
as soon, set to work, and written a good many chapters and
sent them in.
It will now be characteristic to see what pains were taken
— how heads were laid together to improve and make good —
all under the master's directions and inspirations — who, as he
- DICICENS in the EDITOR'S CHAIR. 449
said often, always gave to the public his best labor and best
work. This constancy always seemed to me wonderful. He
never grew fagged or careless, or allowed his work to be dis-
tasteful to him. This is a most natural feeling, and comes
with success ; and there is a tendency to " scamp *' work when
the necessity for work is less. Mr. Thackeray confessed to
this feeling — in the days when he became recherche — and
found a sort of distaste to his work almost impossible to sur-
mount.
The first questions started on this great business came from
my old friend the sub-editor, the master's excellent auxiliary.
It will be seen how stanch he was, and true to both interests
— ^that of his journal and that of the writer : —
I am nearly as anxious as you are about your story. I may tell you that my judg-
ment is in favor of it, so far as it has gone ; but Dickens, while never wholly losing
sight of the main end, object, and purpose of the story, often condemns one because
its details are ill done. He takes such infinite pains with the smallest touches of his
awn word-pictures, that he gets impatient and disgusted with repetitions of bad writing
and carelessness (often showing want of respect for, as well as ignorance of, the com-
monest principles of art). I, perhaps, sin too much on the other side. I say that the
general public— whom we address in our large circulation— are rather insensible than
otherwise to literary grace and correctness ; that they arc often intensely excited by
incidents conveyed to their minds in the worst grammar.
Mind, I only make these remarks for your guidance. My advice to you is, write for
all your proofs, go over them very carefully. Take out as many Carlyleisms as you
can see (your writing abounds with them), make clear that which is here and there
obscure without a realder's consideration and retracing of the text — a labor which novel-
readers especially hate ; in short, put as high a polish on your details as you can, and
I may almost promise you success. Dickens is vagabondizing at present, and wonH be
back for ten days ; get all ready by that time.
It is not impossible that we may have to call upon you suddenly to let us commence
the story in a week or two ; but it may be deferred for a year. At all events, I can
promise you a decision on all points when G. D. shows up.
I find a fault in your other novel which is creeping into Miss ; a want of earnest-
ness ; a Thackerayish pretense of indifference, which you do not feel, to the stronger
emotions and statements of your characters. If you excite the emotions of your
readers, and convey the idea that you feel a lofty contempt for emotion in general,
they feel sold, and will hate your want of taking them in.
I don't say a word in praise of your new venture, though I think a great deal. I
want you and your writing to make a hit, not only with C. D. but with the public ; and
-vrhat i have said (which will make you detest me at least till after church-time on Sun-
day) may be a small contribution towards that object, which I do most .earnestly desire.
About Monday, when your heart is open to forgiveness of sins like mine (or before it
proves less obdurate), let me hear from you.
Oflte other thtn^;. You see Sala's story lies chiefly in Paris. Could you not adopt
my suggestion of giving your story its natural progression, and postponing chapter tb*
L. M.— IS
"45^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
to its firet natural place in the story? My conviction is that you would make an
improvement thereby in all respects.
After many debates, it was determined to attemptthe ven-
ture : —
Next let me convey to you the intelligence (wrote our chief), that I resolve to launch
it, fully confiding in your conviction of the power of the story. On all business points
Wills will communicate with you. *
The only suggestion I have to make as to the MS. in hand and type is that wants
relief. It is a disagreeable character, as you mean it to be, and I should be afraid to do
so much with him, if the case were mine, without taking the taste of him here and
there out of the reader's mouth. It is remarkable that, if you do not administer a dis-
agreeable character carefully, the public have a decided tendency to think that the
st<n-y is disagreeable, and not merely the fictitious person.
What do you think of this title ? It is a good one in itself, and would express
the eldest sister^s pursuit, and, glanced at now and then in the text, would hold the
reader in suspense. Let me know your opinion as to the title. I need not assure you
that the greatest care will be taken of you here, and that we shall make you as
thoroughly well and widely known as we possibly can. ^
Now, this was all encouraging and cordial to a degree.
Yet, I seem to see the editor here, more or less ; and friendly
and good-natured as these assurances were, in the case of an
acquiescence, it will be seen what a difference there was in
his tone as time went on, and he was good enough to have a
" liking," as it is called, for the writer ; even the slightly au-
thoritative air that is here disappeared. I frankly confess
that, having met innumerable men, and having had dealings
with innumerable men, I never met one with an approach to
his genuine, unaffected, unchanging kindness, or one that
ever foun,d so sunshiny a pleasure in doing one a kindness.
I cannot call to mind that any request I ever made to him was
ungranted, or left without an attempt to grant it.
The letter just quoted conveys a most precious lesson to
the novel-writer — whose craft, indeed, requires many lessons.
Having written nearly twenty novels myself, I may speak
with a little experience, and frankly own that it was not till I
had passed my dozenth that I began to learn some few prin-
ciples of the art ; having written, as so many do, " as the
spirit moved," or by fancied inspiration.
The allusion to the "bold advertisement" was, indeed,
^-^ndsomely carried out. Few would *have such advantagciJ
JT
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR, 45 1
of publicity as one writing a novel for All the Year Round
in those days. There was the prestige of association with the
master, while the, condition in which your work was brought
before the public was truly effective.
All this happily settled, the affair was duly announced. No
expense was spared. Vivid yellow posters, six or seven feet
long, proclaimed the name of the new story in black brilliant
characters on every blank wall and boarding in the kingdom ;
while smaller and more convenient sized proclamations, in
quarto, as it were told this tale in more modest way. So that,
if there was really any light at all, it was not under a bushel.
I had a pride in, and fondness for, these testimonials, and
have religiously preserved all that dealt with my own efforts ;
a kind of literature, as may be conceived, of a bulky sort, and
filling great space as they accumulated. When debating ef-
fectual titles for these and other writings, I recall his taking
me to his room without telling me what he had selected, and,
by the way of test or surprise, exhibiting one of these gigantic
proclamations stretched at full length across the floor of the
room. "What do you think?" he would ask. "You must
know," he would add, his eye beginning to twinkle with
merriment, "that when Wills corrects the proofs of these
things, he has to go on his knees, with a brush and pot of
paint beside him ! " The cost of this system of advertising
was enormous in the year, but everything was done magnifi-
cently at " the office."
A little later I was informed that —
The next number we make up will contain the first part of your story. I like what
you have done extremely. But I think the story flags at 's '* chaff." There is
too much of it. A few pregnant hits at would do all you want better. Again
the C party requires, I think, the exciseman up to the quadrille, where the real
business of the evening begins. You see, in publishing hebdomadally, any kind of
alternation is ver>' dangerous. One must hit, not only hard, but quick.
Please look well to the passage revealing the acceptance of F — V — ,and overthrow
of H — , in the bedroom, after the party. This is a strong situation, and, to my mind,
i» confusedly expressed— in fact, can only be vaguely guessed at by the^eader.
More criticism ! Everything goes on well so far; but I tell you what we all yearn
for — some show of tenderness from somebody : the little glimpse of B , a number
or two agOf with^ his little touch of humor-feeling, was refreshing in the highest
4S2 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
degree. The characters seem to be all playing at chess — uncommonly well, mind you
—but they neither do nor say anything sympathetic.
As the story advanced the councils multiplied, as well as
the suggestions and improvements. Experiments even were
made in particular directions, and an episode was furnished
'* to see how it would look in print; " sheets being " set up '*
in this way regardless of cost, and dismissed as unsatisfactory.
AH this was laborious and troublesome, but, as was said, the
experiment was worfii making, and few sensible writers but
would have welcomed the opportunity of learning their craft
under such a teacher. It would be impossible to describe the
fertility of his resources, the ingenuity exhibited, the pains
and thought he gave to the matter. Under such auspices —
and it was admitted that I was a willing pupil, with equal
readiness to adopt and to carry out all that was suggested —
the work benefited, it need hardly be said.
" Is it worth your while," wrote my sub-editor, " to be bothered
with a second scrawl merely to let me say how admirable I
think it. Tender, tri^e, and too pathetic even for an old hack
waiting for his dinner to read with dry eyes. My first mouth-
ful would have choked me if I had not written this."
The end gained was satisfactory to all concerned. The work
was successful, passed through several editions, and still
sells. The copyright was disposed of for a sum nearly equal
to what was allotted to me. Indeed, before it was concluded,
the following pleasant communication, as full of sensible
advice as '^ was agreeable, set me to work again. One curious
evidence of its success was the fact that a firm of perfumers
in Bond Street named a new perfume after the story, and
this fragrance has much favor among the ladies, and is largely
sold to this hour.
lo Paean ! I congratulate you on being at last able to flourish the word Fiim. I
have not yet read a line of your ending, and this omission will give you a better relish
for what I am going to say: dictated solely by the ** merits" already developed,
Diclceiis*s answer to the wish you express at the end of your letter was a glad aOMl
eager ** Yes ;" in which I heartily and cordially concurred, as you may guess. Let \
next novel be for us. We shall want it in from twelve to eighteen months* \ '
nwf^s
DICKENS IN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR. 453
if I may venture some advice, let me urge upon you to employ at least a quarter of it
in constructing the skeleton of it from the end of your story, or modifying any little
detail in the beginning of it — if you would set 3'ourself the task of at least seeing land .
before you plunge into your voyage, with no chance of veering, or "backing or fill-
ing," or shortening sail.
I am sure you have a great chance before you, if you will only give your powers
their full »wing ; especially if you will let us see a leetle of the good side of human
nature. ' Ever very faithfully yours,
W. H.W.
I have many proof-sheets by me, corrected by his own
hand in the most painstaking and elaborate way. The way he
used to scatter his bright touches over the whole, the spark-
ling word of his own that he would insert here and there, gave
a surprising point and light. The finish, too, that he imparted
was wonderful ; and the " dashes," stops, shiftings, omissions,
were all valuable lessons for writers.
On another occasion, when he did not '* see," as he says, the
point of another attempt — and, indeed, there was not much —
he excuses himself in this fashion for not using it : —
Don't hate me more than you can help, when I say I have been reading in " Six-
penny Shakespeare," and that I don't see it. I don't think this joke is worth the great
ingenuity, and I don't think the public would take it. " WiUs and Will-making'*
most excellent. I have placed it in two parts already. It is capital.
Once again, don't hate me more than you can help, and your petitioner will ever
pray. (I don't know what petitioners pray for.) Ever yours, C. D.
So also, when an unhappy monkey, trained to ride in a
circus, offered a tempting subject for a paper which I had sent
to him, he answers in the same spirit : —
I am afraid the monkey is anticipated. It has been exceedingly well done by Buck-
land in *^ Land and Water," and would be the day after the fair. I was going to
place him to-day, but in the meantime caught sight of Buckland's paper, which has
been extensively copied both in weekly and d>untry journals.
Indeed, the pleasant ardor with which he followed the
course of a story, anticipated its coming, debated its name,
and helped its writer over various stiles, and even extricated
him from bogs, was all in the same spirit. His aid as to the
name and conduct of the story was, it may be conceived,
invaluable. Many and earnest were the consultations upon
this matter of naming. No one had a nicer ear as to what
' ^ould " hit " or suit the taste of the town*
L:
"454
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
I am glad to hear that the story is ^o far advanced now that you think well of it,
for I have no doubt that you are right. I don't like either of your names, for the
reason that they don't seem to me solidly earnest enough for such a story. But give
me a little time to think of another, and I flatter myself that I may suggest a good
one.
And again—
I think the plan of the story very promising, and suggestive of a remarkably good,
new, and strong interest. What do you think of the pursuing relative dying at last of'
the same disorder as the Baronefs daughter^ and under such circumstances as to
make out the case of the clergyman's daughter and clear up the story ? As for
example, suppose her husband himself does almost the same thing in going for kelp
when the man is dying. I think I see a fine story here. As to the name. No,, cer-
tainly not. ** What could she do ? " No, again. *' What will he do with it ? " * Caa
he forgive her ? " " Put yourself in his place." Remember these titles.
And again —
July, i863.
" O where ! O where ! is the rest of Tom Butler? " A hasty word. I prefer
(without the article). I cannot possibly answer the question Mr. does me the
honor to propose, without knowing what length of story is meant.
I answer your letter to myself. It is perfectly understood between us that you
write the long serial story next after . That is a positive engagement. -When I
told to write to you respecting a shorter story meanwhile, I meant that to be
quite apart from, and over and above, the aforesaid long one. May I look at the
chapters you speaik of on Decoration ?
I am in a brilliant condition, -thank God. Rest, and a little care immediately,
unshook the railway shaking;.
I don't quite understand from your kind note (forwarded here this morning) whether
— — - purposes to write these papers or whether he suggests them to you. In either case,
I shall be delighted to have them. It is necessary that they should appear under sepa—
rate headings, each with its own title, as we have already three running titles. Your
story is going on famously, and I think will make a hit. I had a letter from W —
C— yesterday, much interested in perceiving your idea, and in following your working
of it out. We purpose being in on Thursday, and going on that afternoon. I
hope we shall find you in readiness to go along with us.
1865.
Tour hint that you are getting on with your story, and liked it, was more than
golden intelligence to me in foreign parts. The intensity of the heat in Paris and in
the Provinces was such that I found nothing else so refreshing in the course of my
rambles.
Make yourself quite easy. There is not the slightest need to hurry, and you can
take your own time. I have a story in two parts still to place in numbers not yet
made up. Until Wednesday, and always.
^ So again —
It strikes me that a quaintly expressive title for such a book would be " The — .**
What do you think of it ?
"The eminent literary personage,'* as he called him, had
now other anibitions — trying his hand at a short dramatic
piece. He took charge of it, and sent it to his friend Webster.
DICKENS JN THE EDITOR'S CHAIR. 455
As it did not suit — others did, in due time — he good-naturedly
broke the fall with the following : —
The play goes very glibly, and smoothly, but I make so bold as to say you can write
a much better one. The most characteristic part in it is much too like Corapton in
*' The Unequal Match." And the best scene in it, where he urges his wife to go aivay,
is so excessively dangerous, that I think the chances would be very many to one against
an audience's acceptance of it. Because, however drolly the situation is presented,
the fact is not to be got over that the lady seriously supposes her husband to be in
league with another man.
With some humiliation I must own to trying the tolerance
of this most amiable of men with various failures and sad
carelessness on many occasions. His printer would grumble
at the perfunctory style in which the copy was presented, and
even in print it was sometimes difficult to put matters in
shape : —
My difficulty (he wrote) about your story has been a report from the printer that
the copy of some part of another story had got mixed with it, and it was impossi-
ble to make sense. You were then just-gone. I waited until you should have leisure —
now that I hear from you, I tell you only I have waited — and ask : Is the story made
straight, and is it at the printer's ? Reply, reply, reply, as Bishop's duet; says.
Reply also to this. How long is it ?
•* Waited until you should have leisure ! " There was almost
unlimited indulgence in the matter of changing and revising
printed pages, condemned at his author's suggestion — new bits
introduced here and there. He had a pleasant joke in this
trying behavior, and vowed that I had introduced a new term
in the printing-house ** chapel," a thing unknown for cen-
turies in that most conservative of professions. These in-
troduced columns and half-columns were denominated, to
distinguish them from the regular narrative, as " Random.**
And a number being brought by the foreman. one day, and
asking what this was, he was told that "they were Mr. 's
jRandomsr The delight he felt in this seemed to compensate
for any annoyance. I see the exuberant twinkle in his bright
eye, and his hearty relish. At last, however, his patience
"wrould give wa) : —
For my sake, if not for heaven's (he would write), do, I entreat you, look over your
manuscript before sending it to the printer. And again, please keep on abrupt transi-
tions into the present tense your critical eye. Tom Butler, in type, is just brought in.
I will write to you of him to-morrow or Sunday.
45^ . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. \
How gentle was this !
Once, however, and only once, he delivered himself with a
severity that I own was richly deserved. * Two novels were
being actually written by " my facile pen " at the same ,
moment, much as a bare-backed ridef, or rider of barebacks,
would ride the same number of horses round the circus. At
the same tirne we were preparing for a long serial in his jour-.
nal. " You make me very uneasy," he. began, " on the subject
of your new story here by undertaking such an impossible
amount of fiction at one time. As far as I know the art we
both pursue, it cannot be reasonably carried on in this way^
I cannot forbear representing this to you, in the hope that it
may induce you to take a little more into account the neces-
sity of care in preparation, and some self-denial in the quantity
doi^e. I am quite sure I write as much in your interest as my
own." How easily propitiated he was will be seen when, on a
mere undertaking to be careful, he writes that — " Your expla-
nation is (as it would be, being yours) manly and honest, and I
am both satisfied and hopeful." Nay, some weeks later he
recurred to the matter in this strain : —
I am very sorry I was not at home. It gives me the greatest pleasure to receive such
good tidings of the new story, and I shall enter upon its perusal in proof with the
brightest appreciation. Will you send as much of it as you can spare to the office.
From the Gentleman*s Magazine.
JUSTICE TO BEACONSFIELD.
It is not, perhaps, too early to bespeak a fair and right judg-
ment for Benjamin Disraeli, nor too late to engage the public
interest in the career and character of the remarkable man,
who was laid at rest in Hughenden churchyard, barely two
months ago. Nor is it too much to say that the fame of
Lord Beaconsfield — the deserved fame, long withheld, at least
in this country, — has rapidly grown since his death. Ameri-
JUSTICE TO BEACON SFIELD. 45/
cans, many of them, have only recently found out the estima-^
lion in which he was really held, by opponents as well as
partisans, in his own country.
The writer of this article asked a member of the Gladstone
ministry, last autumn, how Disraeli was really regarded in
England ? whether the cartoons of Punch^and the less good-
natured diatribes of. some Liberal journals, actually repre-
sented the feeling among the party opposed to him ? Was it
true that the Liberals looked upon Disraeli as a charlatan, a
juggler, and a political Mephistopheles only ? He promptly
replied that that sort of talk about Disraeli had ceased in
England twenty years ago ; that he was universally conceded
to be a great man ; that, while the Liberals very earnestly dis-
sented from his policyr no one questioned either his genius
for leadership, his courage, his resources, or his sincerity.
There is ample testimony that this radical adversary of Dis-
raeli only echoed the general Liberal sentiment as to the Tory
chief. There is no firmer or more devoted Liberal leader in
England than the Marquis of Hartington. He for some years
was the actual chief of his party. He is a frank, sincere, high-
bred statesman. In a speech delivered shortly after Disraeli's
death, he thus spoke of him, in a Liberal assemblage :
"This I will say, that while many of us have felt constantly
and almost continuously called upon to oppose the policy
which he advocated, we have all admired the manner in which
he led his great party to ultimate victory ; that in him we had
a fair and honorable opponent ; and that when he was Prime
Minister, he directed his policy for no mean, no petty, and no
personal, or even party ends ; and that the policy which he
set before himself was the one which, in his judgment, was
best calculated to promote the greatness, honor, and pros-
perity of England. I do not use this language now for the
first time. As I said before, I have constantly and almost
continuously had the misfortune to find myself in opposition
to Lord Beaconsfield ; but I have always acknowledged, ever
45 8 THE LIBRAE Y MA GA ZINE.
in the heat of party strife, the ability and the hfgli character
of the great statesman who has recently departed from us."
Language scarcely less appreciative was used in the House
of Commons by Disraeli's life-long and often bitterly hostile
rival, Mr. Gladstone, when it became his duty to move that a
national monument should be erected to the memory of the-
renowned dead. Mr. Gladstone spoke in glowing terms of
Disraeli's manly championship of his race, of his indomitable
courage in party warfare, and his absolute freedom from
political or personal rancor. He freely confessed his belief
that Disraeli had never, in spite of their frequent and heated
conflicts, harbored any feeling of personal animosity to him-
self. Indeed, it is quite well known in England that Disraeli's
admiration for Gladstone's genius was ardent, and often and
very warmly expressed. Gladstone's speech, on the occasion
referred to, was so spontaneous and magnanimous, and, withal,
just a tribute, that Sir Stafford Northcote, the Troy leader in
the Commons, declared it to be a nobler monument to Dis-
raeli's memory than any shaft of bronze or marble which the
nation could erect.
Many American journals have taken a very superficial, and,
therefore, a very ignorant and unjust view of Disraeli's career
and character. They have apparently taken the color of their
view of him from violent Liberal papers in England, or from
the good-humored chaff of Punch. They have echoed the
estimate which Englishmen were wont to make of Disraeli a
quarter of a century ago, before he had proved, by many a
splendid act of leadership and statesmanship, that he was
something far more than a dexterous politician, or a flippant
pretender to statesmanlike qualities. It seems to be full time
that Disraeli's solid achievements as a public man, as well as
his fine personal character and qualities, should be recognized
and acknowledged. Americans, indeed, should be the first to
admit his remarkable sense of foresight, and his ripe wisdom
m political deduction, .He was the only statesman of the first
JUSTICE TO BEACON SFIELD. 459
rank in England — unless we put the Duke of Argyll and John
Bright in that category — who, from first to last, not only pre-
dicted that the cause of the Union would triumph over rebell-
ion, but expressed his sympathy with the North in that strug-
gle. His influence was vigorously, and, to a large degree,
effectively used to restrain not only his own party, but the
British government, from undue and disastrous interference
in behalf of the Confederacy. In this respect, his vision took
a far broader and more prophetic reach than that of his rival,
Gladstone, who, with a haste stimulated by his ardent good
wishes for Southern triumph, declared that Jefferson Davis had
made a nation.
It is futile, moreover, to deny that Benjamin Disraeli has
left a very deep and enduring impress upon the legislation of
England. It is not yet, perhaps, a ripe time for judging fully
of the wisdom of all the features of the treaty of Berlin ; but
this may be said, that that treaty averted a general European
war, deprived Russia of a large share of her victory over the
Turk, and restored England to a position of high influence in
the councils of the powers. Let it be added, that Gladstone
and the Liberals denounced the treaty with all their resources
of eloquent invective; that Sir William Vernon Harcourt
declared that it would not endure forty days ; that Gladstone
made it one of the chief articles of the tremendous indict-
ment which he fulminated against the Beaconsfield govern-
ment in his campaign in Mid-Lothian ; and yet that, no sooner
had these gentlemen found themselves in office than they
announced, that it would be the ambition of their foreign
poHcy to fulfill this same obnoxious treaty of Berlin in every
article, clause, and section.
Whatever dispute there may be as to the wisdom or folly
of that ^brilliant international compact, there are two meas-
ures as to Disraeli's authorship and championship, of which
there can scarcely be any question, and the beneficence and
breadth of which few will be found who can deny. By
460 , THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
' V
the Factory act, which was Disraeli's work, and which be-
came a law chiefly through his courageous advocacy, the
hours of the labor of women and children in the English,
factories were diminished, and- the age at which children
could be thus employed at all was advanced. It is safe to say
that no recent English statute has been more effectual in the
.remedy of a great evil, or in the physical and moral improve-
ment of the industrial classes, than this Factory act, of which
Disraeli was the chilmpion, and the philanthropic John Bright
a bitter foe.
Of the present English electoral system, it may be assertecl
that Disraeli is the chief creator. Grey and Russell admitted
a large body of the commercial and middle classes to the suf-
frage ; and they swept away a few — and only a few — of the
rotten boroughs. The reform of 1832 was, after all, a half-
measure. But Disraeli, by the bold, the audacious reform
of 18^7, established the suffrage upon the broad basis of the
household. He granted a vote to every Englishman who,
living in a borough, occupied a house. It would be vain to
seardh, throughout the record of Gladstone's legislative
achievements, so broad, vast, courageous, complete and sweep-
ing a reform as this. The Tory chief, with the task of lead-
ing the stubborn Tory party to this "leap in the dark/'
actually achieved what the most advanced Liberals shrank
from proposing. He cut the Gordian knot of electoral ag^ita-
tion by one great, sudden, decisive blow. We will not only
say that this legislative feat is not paralleled by any act of
Gladstone's ; but that English political history will be searched
in vain for so heroic and brilliant and successful a single act
of statesmanship. — ^
The popular idea in this country, that Disraeli Wis cold,
enigmatic, and mysterious, is abundantly disproved
testimony of those who enjoyed his intimacy. His
ness of nature, indeed, might be inferred from many oi
public acts. No man ever attached his friends to hii
JUSTICE TO BEACONSFIELD, 461
stronger or more enduring bonds. His encouragement to
young politicians has long been proverbial. He was never
known to lose his temper in Parliament. His serene patience
was inexhaustible. His moral character was always stainless.
He was a conspicuously faithful, devoted and tender husband
to a wife fourteen years older than himself. Although Jew-
jshly fond .of show, and somewhat of a dandy to the last, his
life in his house was exceedingly plain and simple ; and at the
last, he gave a crowning evidence of his disdain of mere pomp,
by ordaining that his funeral should be modest, and that his
remains should repose, not in the monument-crowded Pan-
theon of Westminster, but by the side of his wife, in the ob-
scurity of a Buckinghamshire village.
There were, indeed, very many lovable as well as admirable
traits in this man, who rose so high from so low a starting-point.
It is certain that those who followed him in politics were de-
voted to him heart and soul. He had no semblance of a rival in
his own party ranks. All men felt that when he died, Tory-
ism had lost its only pre-eminent and undisputed chief. He
"was one of those rare men of renown, of which Englishmen'
could spontaneously repeat the old saying, **We never shall
see his like again." Another Benjamin Disraeli is impossible
for a century.
George M. Towle.
THE SWORD.
The march of democracy is not limited to mankind alone ;
-the uprising of nouvelles couches is not confined to the peo-
j>les of the earth ; the undermining of the upper classes is not
jTCstricted to humanity. The dismantling of aristocracies is
1^0 longer a merely mortal operation ; it has sapped away the
Bs of other privileges than those of princes ; it has extern
462 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
minated other prerogatives than those of blood ; it has sup-
pressed other rights than those of birth. The revolutionary-
spirit is swelling beyond politics and parliaments; its action is
stretching outside societies, and is reaching above nations ;
it is pervading nature herself, and is even permeating matter.
The subversiveness of our times- extends to metals as well as
to men ; under its dissolving action — alas that we should have
to say it ! — steel has ceased to be a gentleman.
Until this nineteenth century, steel had retained its exalted
place. It had been assailed by gunpowder, and it had been
debilitated by the gradual diminution of duels, but it had
held its own ; its superb traditions had not yet faded ; the
knightly sword was still its accepted expression, still its rep-
resentative idea. It is true that steel — though used in Asia
from all time — though seen, perhaps, in imperial Rome, and
though introduced into Spain by the Arabs in the ninth cen-
tury— had only been seriously known to Europeans since the
first crusade ; it is true that the swords of Greece, of Spain,
of Germany, of Gaul, contained no sign of it ; but for the
last eight centuries the world had learned to associate the
sword and steel together, and to instinctively regard them as
implying the same conception. To-day, that stately unity
has disappeared. The sword has been dethroned ; and steel,
meanly forsaking its former self, repudiating its lineage, its
alliances, and its traditions, has gone in for demagogy. And
we are the sad spectators of its fall.
What a superb career it has renounced ! It had shaped the
world ; it had carved out history ; it had formed the nations ;
it had fixed the limits of languages and the geography of
character and thought ; it had vanquished the strong ; it had
rebuked the proud ; it had succored the weak ; it had been
the arbiter of honor, and the accomplisher of justice. The
sword was, as the ancient chronicler said, " the oldest, the
most universal, the most varied of arms ; the only one which
has lived through time. All peoples knew it ; it wast eveiy^
THE SWORD. 463
where regarded as the support of courage, as the enemy of
perfidy, as the-matk of commandment, as the companion of
authority — as the emblem of sovereignty, of power, of force,
of conquest, of fidelity, and of punishment." All this has
steel abandoned — to become rails ! Look at what it was, and
at what it is. Its aspect was brilliant ; its habits were punc-
tilious; its manners were courtly; its connections were patri-
cian; its functions were solemn; its contact was ennobling;
even its very vices were glittering, for most of them were
simply the defects of its superb qualities. It is true that it
was sometimes cruel, and that its processes of action were
distinctly sanguinary ; but those reproaches apply to all other
weapons too. Throughout the ages it grandly held up its
head, and haughtily bore its name. It lost no caste when it
allied itself with lance and dagger, with battle-axe and helm,
for they were of its natural kindred ; and even when, in later
times, it stooped to generate such lowly offspring as razors,
lancets, knives, and needles, the A^rld saw no real abasement
in the act, for the chivalrous blade was still the image which
represented steel to man. But now its whole character has
changed ; now, it has thrown aside its gallantry, its grace, its
glory ; now it has forsworn its pride for profit, its pomp for
popularity. Steel is now bursting coarsely on the earth at the
rate of thousands of tons a month. It is positively being
made into steam-engines, and cannon, and ships, and all sorts
of vulgar, heavy, uncomely, useful objects. Worse than all,
it is becoming cheap ! Steel cheap ! The steel of old, the
steel of legend and of story, the steel of the paladin and the
chevalier, the steel of the noble and the brave, the steel of
honor and of might, the steel that was above price, that knew
not money and cared naught for profit — that steel is no more.
It has been driven contemptuously out of sight by metallur-
gic persons called Bessemer, and Krupp,.and Siemens, and
these destructive creators have put into its place a nineteenth
century substance, exactly fitted to a mercantile period, but
jaosse&siner no tie with time or fame.
464 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE,
No more will steel append its personal signature, its glar-
ingly recognizable autography, to the great events of history.
The dagger that slew Caesar, the glaive that Brennus hurled
into the scale to weigh against the liberty of Rome, the axe
that gashed off Mary Stuart's head, the knife that armed the
hand of Charlotte Corday (of course they were not all steel,
but they admirably represent the notion of it), are mere faded
antiquities. Steel has other functions to discharge now; it
has given up marking dates in the world's life, and has gone
in for trade; it has ceased to be history, and has become
actuality ; it is in a state of new departure ; it no longer
incarnates a sentiment ; it is nothing but a fact. It has turned
its back on the blades of Damascus, on the armor of Milan,
on the shields of Augsburg, on the rapiers of Ferrara, on
the halberts of Flanders, on the poinards of Bilboa, and, at
this very moment, is forsaking almost the last refuge which
was left to it, and is deserting the marvelous sabers of Japan.
In the place of its former glories it is taking up all sorts of
low associations; it is being manufactured in big furnaces; it
is being "cast," as if it were mere clownish pig-iron; it is
being rolled, as if it were uncouth " bar " ; it is condescending
to be boiler-plates, and axle-trees, and driving-shafts, and gird-
ers. To this is steel reduced!
In what else has evolution worked a sadder change than
this? Where else has relentless progress stamped out a
nobler past ? Of course the present development of steel is
very serviceable, and ver)*^ commercial, and very profitable ;
and it is, perhaps, our duty to be delighted at it. But views
and opinions are, after all, like religious faiths, affairs of tem-
perament rather than of reason. Just as some people regret
post-chaises, and just as some others mourn over th^^ivine
right of kings, so it is comprehensible that a few of us^ay
deplore the disappearance of swords, and the desecratid^-^
steel. The feeling may be absurd, and it is certainly pc
sentimental, and altogether impractical and out of date
THE SWORD, 465
in a conservative country like ours, there is some excuse for
lamenting the disappearance of landmarks, and never was
there a bigger or more universal sign-post than the sword,
for it pointed the road to almost all the ends of life. Men
were what their swords made them. To be '* as brave as his
sword " was the highest aim of a warrior's heart. And yet the
sword has vanished so completely that we can scarcely sup-
pose the world will ever see it at its true work again. A
lingering survivor of the family is still to be detected in the
French duelling tool; but, with the exception of that pallid,
sickly inheritor of a fallen crown, all direct descendants of the
once mighty race have died out. No one can seriously pre-
tend that the soldier's saber of to-day is anything but a bastard
of the kin ; it is a vulgar article of commerce—like skewers
or chisels, or nails, supplied by contract from Liege or St.
Etienne, from Solingen or Birmingham. It has no place in
the glorious lineage of fighting steel ; it is a mere article of
military accourtrement ; amongst the tools of actual war, it
stands a long way below knapsacks, a little above chin-straps,
and about on a level with shovels ; it has been cast out into
the cold shade by breech-loaders and rifled barrels ; it has
scarcely any blood relationship with the real sword — ^with the
sword which was the one essential weapon of every man who
fought. That trusty friend is gone forever — an awkward in-
strument of inferior iron, which, like Charles the Second's
promises, " no man relies on," has assume^ its place. Never
again will poets sing of puissant falchions, or of adamantine
blades. The Balmung of Siegfried, the Escalibur of Arthur,
the prodigious Mistelstein which expunged two thousand
four hundred men, the Joyeuse of Charlemagne, the Flam-
. berge of Renaud, the Altecler of Oliver, the Quersteinbeis of
Hakon which chopped in two a millstone, the Tisona and the
^olada of the Cid, — all these, and all their like, have faded
• dreams that tempt no more." Even Durandal, the epic
andal of Roland, the wondrous brand that cleft the clif!
466 THE LIBRAR V MA GAZINE.
at Roncesvaux, and left its yawning mark upon the Pyreneean
crest, has flickered into night, ^nd is bewailed by none. A
riListy rough-edged bar, purporting to represent it, is shown
to curious travelers in the armory at Madrid ; and an equally
veracious rival is exhibited in the church of Rocamadour, in
the department of the Lot; but the true Durandal is, of
course, as the legends tell us, still lying in the waters into
which the dying hero flung it, as the last blast of the Olifant
expired on his lips, in the vain effort to call back Charlemagne
to the field ; it is still, undoubtedly, at the bottom of the en-
chanted poisoned stream " which passed by there." And
there, we niay presume, it will remain, unless somebody finds
it. No more will champions hew a foe in half at one wild
sweep, as Godfrey and Conrad did to several Paynim in the
Holy Land. No more will shields be split from top to bottom,
as Renaud treated the buckler of the wicked infidel Sacri-
pant. All that sort of behavior is no longer in our ways ; we
do not work so laboriously in conflicts now; battles have
become lazy, in company with most other acts of modem life.
Like stone cannon-balls, the rack, the toga, and cups of hem-
lock, hard hitting has passed out of our wants.
The ferocity of sharp strokes, the immensity of savage
smiting, which constituted, for thousands of years, the es-
sential characteristics of the sword, form, however, but a poor
part of its vast story. There came into it, with time, new
lineaments, fairer and nobler than these. By small degrees, as
centuries passed on, the sword began to mount, its uses rose,
its functions soared. It never ceased to be a slaughterer, for
killing is the essence of its being; but it grew to be a creator
as well as a destroyer ; men made of it their great ennobler."
Its touch upon the shoulder conferred the knighthood which
soldiers longed to win ; and reverence for it waxed so deep
that its simple presence on the hip was taken to be sufficient
evidence that its wearer was, to some extent at least, a gentle-
man. It came to be regarded as the one accepted emblem <rf
THE SWORD, 467
manly pride, as the outer symbol of all that men prized most
— their courage, their liberty, and their honor. The practice
of disarming captives had naturally engendered the idea that
to give up a sword was an act implying defeat, bondage, and
disgrace ; and by a not incomprehensible extension of opinion,
its possession was counted as indicating the exact contrary of
all this, as constituting evidence that its wearer was un-
degraded and free, as supplying an unquestioned certificate of
his liberty. It was the visible badge of birth, of bravery,
of freedom. No other material object ever attained" such a
place in the eyes of men ; the sword stood absolutely alone in
its honor-bestowing efficacy. The crown, the scepter, and
the robe of ermine were for the elect alone — even the spur
was only for a narrow class ; but the sword was for large num-
bers at once, and it made no distinctions between its holders,
— it treated them all alike, and rendered precisely the same
service to each of them. This enormous power was, however,
of slow growth. This highest of the attributes of the sword,
this noblest of its privileges, was, after all, almost modern ;
the earth got on without it for long ages. The Greeks and
Romans (who only handled swords in war, and discarded them
^in peace time) knew naught about it ; they contemptuously
scoffed, indeed, at the barbarians, their neighbors, for carrying
•weapons when they did not want them, and saw therein con-
clusive evidence of their savage ness. It was not until a state
of life was reached in which almost every man bore arms as
a distinction, until the sword became a daily and cherished
companion, that its value as a mark of personal position stood
out complete. But when it did, at last, attain the faculty of
bestowing repute on all who touched it, it added a new and
special glory to its previous splendors. Its legendary, his-
torical, and political aspects, which were all stately enough
already, became supplemented by another and a still higher
phase.
Arid so the sword went forward, noble and ennobling, until
468 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. .
another totally new life began for it with the sixteenth cen-
tury. Until that period it continued to be the vehicle of
honor and of blows ; cleaving, slashing, mangling, and making
gentlemen, were its perpetual occupations ; and very grand
they were — so grand, indeed, that they would have sufficed
for any other lesser ambition. But the sword was not con-
tent ; it wanted more. Before it died it seized a new and still
more wonderful position. There came a day when it assumed
another function, acquired another potentiality, and claimed
another place. Radiant as had been the sparkling brilliancies
which light up its regal history, a still brighter effulgence
suddenly illuminated it about the time of Ferdinand and
Isabella. That glorious epoch, so full of dates and memories,
was the starting-point of further splendors which the sword»
with all its accumulated majesty, had not yet known. In
Spain, four hundred years ago, it was converted from a weapon
of pure attack into a mixed arm of offense and defense com-
bined. In contradiction to all its previous usages and aspects
— ^which had been exclusively aggressive — it burst forth with
a new complexion, and became a protector as well as an
assailant. It remained the sword, but it replaced the shield ;
it lost no atom of its ancient powers, but it added to them
new ones, which, so far, no one had suspected it of possessing.
It unexpectedly duplicated its operations ; it went on being
itself, but it simultaneously became its contrary. Never did
the nature of things protest more strangely against its own
essence. The destroyer set itself to save, the slayer to rescue.
The sword had always possessed the cut and thrust ; it ob-
tained the guard and parry. Fencing was invented !
Fencing could have had no possible existence while buck-
lers were alive. It was, equally, an impracticability while
armor was employed. But, when the aegis and the coat of
mail had disappeared together — ^when the road was opened,
without barriers, to each man's skin — ^when the ponderous
glaives that hewed heavily through casque and cuirass had
THE SWORD. 469
lost the reason of their being, — then the long thin coutille of
the Germans — a prodding utensil, originally devised to find
out holes in breastplates — was seized by the lithe ready hand
of Spain, and swordsmanship was. In the first shape of the
new invention the memory of the shield was too vivacious
to be effaced ; the rolled-up cloak upon the left arm supple-
mented the action of the blade, and comforted the combatant
by the notion that he was behind a fortification. But this
subterfuge died out, and the true fence o( open onset and
unaided ward appeared upon the earth, alone. The soldiers
of Charles the Fifth carried the new science into Italy, where
it was taken up with wild enthusiasm, and where it found its
ablest professors. Profoundly Spanish in its origin and lan-
g-uage, fencing became Italian in its teaching. " The great
Tappa of Milan," as Brantome calls him, was its first famous
expositor; and the first scientific treatise on it, the well-
known "Arte degli armi," was published by Marozzo at
Venice in 1536. The craft of swordsmanship dashed into life,
instantly great, suddenly magnificent — it stood abruptly be-
fore the world, as real an art as cookery or hairdressing. And
then began the superbest moments of the course of the
sword. Its noble day had fully come. The earth went mad
about fence — as mad, almost, as if it had been a tulip, a furbe-
low, or a wig. And then it turned French (as many other
fashions have done, before and since). When Louis Treize
■was king — when the Mousquetaires fought hourly duels in
the Pre aux: Clercs — ^when Athos and D'Artagnan (who hap-
pened on that occasion to be on opposite sides without
knowing it) recognized each other in an accidental set-to on
a pitch-dark night, by the manner of their swording, — then,
most undeniably, France had grown to be the mistress of this
new cunning, and thenceforth her thirty-two-inch blade be-
came the adopted combat-weapon of all gentlemen.
The sword at that moment reached its highest. The hand-
ling- of it was a process by itself ; nothing like it had been
470 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
known before; it was of its own day and of no other. Of
course, the method of employing swords had always varied
with their shape and size ; of course, the long swinging of the
two-handed claymore was distinct from the short chopping of
the Greeks ; of course, the fantastic flourishing of the scimi-
tar was other than the straight stabbing of the dagger ; but
the rapid lunging of the rapier, and the complicated double'
action of the sword and poniard, were absolutely new shapes
of procedure, involving, for the first time, theories, principles
and rules. Thereon steel rose to its pinnacle; it reached its
triumph ; it attained its consummation. Its fall has been all
the more immense. Its ruin has been more especially com-
pletti by reason of the very greatness of its fortune.
The vastness of its adversity would alone suffice to prevent
our forgetting the sword ; but we have additional motives of
memory, for its suppression has brought about a severance of
a very particular kind between the present and the past, and
has produced a gap that nothing can fill up. Other ancient
engines have disappeared, and none but archaeologists have
sought for their traces ; other venerable usages have melted
away^ and the world has gone on as if they had never existed ;
other antique fashions have died out, and no one has wept
over them ; — but the sword has left a staring vacancy behind
it ; its place remains untenanted ; its functions are discharged
by na successor. Its overthrow has entailed such vast and
varied consequences, that it may really be counted, without
exaggeration, amongst the events which have palpably af-
fected and directed ' the destinies of humanity. Its effects
have been felt in every land and every home ; for the disaj>-
pearance of the sword has radically transformed the character
of war, and has largely modified the character of men. The
sword was not a mere momentary weapon, like a catapult or a
crossbow; it was not a passing custom, like breaking on the
wheel or keeping a jester ; it was not an accidental style, like
wearing masks or building pyramids. It was an essence^ a
I
J
THE SWORD, 471
fact, a part of existence, a world's need; it outlived nations
and centuries ; in endured when all else changed around it.
And yet it was not always the same thing-- it varied largely
with time and place ; it made itself everything to everybody.
The discarding of this universal, indispensable, and per-
petual weapon has brought about a transformation of two
distinct kinds in the features of European war. Its material
result has been the almost total abolition of hand-to-hand
hitting ; its moral outgrowth has been to change the nature
of the courage which is required in soldiers, and to give a
new form to the manifestations of that courage. With the
exception of such cavalry charges and of such infantry rushes
as result in a melee (and they are growing rare in the actions
of to-day), there is an end in Europe of close quarters, and of
the savage tussles which formerly made up almost the whole
of a battle. Instead of deUvering his stroke with his own
arm, and within the reach of his arm, the soldier now trans-
mits his blow through the barrel of his gun, to a distance of
a mile or two ; instead of demolishing a personal antagonist,
whose eyes are glittering at him two feet off, he knocks over
an indifferent stranger out of sight. Strength, activity, and
hard hitting are replaced by skill in shooting straight and in
keeping under cover. Shelter-trenches have replaced single
combat. Smart fighting consists now in slaughtering people
you cannot see, and to whom you are yourself invisible : you
lie down in a hole and aim at a puff of smoke somewhere in
front, and try to detect the consequences through a field-
glass. Whirling a two-handed claymore was less scientific
ithan this, but it was decidedly more immediate and more per-
sonal. And furthermore, it was infinitely more murderous,
which was a merit, inasmuch as the object of war is to slay.
When armies got face to face, and man to man, they ham-
mered at each other until scarcely anybody was left; as is
distinctly proved by the tremendous proportions of killed
^nd wounded reported from the combats of the middle ages.
472 THE UBRARY MAGAZINE.
At Poictiers, for instance, Charles Martel is said to have slain
375,000 Saracens. The suppression of swords has certainly-
rendered warfare a good deal less destructive than it was ; and
it has also considerably affected the nature of wounds ; but it
is by no means sure that the world has really derived any ad-
vantage from that. It is possible, indeed, that we should gain
immensely in the long-run by augmenting the abominations
of war instead of diminishing them ; by rendering them so
insupportably hideous, that nobody would consent to face
them. If it were made a certainty, beforehand, that ever}-*^
fight would end, necessarily on both sides, with the massacre
of every man engaged, fights would probably become more
rare. Instead of that we are going directly the other way,
and are introducing a sort of affected gentleness into war ; we
are pretending to make it a matter of cleverness instead of
murder,^ by which we are incontestably corrupting its real
nature and distorting its true position in sociology. War
means butchery, and nothing else ; and the more butchery-
there is, the more does war present itself in its own character,
and the less disguise and sham is there about it. The sword
was straight-forward and ingenuous ; every blow was meant
to hack flesh somewhere ; it was all in earnest ; it was all
savage, brutal, and monstrous ; it was all blood, and mutila-
tion, and horror ; it meant all it did, and had no shame about
it. But the theories and the processes of to-day are of an-
other sort ; they have none of the simplicity and none of the
frank honesty of the sword. Strategy (which means strata-
gem) has assumed the place of strength and struggling. The
object of a campaign is to take the other people prisoners
rather than to kill them. Little linesmen, who weigh nine
stone, are fancied to be more fit for soldiering than brawny
giants are, because they have less weight to carry on a march,
and can be more easily hidden away in a furrow or behind a
bush. Physical power is no longer indispensable, for there
*e scarcely any occasions in which it can be used.
THE SWORD, 47S
But these transformations in the nature of war, great
though they be, are even less striking than the immense
changes which have come about in the composition and the
demonstration of modern military courage. We all well know
what bravery used to be. In the days of steel the soldier very
soon got up to his enemy, and went at him in person. The
employment of distant arms, whether they were slings, or
javelins, or arrows, did not keep armies long apart ; they got
together and battered etich other. The sort of valor required
for such fighting as that was of a very elementary and com-
mon sort; no training, no obedience, no discipline, no exam-
ple, were required to lead a man to corftbat when he was in
personal danger, when his life depended on his own stoutness,
and when he would be killed at once if he did not use his
weapon to protect himself. And furthermore, he had the
stimulus of physical exertion, of active effort and strife, of
passion and conflict. His blood was up, and all his senses
were concentrated on attack. He had no time to be afraid,
and his entire case, corporeal and mental, was opposed to run-
ning away. In such a condition ferocity came of itself ; it was
an unavoidable,' self-born result of the situation ; all the aids
to it were collected round the fighting man ; all its sources
were present in him, hard at work ; he combated in battle as
naturally as he would eat at table. There was no high cour-
age in his doings, as we understand courage now.
The pluck that we ask from our soldiers to-day is of a very
different sort. It is indeed so infinitely other and so infinitely
higher that it is scarcely possible to make a serious compari-
son between the old and the new shapes of valiance. The
invention of long-range fighting has brought into the world
a type of fortitude which has been hitherto totally unknown
(excepting in occasional isolated cases), which is just as much
a product of our century as railways or electric telegraphs,
and which is as distinguishable from the animal courage re-
quired for sword-work as is prophecy from fortune-telling.
474 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. "
Instead of dashing at the enemy in fierce excitement, instead
of the hot emotion of savage struggle, instead of furious
muscular exasperation, instead of the intensest development
of the combative faculties, our soldiers have now to exhibit
their intrepidity* by remaining placid, motionless, undisturbed,
amidst a hail of death and wounds. They have to stay quiet
under distant fire, to let themselves be knocked to pieces,
without the chance or even the possibility of doing anything-
whatever to defend themselves in an eager, efiicient, satisfy-
ing form ; the one solution open to them is to treat the other
people in the same fashion, and to pelt impersonal missiles
at them from afar. Not a man on either side has the pleasure
of identifying the particular opponent who slaughters him.
There is scarcely any of that individuality of carnage which is
so contenting in hand-to-hand fight. And worse than all,
there is none of the output of effort, of the bitter strain which
necessarily accompanies the exhibition of brute hardihood. The
braveiy of to-day is a nervous contemplative process ; there is
no action, no movement, no tug about it. It principally consists
in waiting obediently until you are hit by a chance shot. Troops
do not like it. They are always wanting to get out of it, to rush
ahead, to strike, to do something violent and comforting- on
their own behalf. They feel that it is absolutely unnatural to
stand still to be killed, that it is totally anomalous to rest unag-
gressive under a tempest of ambient peril, that it is contrary'
to all the tendencies of humanity to make no vigorous at-
tempt to ward off destruction ; and yet that is precisely what
they have learned to do. They may use shelter if they can
find it (it is no longer cowardly to hide), but they may not use
action. In one of Raffet's caricatures, a regiment is halted in "
the middle of a river, with the water up to the men's netks:
the colonel says to them, "My children, I forbid you to smoke,
but I permit you to sit down ;" and that is very much the
situation in which European soldiers are placed in battle now;
it is permitted to be killed, but it is forbidden to fight. In
THE SWORD. 475
Asia, it is true, there is still a chance of getting to close quar-
ters and of using the right arm, as a good many of our people
who have been in Afghanistan can testify. But in modern
fighting on the Continent the rule is that the foe is so far off
that no hitting can reach him. The consequence is, that our
new shape of courage is based on the suppression of direct
effort ; it has become a passive process, in which we endure
instead of acting. The old sword-daring was impetuous,
emotional, and intuitive ; the new gun-courage is deliberate,
logical, and subjective ; the one was material and substantial,
the other is abstract and theoretical. They are as different
from each other as credulity and faith, as astrology and
astronomy, as dreams and thought.
N9W, how has this strange transformation come about .^
Where lies its root } Can it really be that it is solely because
soldiers go to battle now with guns instead of swords, that this
prodigious change in the character of bravery has grown up ?
Or is there another qause for it besides that one ? The ans-
wers to these questions are not difficult to find. The influence
of sword or gun is, certainly, at the bottom of them, but an-
other and a greater action overlies it. The use of the sword
was essentially personal ; while the use of the gun is, as es-
sentially, impersonal. The sword was the expression of the
individual man who fought with it ; the gun is a machine.
Each sword had its own special manner of operating, its own
particular method, according to the hand which held it ; while
each gun is but one in a total. The sword could not be
wielded without liberty ; the gun cannot be worked without
system. The one means independence, the other means dis-
cipline ; and there — in that last word — is found the true secret
of modern courage. The swordsman was himself alone, there-
fore his qualities were positive ; the shooter is a unit in a
regiment, therefore his qualities must be negative. We see
proof enough of that at every match. The men who win
prizes are precisel)'" those who are animated by the least emo-
4/6 THE LIBRAE V MA GAZINE.
tion, who have reduced themselves the most completely to
a condition of impassibility. The difference between the
swordsman and the rifleman is as great as between the Japanese
workman, who never reproduces the same pattern twice, but
throws a fresh invention of his own into every object he
fashions, and the Birmingham artisan, who goes on me-
chanically making the one same identical spoon or tray
throughout his life. And yet, though the independence of
the sword is, manifestly, a more intellectual condition than the
discipline of the gun, it is discipline, not independence, which
has generated the loftiest type of courage that the world has
seen. It is discipline alone which has popularized coolness,
by enabling entire armies to acquire and practice it. Single
examples of it have existed since history began ; but it is in
our day that, for the first time, hundreds of thousands of men
exhibited stoicism together. There lies the reply to our
questions. The actual shape of military courage is the fruit
of a particular training, which has suppressed the importance
of the parts by transferring it to the whole. That trainings
was unattainable while the sword forced fighters to be in-
dividual. It has only become achievable since the gun has
obliged soldiers to be collective. Here, at last, is a point on
which the sword has to confess itself beaten.
But if it has to admit its inferiority as regards the quality of
the courage which it provoked, it rushes to the front again
directly we try to measure the influence it exercised on
character. The gun has done nothing, absolutely nothing, to
develop either qualities or defects in man. The peculiar new
shape of bravery which has accompanied its adoption in war,
is due, after all, to no merit in the gun itself ; it is simply an
additional example, evolved by circumstances, of that pro-
gressive substitution of the idea of duty for the idea of honor,
which constitutes so vivid and so absolute a distinction be-
tween the motives and the objects of the past and of the
present. The gun has in no way aided us to form our tem-
t'
THE SWOR]?, A77
t
peraments, our dispositions, our desires, or our capacities ; its
action on us, as a molder of our natures, has been null. But
the sword, on the contrar5^ has been one of the most powerful
of the factors which have contributed to shape the tenor of
men, both in body and in mind. The work it did is self-
evident : it stares us in the face. Its operation was so direct,
so immediate, so personal — it went so straight to its end —
there was such a total absence of hesitation or of complexity
about it — that it would indeed have been astonishing if it had
produced a less vast result. Of course the manner and the
quantity of its action have varied largely with time and place ;
but that action was, in general terms, constant, until a century
ag"o. Everywhere and always the usage of the sword has
told, for evil and for good, upon a large proportion of man-
kind. Physically, its work was excellent , it stimulated ac-
tivity, strength, rapidity of movement, dexterity and certainty
of hand and foot. Morally, its doings were opposite and con-
flicting. In one direction it engendered self-reliance, the
habit of resource, the consciousness of responsibility ; a keen
sentiment of dignity, of loyalty and of honor ; the desire to
protect the suffering and the weak ; and a curious, fantastic,
very noble generosity, proper to itself alone, which stands
before us in history under the misty name of "the spirit of
chivalry"; — but in its other bearings, it bred irritability,
bullying, provocation, violence, the vain glory of force. In all
these resultances, however, composite and even contradic-
tory as they were between themselves, the sword invariably
maintained, unchanged and unchangeable, the great striking
characteristic of its form of proceeding — it was uniformly and
persistently personal. It acted on each man separately; it
guided one to the right, another to the left. Never did it
proceed by groups ; the absolute individuality of its teaching
was the most remarkable of the many features it presented.
It was a private tutor, not a schoolmaster.
Well, this energetic educator has been suppressed. Its
47^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
■% ._
peculiar lessons have ceased to act upon us ; the influence it
exerted has vanished ; it no longer prompts us to good, or
pushes to evil. We have become free to act as we like, with-
out any of the guidance which, during centuries, the sword
imposed on Europeans. Have we lost, or have we gained, by
the cessation of that guidance ? The majority of us would
probably declare that we have largely gained : that the sword
was a blusterer, a bully, and a tyrant ; that an incubus has
been lifted off our backs ; that we have escaped from a dom-
ination and a cruelty ; and that we are well rid of the intim-
idation of steel. But a minority would perhaps proclaim that
the sword performed a moral function, and exercised a social
action ; that it was not a mere swaggerer, a mere despot, or a
mere killer ; that it did service upon earth by forcing men to
respect each other ; that it kept up the sentiment of mutual
responsibility as no other external agent has ever sustained
it. Some of us might indeed go further still, and assert that,
^ since the downfall of the sword, the notion and the practice
of deference of manners between man and man have palpably
diminished ; that the conception of honor has grown distinct-
ly feebler; that an undeniable development of the meaner
instincts has supervened; and that, if hectoring and violence
have decreased on the one hand, punctiliousness, courtesy,
dignity, and fair name, have still more ebbed away on the
other. And all this may be said without the slightest desire
to defend duelling. It is the abstract idea of the sword, not
the practical misuse of it, which lies at the bottom of such
thoughts as these. The sword, with all its faults, was a gallant
gentleman ; and there is neither folly nor exaggeration in
maintaining that, when a just balance-sheet is struck, the
world comes out a loser, not a winner, by its discomfiture.
All this, however, is only the moral and sentimental aspect
of the subject. It has a material side as well, which, though
it is far less interesting, would form an even bigger partx>f it
if it were set forth in its full proportions. Its dimensions^are
THE SWORD. 479
indeed enormous. Never has any manufactured product
exhibited more elastically than the sword the faculty of adapt-
ing- itself to circumstances ; even clothes have scarcely been
more multiform, even houses have hardly been more sundry.
The sword has been made of many sorts of matters and metals :
of stone, of wood, of bone, of copper, of brass, of bronze, of
iron. It has assumed deviating shapes and profuse sizes ; it
has been short and long, heavy and light, straight and curved,
wide and narrow, pointed, round, or square, tapering or expand-
ing-, sharp on either side, or on both, or on neither. There
have been, in each European language, at least thirty different
names of breeds of swords, — from the horseman's huge espa-
don of six feet long, to the garter stylet of six inches. The
catalogues of armories, and the special books on weapons, con-
tain so many details, so many descriptions, and so many dis-
tinctions of types and sects and characters, that no enthusiast
can pretend to know them all. Specimens have come to us
from all the hiding-places and all the countries, from tombs
and caves and river-beds and ruins, from under ground and
under marsh and under water, from Mexico and Persia, from
Scandinavia and Japan, from ancient Dacia and Peru, from
Africa and China, from Rome, Assyria, and Ireland, from Switz-
erland and Denmark, from Germany and Sicily, from every-
where and anywhere, and other places. The earth, the lake,
and the stream have disgorged their swallowed specimens ;
the sepulcher and the temple have given back their offerings ;
the buried city has unclutched its relics ; the battle field has
rendered up its vestiges. And from all these subterranean
pillagings tlie museums have grown full. There is the Greek
sword, so curt that it was little more than a large knife, pre-
eminently fit for scrambling, hacking, strenuous stabbing at
unflinchingly close quarters. There is the Roman sword, of
differing lengths, almost as various, indeed, as the countries
it conquered. There is the Gallic sword, of such soft pliant
metal that its users had to stop in fight, after each hard blow.
48o THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE7
in order to straighten it under their feet, thereby enabling the
enemy to Icnock them over uncontestedly. There are the
hooked scimitars of the Turks, with an inside edge, and the
curved Arab yataghans, with the edge outsidb. There is the
cross-handled sword of the Crusader, with which he prayed
and slew alternately. There is the weapon whose pommel
served for a seal, like that of Charlemagne, who said, when
he used it to put his stamp on treaties, " I sign them with
this end, and with the other I will take care that they are
kept." There are Dutch, Russian, Portuguese, and Moorish
swords, each one of them with a type or detail proper to itself.
There are the glaives of red-clothed headsmen of the middle
ages; there are Malay krisses, and the notched blades of Zan-
zibar, and old sabers (the parents of our contemporaneous
tribe) from India, Armenia, and Khorasan. There is the
espada of the Spanish matador, the schiavona of Venice, the
Albanian cutlass, the Kabyle fiissa, the Turkish kandjar, the
court sword of a century ago, the claymore of Scotland.
There are all the incalculable assortments of German, Spanish,
and Italian swords. All these, and a thousand others, are to
be found in the collections, with their capricious varyings of
blade and handle, of pommel, spindle, and hilt, of inlaying
and engraving, of complicated basket-guards, of every sort
of ornament and complement and supplement that can be
added to an implement. Damaskeening, particularly (which
is the incrusting of gold and silver into iron and steel, and
which, though said by Heroditus to have been invented by
Glaucus of Chio, and though cultivated by the Romans, was
not seriously practiced in modern Europe till the fifteenth cen-
tury), gives a remarkable beauty and artistic value to many
swords ; it is, perhaps, indeed the most distinctive and the
most graceful of all the adornments which have been lavished
upon them. And the scabbards ! Why, they form a special
race ; if they were not, by the essence and condition of their
being, a mere adjunct to something else, the?^ would occupy a
i
THE SWORD. , 481
place of their own in the world. Their sorts and shapes are
so many that they are beyond arithmetic. Then there are
inscriptions on the blades. They almost constitute a litera-
ture, in poetry and in prose. For the most part they are brag
and bluster ; but here and there some few of them are pious,
wise, or silly. The n^ighty glaive of Conrad Schenk of Win-
terstetten (4 feet 8 inches long, and 4 inches wide), which is
in the Dresden Museum, bears, in antiquated German, the
tenderly swaggering advice — " Conrad, dear Schenk, remem-
ber me. Do not let Winterstetten the Brave leave one helm
uncleft.'* The sword of Hugues de Chateaubriand flashed in
the sunlight the noble motto won by his ancestor in the fight
at Bouvines, ** Mon sang teint les bannieres de France." In
the Erbach Collection is an old Ferrara blade, with the sage
device, " My value varies with the hand that holds me." A
sword in the Paris Cabinet de Medailles, is reverently inscrib-
ed, "There is no conqueror but God." The rapiers of Toledo
were engraved in hundreds with the wise counsel, " Do not
draw me without reason, do not sheathe me without honor,"
The invocation of saints are very frequent ; and so are prayers,
like, " Do not abandon me, O faithful God," which is on a
German sword in the Az Collection at Linz ; and ejaculations,
like the Arabic, " With the help of Allah I hope to kill my
enemy." There are vaunting mottos, like the Spanish, " When
this viper stings, there is no cure in any doctor's shop ; " and
pompous announcements, like Sicilian, ** I come ; " and critical
observations, like the Hungarian, " He that thinks not as I do
thinks falsely ; " and matter-of-fact declarations, like, " When
I go up you go down " (only that is on an axe). This " cutler
poetry," as Shakespeare called it, presents itself all over
Europe, in all languages, mixed up with the maker's address
or the owner's arms. And so, if you go to Toledo now and
buy a dozen blades for presentation to your friends at home,
you have their names engraved upon the steel, with some
sonorous Castilian phrase of friendship and gift-offering.
L. M.— 16
482 ^^^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
As for manufacturing details, properly so called, they are
(with one exception) too technical to be tallied of here ; they
interest nobod)^ but blacksmiths. All that need be said about
them is that the secret of a modern sword lies exclusively in
the tempering, and that almost each maker has his own fash-
ions and his own tricks. To make steel sharp, it must be
hard ; to make it elastic, it must be tough. Cast-steel gives
hardness, shear-steel gives toughness, but in no ordinary pro-
cess can the two qualities be united. So, excepting at Toledo
and one or two other places, all actual makers have abandoned
the attempt to produce elastic blades, and have gone in for'
edge alone. There is, however (or, more exactly, there was),
a treatment which really does unite the two contrary capacities
in the same blade. The curious" product called damask-steel
possesses them both, and all the great Eastern swords owe to
it their celebrity. It is true that the art of damasking (which
is a very different matter from the damaskeening alluded to
just now) has lost its use since swords have ceased their serv-
ice ; but still it looms out with such distinctness in the me-
chanical part of the history of swords, it occupies so large a
place in its atmosphere, that it is impossible to pass it over in
silence. It constitutes the exception which has just been
mentioned.
All steel which exhibits a surface figured with lines is called
damask, but the true oriental product of that name united
extraordinary interior qualities to this generic exterior aspect.
It combined two distinct classes of merit. First, as regards its
inner nature, it was so ductile and so malleable that it could be
hammered cold ; yet it became " as hard as tyranny " when
tempered, and took an edge as sharp as the north wind ; and,
with all this, was as supple as whalebone, so that no accident
could break it. Secondly, as regards its external appearance,
it was covered with meandering lines like water-marks ; its
hue was gray, brown, or black, and presented, over all, a
varying sheen, blue, red, or golden. The quality rose with the ,
THE SWORD, - 483
size, the shape, and the clearness of the Hnes. In very high-
class specimens they were an eighth of an inch thick ; when
they were only as wide ordinary writing they were not re-
garded as really good ; and if they were scarcely visible they
they were altogether contemptible. Pattern was as impor-
tant as size ; straight parallel ribs constituted'the lowest type ;
as the lines curved the merit rose ; it went on increasing
with the multiplicity of twist ; it became admirable when
ruptures of the marks appeared, with dots between them ; it
was distinctly noble when the lines were so contorted and so
broken that they formed a network of little threads, twisteji
in different directions ; and it attained its highest possible
perfection when those threads assumed the shape of chevrons
or of bunches of little grapes, spread equally all over the
blade. If, to these particularities of pattern, a deep, dark
ground with a true golden gloss was superadded, then the
work was a masterpiece, and was worthy to have been made
at Damascus.
These definitions were laid down some thirty years ago by
a man who followed out the art of damasking to its inmost
mysteries — who made himself its apostle, and preached its
creed. This enthusiast — Colonel Anosoff, manager of the
imperial factory of Zlatoust in the Urals — succeeded in re-
producing the true oriental damask — at last he obtained steel
of such striking character, and of such beauty and merit,
that it was not possible to detect any difference between it
and the most finished old Syrian performances. The lines
vrhich his work showed were in the metal itself, and could
not be ground out of it ; his color and prismatic luster were
altogether perfect ; and he frequently (not always) united ex-
treme hardness and extreme elasticity in the same specimen.
He made some swords which would bend till the point touched
the hilt, and which would also cut through an iron bar. More
than this, no blade can do, or ever has done ; and the same
two faculties have never been conjoined in any other steel
484 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
than damask. There are swords now made in Europe which
will sweep a gauze in two in the air; and at Toledo, every day,
blades may be seen packed in coils like watch-springs. But
no metal can be persuaded to do both unless it be damasked,
and not always even then.
To attain tHese results, Colonel Anosoff tried several pro-
cesses of manufacture, and reached fair results with most of
them ; but his best work was effected by mixing pure native
graphite with the highest quality of iron, using dolomite as a
flux. A good many minerals are known to possess the prop-
erty of damasking steel, but none of them to the same extent
as graphite — so far, that is, as European experience extends.
It is, however, almost certain that the great Asiatic steels
were obtained by some unknown process of mere tempering,
without any special mixtures ; unless, indeed Nature xiid the
adulteration herself; which is possible, for Faraday thought
he saw in many Eastern specimens faint traces of something
more than pure iron, carbon, and azote, which is the com-
position of chemically unsophisticated steel. In the Indian
"wootz" steel, for instance, which possesses remarkable
toughness and sharpness, he fancied he found aluminium.
But no analysis of oriental swords has revealed any really
perceptible difference of ingredients between them and ordi-
nary modern products. The water used for cooling may, not
impossibly, have had a share in the work ; for it is well known
that its particular character exercises a clearly recognizable
influence on the metal chilled in it. When the Toledo factory
was removed to Seville, to keep it out of the hands of the
French during the Peninsular war, the quality of the steel fell
instantl5^ and rose again on the return to Toledo — showing,
according to all the judges, that the Guadalquiver did its
business less well than the Tagus. In the same way the dyes
for the Gobelin tapestries are said to owe their infinite deJi-
cacy of hue to the effect of the Bievre — a little stream which
is employed in their preparation ; and the beer of Allsopp or
. THE SWORD, 4^5
Bass to be what it is because it is made of the water of the
Trent. Anyhow, whatever may have been its feshioning the
Asiatic damask-steel was far away the best material for swords
that the world has ever seen — for it would cut through most
obstacles, and could be fractured by none.
Even the amazing sabers of Japan, despite their bewilder-
ing sharpness, cannot-compete with damasked blades, because
they have no elasticity. They are as hard as diamond ; they
take and keep an ^^^o, so ideally acute that they will go
through a pillow or a poker as if they were air. Mf you hold
them vertically in a river the leaves that float down with the
current will, unknowingly, cut 'themselves in two against
them ; they flick off a man's head with a twist of the wrist ;
you can shave with them ; — at least all this is said of them,
and very possibly it is true. But, stupendously as they cut,
they can do nothing else ; and they are heavy and double-
handled, and awkward to use by foreigners. In their own
country, however, they have been so cherished and so prized
that some of them have been deified, and have had temples
built to them. It is true that this happened a long time ago,
when the sword, the mirror, and the ball were still revered as
the three treasures sent from heaven with the first ruler of
the country in 700 B. c. But though the saber soon ceased
to enjoy the advantage of becoming a god itself, it continued
always to be regarded as a worthy offering to other gods,
which explains why so many of the finest specimens have
been preserved in the temples. Yet, with all this adoration
of them, the manufacture of swords developed slowly in
Japan. Until the end of the fifth century Chinese and Corean
blades were considered to be better than the local products ;
and it was only on the creation of the ministry of war in A. D.
645 (has any other land a war office twelve centuries old.^)
that a Government arms factory was established, and a
stimulus given to the trade. From that date it grew rapidly.
The famous Yastsuma invented new processes of treating
486 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, ''•
Steel ; and in the eleventh century the Japanese swx>rds ex-
ported to China aroused^ such admiration that a notable wise
man of the period composed a poem, which is still popular, to
celebrate their merits. About the year 1400, the illustrious
maker, Yoshimitsu, and his followers, carried the manufacture
to the highest perfection it ever attained. From that date it
progressed no further, but it remained active and prosperous,
because, as every gentleman wore two swords, the demand
was large and constant. The destruction of the feudal system
by the revolution of 1868 haS suppressed swords in Japan, as
they had already been uprooted in Europe ; henceforth those
wonderful razors will only be found in museums, side by side
with mummies and stuffed birds.
And when, from the cold stand-point of those museums,
with all enthusiasm chilled out of us by catalogues and gl^ss
cases and rust, we look back at the career of swords in their
totality — when we consider them as things of the past with
which we have no longer any concern, excepting as curiosi-
ties— ^we see even more plainly than before the main outlines
of thejr record, and the salient features of their work. The
stages of their history stand forth distinctly ; the periods are
as clearly marked as the rows of seats in an amphitheater.
First comes the pure carnage epoch, elementary and ruthless.
Then follows the legendary era of impossible feats of arms,
stupendous and puerile. Next arrives the feudal time, devout
and murderous, with its curious mixed processes of religion
and butchery, and the simultaneous sentimental elevation
of the sword to the ' sovereign place of fountain of honor.
After it springs up the noble seasons of fence, gymnastic and
superb. And, finally, there is the downfall, sad, ah sad!
Through these five ostensibly registered terms the sword
traveled unceasingly onwards and upwards, till it had com-
pleted its allotted evolution and reached the plenitude of its
development. It followed out its varying destiny to the end,
attaining, before it fell, a glory of fulfillment which no (mt.
THE SWORD. 487
certainly, foresaw in the days of its uncouth youth, when
naked savages splintered each other with flint choppers.
But the radiant completion of its imperial course presented
certain local disparities ; it was not equally magnificent all
over Europe. It attained its fullest p.erfection only in the
countries where chivalry was established, and even in them
there were visible differences from land to land. The ideal
conception was not the same ever)rwhere ; the psychological
sentiment shifted ; the creed fluctuated ; and, above all, the
external expression veered about. So widely, indeed, did all
this vary, that, strange to tell, in the North the sword was
either male, as in Britain, or neuter, as in Germany (where,
indeed, girls are neuter too) ; while in the South it was uni-
formly female ! What a discord of appreciation is revealed
by this single fact ! And what consequences resulted from
it! The elegance, the poetry, the graceful dignity of the
sword were incontestably most ripened on the sunny soils of
France, Italy, and Spain, where it was feminine ; while its
force, its overwhelmingness, and its harshness, found a more
congenial place in the colder regions, where it was masculine
or neuter. Of course, in all this, national temperaments made
themselves felt. Latitude and climate and genders tvere not
alone at work ; local character, local usages, and local neces-
sities assisted to bring about local deviations : and, between
them, they made up a very perceptible collection of variations.
And yet all these external influences, numerous and contra-
dictory as they were, never got beyond mere details ; they
were purely superficial in their action ; not one of them ever
told upon the real intrinsic fortune of the sword. Surround-
ing circumstances never exercised a substantial effect upon
that fortune. They altered shapes, or names, or sizes, and
they changed views, impressions, and fancies ; but they went
no further. Even natural laws, universal and irresistible as
is their domination, were powerless to affect the fate of steel ;
they had to make an exception in the case. The sword per-
48^ THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
sisted in being as independent of their sovereign puissance
as of mere local conditions of life : it scoffed at predestination
and order, and proclaimed free-will and liberty. Headlong,
impetuous, and dazzling, it furnfshed a wonderful example of
Pelagianism and Molinism in their application to matter ; and
there were no St. Augustin and no Jansenists to preach against
it. Unlike the motion of light, the growth of potatoes, the
orbits of planets, and everything in general, the reckless blade
alone has always been unregulated by principles. The eter-
nal edicts which steer all other substances whatever, which
govern comets and earthquakes, the sun and electricity and
sound, apple-trees, diamonds, and rain, and ordinary things of
that sort — ^which make them do what they do in the way they
do it, simply because they cannot help themselves — have had
no grasp whatever upon swords. Politics, and headache, and
appetite, and all other human* weaknesses whatever, have to
be submissively obedient to the great central guiding forces ;
but the sword has acknowledged no higher volition than its
own. It stands alone as the successful defier of Nature and
her laws. It has always been itself, — ^unchain^d, enfranchised
and heroic, the archtype of arrogant audacity, of fantastic
spontaneity, of resplendent freedom.
And really it did not make a bad use of the wild liberty it
arrogated to itself. It went fairly straight along its vaga-
bonding road, and did not yield too contemptibly to the
seductions and temptations which surrounded its steps. It
was neither too haughty nor too capricious — neither too cruel
nor too childish. It is true that Clotaire II. did slay all thfe
Saxons who were taller than his sword (which makes us hope
they were a small race); but Procustes went through the
same curtailing proceeding with his bed; and we might as
well accuse beds in the one case as swords in the other. No,
decidedly ; the sword used its vast power well. Its memory
is not that of a tyrant ; it scarcely ever lost the consdoos-
ness of its high estate, of its duties and responsibilities; it
THE SWORD, 489
felt that noblesse oblige, and behaved accordingly. With
what can we seriously reproach it ? What has it done that
was particularly disgraceful? Or, more exactly, what has
it done that was more disgraceful than what everything else
around it was doing every day ? More people have died of
the sea than of fhe sword, and with quite as much unpleas-
antness of treatment; but nobody has ever presumed to
blame the waves for that ; they have simply carried on their
legitimate business, which is drowning. And the sword has
similarly followed its own calling, and has made holes in people
to let out their lives, that is all. In every other of its acts it
has been so hjgh and admirable that mankind instinctively
adopted it as the natural and essential symbol of lofty
thoughts. The list of the attributes which have been con-
ferred upon it includes nearly all the generous aspirations of
which the heart is susceptible ; and it must be remembered
that it possessed them not merely in its representative capa-
city as an emblem, but to a great extent also in its effective
being as an achiever. The proverbs of all nations (which are
the truest measurers of popular conviction) speak of it with
reverence and trust : it was everywhere regarded as an all-
sufficient type and token of the higher sentiments and higher
tendencies of men. It was only by exception that it became
sometimes associated with low longings or with vulgar thirsts.
In inspired poets, bards, and troubadors ; it was the theme of
glorious song, the burden of true tale, the subject of strange
romance. The blood which dripped from it did not defile it ;
it remained almost unceasingly and almost universally, the
" good sword ;" its fair fame never faded, excepting for short
rare moments. How, otherwise, could it have held, for thou-
sands of years, so supreme a place, as the model, the sign,
and the expression all that men most hallowed ? How else
could it have reached and kept so marvelous a position of
ideal nobility, so splendid a height of illustrious personifica-
tion ? It represented almost all the ambitions, the exaltation
49^ ' THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
and the prides of men. Fame, courage, and glory ; rank,
dignity, and renown ; greatness, victory, and truth ; majesty
and honor,— have all been incarnated in the blade of steel,
have all been expressed by its pregnant name, have all been
contained in the suggestive ideas which it conveyed. What
other word in language has had such meanings ? What other
image has betokened such import? What other sign has
pointed to such associations?
With such a prodigious function as this, the sword seemed
destined to immortality, for it was difficult to conceive that
men would be able to do without an assistant whose uses and
whose senses were so all-applicable. And yetlhc immensity
of its position did not save the sword. All this magnitude of
meaning, all this significance of symbol, all this accumulation
of elevated thoughts, served for nothing when the day of ruin
came. They cannot be forgotten, but they go back further
from us each day. The poetic aspects of the sword have al-
ready become legendary : no one selects it as a figure now ; it
is a sword, in our time, and nothing else. Steel is no more
to us than lead or putty ; it is, like them, a substance used in
manufacture, and the generation of to-day would no more
think of assigning virtues to it than of conceiving that putty
can make love, or lead teach swimming. The change which
has fallen on the sword is not a mere cessation of business —
it is a stoppage of life. The sword is no longer either a
weapon or an idea ; we no longer think with it, we no longer
respect it.
It had remained f^:om the beginning until yesterday ; and
then it became mortal and died. It is g9ne : and when we
stand in armories and gaze at the relics which testify what
it once was, we say, with a sigh, in spite, of common sense and
commerce, " A great soul has passed out from amongst us."
From Blackwood's Magazine*
THE EARL V LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE. 49 1
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE.
The river Annan, rising above Moffat in Hartfell, in the
Deil's Beef Tub, descends from the mountains through a valley
gradually widening and spreading out, as the fells are left be-
hind, into the rich and well-cultivated district known as
Annandale. Picturesque and broken in the upper part of its
course, the stream when it reaches the level country, steals
slowly among meadows and undu^lating wooded hills, till at'
the end of fifty miles it falls into the Sol way at Annan town.
Annandale, famous always for its pasturage, suffered especially
before the union of the kingdoms from border forays, the
effects of which were long to be traced in a certain wildness
of disposition in tho inhabitants. Dumfriesshire, to which it
belongs, was sternly Cameronia«. Stories of the persecutions
survived in the farmhouses as their most treasured historical
traditions. Cameronian congregations lingered till the begin-
ning of the present century, when they merged in other
bodies of secedsrs from the established religion. In its hard
fight for spiritual freedom Scotch Protestantism lost respect
for kings and nobles, and looked to Christ rather than to
earthly rulers. Before the Reformation all Scotland was
clannish or feudal ; and the Dumfriesshire yeomanry, like the
rest, were organized under great noble families, whose pennon
they followed, whose name they bore, and the remotest kin-
dred with which, even to a tenth generation, they were proud
to claim. Among the families of the western border the
Carlyles were not the least distinguished. They were origi-
nally English, and were called probably after Carlisle town.
They came to Annandale with the Bruces in the time of
David the Second. A Sir John Carlyle was created Lord
Carlyle of Torthorwald in reward for a beating which he had
given the English at Annan. Michael, the fourth lord, signed
the Association Bond among the Protestant lords when Queen
492 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Mary was sent to Lochleven, the only one among them, it was
observed, who could not write his name. Their work was
rough. They were rough men themselves, and with the
change of times their importance declined. The title lapsed,
the estates were dissipated in lawsuits, and by the middle of
the last century nothing remained of the Carlyles but one or
two households in the neighborhood of Burnswark who had
inherited the name either through the adoption by their
forefathers of the name of their leader, or by some descent
of blood which had trickled down through younger sons.*
In one of these families, in a house which his father, who
was a mason, had built with his own hands, Thomas Carlyle
was born on the 4th of December, 1795. Ecplefechan, where
his father lived, is a small market town on the east side of
Annandale, six miles inland from the Solway, and about six-
teen on the Great North Road from Carlisle. t It consists of a
single street, down one side of which, at that time, ran an
open brook. The aspect, like that of most Scotch towns, is
cold, but clean and orderly, with an air of thrifty comfort.
The houses are plain, that in which the Carlyles lived aloi^e
having pretensions to originality. In appearance one, it is
really double, a central arch dividing it. James Carlyle,
Thomas Carlyle 's father, occupied one part. His brother,
who was his partner in his trade, lived in the other.
In 1 791, having then a house of his own, James Carlyle
married a distant cousin of the same name, Janet Carlyle.
They had one son, John, and then she died of fever. Her
long fair hair, which had been cut off in her illness, remained
as a memorial of her in a drawer, into which fhe children
afterwards looked with wondering awe. Two years after the
* When Carlyle became famous, a Dumfries antiquary traced his ancestry with ^>-
parent success through ten generations to the first Lord Torthorwald. There w»$
much laughter about it ia the house in Cheyne Row, but Carlyle was inclioed to tkink
on the whole that the descent was real. \
t Ecclefechan— Kirkfechan, church of St.^Fechanns, an Irish saint supposed tolirtt J
come to Annandale in the seventh century.
vj^^^kJ
THE EARL V LIFE OF^ THOMAS CARL YLE, 493
husband married again Margaret Aitken, "a woman," says
Carlyle, "of to me the fairest descent, that of the pious, the
just, and the wise." Her character will unfold itself as the
story goes on. Thomas Carlyle was her first child ; she lived
to see him at the height of his fame, known and honored
wherever the English language was spoken. To her care
" for body and soul " he never ceased to say that " he owed
endless gratitude." After Thomas came eight others, three
sons and five daughters, one of whom, Janet, so called after
the first wife, died when she was a few months old.
The family was prosperous, as Ecclefechan working men
understood prosperity. In one year, his best, James Cariyle
made in his business as much as ^loo. At worst he earned
an artisan's substantial wages, and was thrifty and prudent.
The children, as they passed out of infancy, ran about bare-
foot, but otherwise cleanly clothed, and fed on oatmeal, milk,
and potatoes. Our Carlyle learned to read from his mother
too early for distinct remembrance ; when he was five his
father taught him arithmetic, and sent him with the other
village boys to school. Like the Carlyles generally he had a
violent tej;nper. John, the son of the first marriage, lived
generally with his grandfather, but came occasionally to visit
his parents. Carlyle's earliest recollection is of throwing his
little brown stool at his brother in a mad passion of rage,
when he was scarcely more than two years old, breaking a leg
of it, and " feeling for the first time the united pangs of loss'
and remorse." The next impression which most affected him
was the small round heap under the sheet upon a bed where
his little sister lay dead. Death, too, he made acquaintance
with in another memorable form. His father's eldest brother
John died. " The day before his funeral, an ill-behaving ser-
vant wench lifted the coverlid off his pale, ghastly, befilleted
head to show it to some crony of hers, unheeding of the child
who was alone with them, and to whom the sight gave a new
pang of horror." The grandfather followed next, closing
494 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
«
finally his Anson and his Arabian Nights. He had a brother
whose adventures had been remarkable. Francis Carlyle, so
he was called, had been apprenticed to a shoemaker. He,
too, when his time was out, had gone to England, to Bristol
among other places, where he fell into drink and gambling^
He lost all his money ; one morning after an orgie he flung
himself desperately out of bed and broke his leg. When he
recovered he enlisted in a brig of war, distinguished himself
by special gallantry in supporting his captain in a mutiny, and
was rewarded with the command of a Solway revenue cutter.
After many years of rough creditable service he retired on
half-pay to his native village of Middlebie. There had been
some family quarrel, and the brothers, though living close to
one another, had held no intercourse. They were both of
them above eighty years of s^e. The old Thomas being on
his death-bed, the sea captain's heart relented. He was a
grim, broad, fierce-looking man ; *' prototyp*e of Smollet's
Trunnion." Being too unwieldy to walk, he was brought
into Ecclefechan in a cait, and carried in a chair up the steep
stairs to his dying brother's room. There he remained some
twenty minutes, and came down 2igain with a face which
printed itself i«i the little Carlyle's memory. They saw him
no more, and after a brief interval the old genertition had dis-
appeared.
Amidst such scenes our Carlyle struggled through his early
boyhocKi.^
It was not a joyful life (he says) ; what life is ? yet a safe and qui^t one, above most
others, or any other I have witnessed, a wholesome one. We were taciturn rather
than talkative, biit if little was said that little had generally a meaning.
More remarkable man than my father I have never met in my journey through life ;
sterling sincerity in thought, word, and deed, mostly quiet, but capable of blazing
into whirlwinds when needful, and such a flash of just insight and brief natural elo-
quence and emphasis, true to every feature of it as I have never known in any other.
Humor of a most grim Scandinavian type he occasionally had ; wit rarely or never —
too serious for wit — my excellent mother with perhaps the deej)er piety in most
senses had also the most sport. No man of my day, or hardly any man, can have had
better parents.
Education is a passion in Scotland. It is the pride of every
honorable peai:>ant, if he has a son of any promise, to give him
THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE, At<)^
a chance of rising as a scholar. As 2i child Carlyle could not
have failed to show that there was something unusual in him.
The schoolmaster in Ecclefechan gave a good account of his
progress in " figures.'* The minister reported favorably of his
Latin, " I do not grudge thee thy schooling," Tom, his father
said to him one day, " now that thy uncle Frank owns thee a
better arithmetician than himself." U was decided that he
should go to Annan Grammar School, and thence, if he pros-
pered, to the University, with final outlook to the ministry.
He was a shy, thoughtful boy, shrinking generally from
rough companions, but with a hot and even violent temper.
His mother, naturally anxious for him, and fearing perhaps
the. family tendency, extracted a promise before parting with
him that he^would never return a blow, and, as might be ex-
pected, his first experieyaces of school were extremely miser-
able. Boys of genius are never well received by the common
flock, and escape persecution only when they are able to de-
fend themselves.
" Startor Resartus " is generally mythic, but parts are his-
torical, and among them the account of the first launch of
Teufelsdrockh into the Hinterschlag Gymnawum. Hinter-
schlag (Shiack. behind) is Annan. Thither, leaving home and
his mother's side, Carlyle was taken by his father, being then
in his tenth year, and "fluttering with boundless hopes/' at
Whitsuntide, 1805, to the school which was to be his fijrst step
into a higher life.
Well do I remember (says Teufelsdrockh) the red sunny Whitsuntide momingwhen,
trotting full of hope by the side of Father Andreas, I entered the main street of the
place and saw its steeple clock (then striking eight) and Schuldthurm (jail) and the
apoconed or disaproned burghers moving in to breakfast ; a little dog, in mad terror,
was rushing past, for some human imps had tied a tin kettle to its tail, fit emblem of
moch that awaited myself in that mischievous den. Alas ! the kind beech rows of
Sntepf uhl (Ecclefechan) were hidden in the distance. I was among strangers harshly,
at best indifferently, disposed to me ; the young heart felt for the first time quite or-
phaned and alone. . . . My schoolfellows were boys, mostly rude boys, and obeyed the
impulse of rude nature which bids the deer-herd fall upon any stricken hart, the duck-
flock put to death any broken-winged brother or sister, and on all hands the strong
tyrannize over the weak.
Carlyle retained to the end of his days a painful and indeet'
49^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,. '
rescntftil recollection of these school experiences of his.
" This," he said of the passage just quoted from Sartor, " is
true, and not half the truth. Unspeakable is the damage and
defilement I received from those coarse, misguided, tyrannous
cubs. Oneway and another^I had never been so wretched as
here, and the first two years of my time I still count amoi^
, the miserable of my life."
He had obeyed his mother's injunctions. He had courage
in plenty to resent ill usage, but his promise was sacred. He
was passionate; but fight he would not, and every one who
knows English and Scotch life will understand what his fate
must have been. One consequence was a near escape from
drowning. The boys had all gone to bathe ; the lonely child
had strayed apart from the rest, where he could escape from
being tormented. He found himself in a deep pool which had
been dug out for a dock and had been filled with thi^ tide.
The mere accident of some one passing at the time saved
him. At length he could bear his condition no longer; he
turned on the biggest bully in the school and furiously kicked
him ; a battle followed in which he was beaten ; but he left
marks of his fists upon his adversary, which were not forgot-
ten. He taught his companions to fear him, if Only like
Brasidas's mouse. He was persecuted no longer, but he car-
ried away bitter and resentful recollections of what he had
borne, which were never entirely obliterated.
The teaching which Carlyle received at- Annan, he sa]rs,
'* was limited, and of its kind only moderately good. Latin
and French I did get to read with fluency. Latin quan-
tity was left a frightful chaos, and I had to learn it after-
wards ; some geometry ; algebra, arithmetic tolerably 'Wfell.
Vague outlines of geography I learned ; all the books I could
get were also devoured. Greek consisted of the alphabet
merely." Of holidays we hear nothing, though holidays
there must have been at Christmas and Midsummer ; BjtUc
also of school friendships or amusements. In the k^^
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE, 497
such shape as could have been found in boys of his class in
Annan, Carlyle could have had little interest. He €poke
warmly of his mathematical teacher, a certain Mr. Morley
from Cumberland, " whom he loved much, and who taught
him well." He hafl formed a comradeship with one or two
boys of his own age, who were not entirely uncongenial to
liim : but only one incident is preserved which was of real
moment. In his third y^ar Carlyle first consciously saw Ed-
ward Irving. Irving's family lived in Annan. He had him-
self been at the school, and had gone thence to the University
of Edinburgh. He had distinguished himself there, gained
prizes, and was otherwise honorably spoken of. Annan> both
town and school, was proud of the brilliant lad that they had
produced ; and Irving one day looked in upon the school, the
masters out of compliment attending him. " He was scrupu-
lously dressed, black coat, t%ht pantaloonsi in the fashion of
the day, and looked very neat, self-possessed, and amiable ; a
flourishing slip of a youth with coal-black hair, swarthy, clear
complexion, very straight on his feet, and, except for the
glaring squint, decidedly handsome." The boys listened
eagerly as he talked in a free airy way about Edinburgh and
its professors. A University man who has made a name for
himself is infinitely admirable to younger ones ; he is not too
far above them to be comprehensible ; they know what he
has done, and they hope distantly tHat they too one day may
do the like. Of course Irving did not distinguish Carlyle.
He walked through the rooms and disappeared.
The Hinterschlajg" Gymnasium was over soon after, and
Carlyle's future career was now to tie decided on. The Ec-
clefechan family life did not k)ok with favor on displays of
precocious genius. Vanity wad the last quality that such a
man as James Carlyle would encourage, and there was a
severity in his manner which effectively repressed a disposi-
tion to it.
* We had all to complain (CarlyTc says) that we dared not freely kve otir father.
498 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, ' "
His heart seemed as if walled in. My mother has owned to me that ^e could never
understand him, and that her affection and admiration of him were obstructed. It
seemed as if an atmosphere of fear repelled us from him, me especially. My heart
and tongue played freely with my mother. He had an air of deepest gravity and even
sternness. He had the most entire and open contempt for idle tattle — what he called
clatter. Any talk that had meaning in it he could listen to ; what had no meaning in
it, above all what seemed false, he absolutely could not and would not hear, but ab-
ruptly turned from it. Long may we remember his " I don^t t>elieve thee *' ; his tongue-
paralyzing cold indifferent ** HaJi."
B3sides fear, Carlyle, as he grew older, began ta experience
a certain awe of his father as of a person of altogether superior
qualities.
None of us (he writes) MriU ever foif;;«t that bold glowing style of his, flowing free
from the untutored soul, full of metaphor, though he knew not what metaphor was,
with all manner of potent words which he appropriated and applied with surprising
accuracy — ^brief, energetic^ conveying the most perfect picture, definite) clear, sot ia
ambitious colors, but in full white sunlight. Einphatic I have heard him beyond all
men. In anger lie had no need of oaths * his words were like sharp arrows that smote
into the very heart.
Such a father may easily have been alarming and slow to
gain his children's confidence. He had silently observed his
little Tom, however. The reports from the Annan masters
were all favorable, and when the question rose what was to
be done with him, inclined to venture the University. The
wise men of Ecclefechan shook their heads. " Educate a
boy/' said one of them, " and he grows up to despise his
ignorant parents." Others said it was a risk, it was waste of
money, there was a large family to be provided for, too much
must not be spent upon one, etc. James Carlyle had seen
something in his boy's character which showed him that the
risk, if risk there was, must be ventured ; and to Edinburgh
it was decided that Tom should go and be made a scholar of.
To English ears university life suggests splendid buildings,
luxurious rooms, rich endowments as the reward of successful
industry ; the students as young men between nineteen and
twenty-three with hsuidsome allowances, spending each of
them on an average double the largest income which James
Carlyle had earned in any year of his life. Universities north
of the Tweed had in those days no money prizes to offer, no
fellowships and schQlarships, nothing at all but an education
THE EARLY LIFE OF THO^MAS CARLYLE, At<^
and a discipline in poverty and self-denial. The lads who
went to them were the children, for the most part, of parents
as poor as Carlyle's father. They knew at what a cost the ex-
pense of sending them to college, relatively small as it was,
could be afforded ; and they went with the fixed purpose of
making the very utmost of their time. Five months only of
each year could they remain in their classes ; for the rest of it
they taught pupils themselves or worked on the farm at home
to pay for their own learning.
Each student, as a rule, was the most promising member of
the family to which he belonged, and extraordinary confidence
was placed in them. They were sent to Edinburgh, Glasgow,
or wherever it rnight be, when they were mere boys of four-
teen. They had no one to look after them either on their
journey or when they came to the end. They walked from
their homes, being unable to pay for coach-hire. They en-
tered their own names at the college. They found their own
humble lodgings, and were left entirely to their own capacity
for self-conduct. The carriers brought them oatmeal, potatoes,
and salt butter from the home farm, with a few eggs oc-
casionally as a luxury. With their thrifty habits they required
no other food. In the return cart their linen went back to
their mothers to be washed and mended. Poverty protected
them from temptations to vicious amusements. They formed
their economical friendships ; they shared their breakfasts and
their thoughts, and had their clubs for conversation or dis-
cussion. When term was over they walked home in parties,
each district having its little knot belonging to it ; and, known
along the roads as University scholars, they were assured of
entertainment on the way.
As a training in self-dependence no better education could
have been found in these islands. If the teaching had been
as good as the discipline of character, the Scotch universities
might have competed with the world. The teaching was the
weak part. There were no funds, cither in the colleges or
500 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
with the students, to provide personal instruction as at Oxford
and Cambridge. The professors were individually excellent,
but they had to teach large classes, and had no leisure to
attend particularly to this or that promising pupil. The uni-
versities were opportunities to boys who were able to take
advantage of them, and that was all.
Such was the life on which Carlyle was now to enter, and
such were the circumstances of it. It was the NovembeJ
term, 1809. He was to be fourteen on the fourth of the ap-
proaching December. Edinburgh is nearly one hundred
miles from Ecclefechan. He was to go on foot, like the rest,
under the guardianship of a boy named ** Tom Smail," two or
three years his senior, who had already been at college, and
was held, therefore, to be a sufficient protector.
How strangely vivid (he says in 1866), how remote and wonderful, tinged with the
hues of far-off love and sadness, is that journey to me now after fifty-seven years of
time ! My mother and father walking with me in the dark frosty November moraias
through the village to set us on our way ; my dear and loving mother, her tremulous
affection, my, etc.
Of the University he says that he learned little there. In
the Latin class he was under Professor Christieson, who
** never noticed him nor could distinguish him from another
Mr. Irving Carlyle, an older, bigger boy, with red hair, wild
buck teeth, and scorched complexion, and the worst Latinist
of his acquaintance."
In the classical field (he writes elsewhere) T am truly as nothing. Homer I learned to
read in the original with difficulty, after Wolf's broad flash of light thrown into ir;
^schylus and Sophocles mainly in translations. Tacitus and Virgil became really in>
teresting to me ; Homer and ^schylus above all ; Horace egoistical, leichtfertig. vol
sad fact I never cared for ; Cicero, after long and various triah(, always proved a vintfy
person and a weariness to me, extinguished altogether by Middleton*s excellent though
misjudging life of him.
It was not much better with philosophy. Dugald Stewart
had gone away two years before Carlyle entered. Brown was
the new professor, "an eloquent, acute little gentleman, full
of enthusiasm about simple and relative suggestions," to
Carlyle unprofiable utterly, and bewildering and dispiritiog,
as the autumn winds among withered leaves.
; THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE. ^01.
In mathematics only he made real progress. His tempera-
ment was impatient of uncertainties. He threw himself with
delight into a form of knowledge in which the conclusions
were indisputable, where at each step he could plant his foot
with confidence. Professor Leslie (Sir John Leslie after-
wards) discovered his talent, and exerted himself to help him
with a zeal of which Carlyle never afterwards ceased to speak
with gratitude. Yet e«en here, on ground with which he
was familiar, his shy nature was unfitted for display. He car-
ried off no prizes. He tried only once, and though he was
notoriously superior to his competitors, the crowd and noise
of the class-room prevented him from even attempting to
distinguish himself. I have heard him say late in life that
his thoughts never came to him in proper form except when
he was alone.
The teaching at a university is but half what is learned
there ; the other half, and the most important, is what young
men learn from one another. Carlyle's friends at Edinburgh,
the eleven out of the eleven hundred, were of his own rank
of life, sons of peasants who had their own way to make in
life. From their letters, many of which have been pre-
served, it is clear that they were clever good lads, distinctly
superior to ordinary boys of their age, Carlyle himself holding
the first place in their narrow circle. Their lives were pure
and simple. Nowhere in these letters is there any jesting
with vice, or light allusions to it. The boys wrote to one an-
other on the last novel of Scott or poem of Byron, on the
Edinburgh Review, on the war, on the fall of Napoleon, occa-
sionally on geometrical problems, sermons, college exercises,
and divinity lectures, and again on innocent trifles, with
sketches, now and then humorous and bright, of Annandale
life as it was seventy years ago. They looked to Carlyle to
direct their judgment and advise them in difficulties. He was
the prudent one of the party, able, if money matters went
wrong, to help them out of his humble savings. He was
502 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
already noted, too, for power of effective speech — "far too
sarc.Tstic for so young a man " was what elder people said of him .
One of his correspondents addressed him always as "Jona-
than," or ** Dean," or " Doctor," as if he was to be a-second
Swift. Others called him Parson, perhaps from his intended
profession. All foretold future greatness to him of one kind
or another. They recognized that he was not like other men.
that he was superior to other merfTin character as well as
intellect. " Knowing how you abhor all" affectation " is an
expression used to him when he was still a mere boy.
His destination was, "the ministry," and for this, knowing
how much his father and mother wished it, he tried to pre-
pare himself. He was already conscious, however, " that he
had not the least enthusiasm for that business, that even
grave prohibitory doubts were gradually rising ahead." It
has been supposed that he disliked the formalism of the
Scotch church ; but formalism, he says, was not the pinching
point, had there been the preliminary of belief forthcoming.
" No church or speaking entity whatever can do without for-
mulas, but it must believe them first if it would be honest."
Two letters to Carlyle from one of these early friends may
be given here as specimens of the rest. They bring back the
Annandale of 1814, and show a faint kind of image of Carlyle
himself reflected on the writer's mind. His name was Hill. He
was about Carlyle's age, and subscribes himself Peter Pindar.
To T, Carlyle,
Castlebank, Jan. i, 1814.
WindS.W. Weather hazy.
What is the life of man ? Is it not to shift from trouble to trouble and from side to
side ? to button up one cause of vexation and unbutton another ? So wrote the cde-
brated Sterne, so quoted the no less celebrated Jonathan, and so may the poor devil
Pindar apply it to himself. You mention some two or three disappointments you have
met with lately. For shame, sir, to be so peevish and splenetic ! Your disappoint-
ments are " trifles light as air" when compared with the vexations and disappointments
I have experienced. I was vexed and grieved to the very soul and beyond the soul, to
go to Galloway and be deprived of the pleasure of — something you know nothing
about. I was disappointed on my return at finding her in a devil of a bad $hy humor.
I was — but why do I talk to you about such things ? There are joys and soirows,
_ pleasures and pains, with which a Stoic Platonic humdrum bookworm sort of le^kv
~ like you, sir, intermeddleth not, and consequently can have no idea of. I was'disap-.
iJ
THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE, $03
pointed in Bonaparte's escaping to Paris when he ought to have been taken prisoner
by the allies at Leipsic. I was disappointed at your not mentioning anything about
our old acquaincaaces at Edinburgh. Last night there was a flag on the mail, and
to>night when I expected a Gazette announcing some great victory, the taking of
Bayonne or the marching of Wellington to Bordeaux, I was disappointed that the
caufte of all the rejoicing was an engagement with the French under the walls of
Bayonne, in which we lost upwards of 500 men killed and 3,000 wounded, and drew off
the remainder of our army safe from the destroying weapons of the enemy. I was dis-
appointed last Sunday, after I had got my stockings on, to find that there was a hole in
the heel of one of them. I read a great many books at Kirkton, and was disappointed
at finding faults in almost every one of them. I will be disappointed ; but what signi-
fies going on at this rate ? Unmixed happiness is not the lot of man —
Of chance and change, oh ! let not man complain.
Else never, never, will he cease to wail.
The weather is dull ; I am melancholy. Good night.
T. S. — My dearest Dean, — The weather is quite altered. The wind has veered about
to the north. I am in good spirits^ am happy
From the same,
Castlebank, May 9, 1814.
Dear Doctor, — I received yours last night, and a scumlous, blackguarding, flattering,
vexing, pernicked, humorous, witty, daft letter it is. Shall I answer it piecemeal, as a
certain Honorable House does a speech from its sovereign, by echoing back each syl-
lable ? No. This won't do. Oh ! how I envy you, Dean, that you can run on in such
an offhand way, ever varying the scene with wit and mirth, while honest Peter must
hold on in one numbskull track to all eternity pursuing the even tenor of his way, so
that one of Peter's letters is as good as a thousand.
You seem to taj<e friendly concern in my affaires de coeur. By the by, now, Jona-
than, without telling you any particulars of my situation in these matters, which is
scarcely known to myself, can't I advise ^<7m to fall in love? Granting as I do that it
is attended with sorrows, still. Doctor, these are amply compensated by the tenden cy
that this tender passion has to ameliorate the heart, " provided always, and be it fur-
ther enacted," that, chaste as Don Quixote or Don Quixote's horse, your heart never
breathes a wish that angels may not register. Only have care of this. Dean, and fall
in love as soon as you can — you will be the better for it.
Pages follow of excellent criticism from Peter on Leyden's
poems, on the Duke of Wellington, Miss Porter, etc. Carlyle
has told him that he was looking for a subject for an epic poem.
Peter gives him a tragi-comic description of a wedding at
Middlebie, with the return home in a tempest, which he
thinks will answer ; and concludes : —
Your reflections on the fall of Napoleon bring to my mind an observation of a friend
of mine the other day. I was repeating these lines in Shakespeare and applying them
to Bony —
But yesterday the word of Caesar might
^ Have stood against the world ; now fies he there,
And none so poor to do him reverence.
** Aye, very true,'* quoth he ; *' the fallow could na be content wi* maist all Europe,
and now he's glad o' Elba room."
Now, Doctor, let me repeat my instructions to you in a few words. Write immedi-
S04 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
ate]y a very long letter ; write an epic poem as soon as may be. Send me some mora
** remarks." Tell me how you are, how you are spending your time in EdinboiRh.
Fall in love as soon as you can meet with a proper object. Ever be a friend tc
• Pindar, and thou shalt always find one in the heart-subdued, not subduing
PSTER.
In default of writings of his own, none of which survive
out of this early period, such lineaments of Carlyle as appear
through these letters are not without instructiveness.
Having finished his college course, Carlyle k)oked out for
pupils to maintain himself. The ministry-was still his formal
destination, but several years had still to elapse before a final
resolution would be necessary — four years if he remained in
Edinburgh attending lectures in the Divinity Hall ; six if he
preferred ta be a rural Divinity student, presenting himself
once in every twelve months at the University and reading a
discourse. He did not wish to hasten matters, and, the pupil
business being precarious, and the mathematical tutorship at
Annan falling vacant, Carlyle offered for it and was elected
by competition *in 1814. He never liked teaching. The rec-
ommendation of the place was the sixty or seventy pounds a
year of salary, which relieved his father of further expense
upon him, and enabled him to put by a little money every
year, to be of use in future either to himself or his family. In
other respects the life at Annan was only disagreeable to him.
His tutor's work he did scrupulously well, but the society of
a country town had no interest for him. He would not visit
He lived alone, shutting himself up with his books, disliked
the business more and more, and came finally to hate it. An-
nan had indeed but one recommendation — ^that he was within
reach of his family, especially of his mother, to whom he was
, attached with a real passion.
His father had by this time given up business at Eccle-
fechan, and had taken a farm in the neighborhood. The
Great North Road which runs through the village rises grad-
ually into an upland treeless grass country. About two mires
distant on the left-hand side as you go towards Lockerbf,
THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMA S CARL YLE, 505
there stands arbout three hundred yards in from the road, a
solitary low white-washed house, with a few poor outbuildings
attached to it. This is Mainhill, which was now for many
years to be Carlyle's home, where he first learned German,
studied Faust in a dry ditch, and completed his translation of
Wilhelra Meister. The house itself is, or was when the Car-
lyles occupied it, of one story, and consisted of three rooms,
a kitchen, a small bed-room, and a large one connected by a
passage. The door opens into a square farmyard,' on one side
of which are stables, on the side opposite the door the cow
l^yre3, on the third a washhouse and dairy. The situation is
high, utterly bleak and swept by all the winds. Not a tree
shelters the house ; the fences are low, the wind permitting
nothing to grow but stunted thorn. The view alone redeems
the dreariness of the situation. On the left is the g^eat hill
of Bumswark. Annandale stretches in front down to the
Solway, which shines like a long silver riband ; on the right
is Hoddam Hill with the Tower of Repentance on its crest,
and the wooded'slopes which mark the line of the river. Be-
yond Hoddam towers up Criffel, and in the far distance
Skiddaw, and Saddleback, and Helvellyn, and the high Cum-
berland ridges on the track of the Roman wall. Here lived
Carlyle's father and mother with their eight children, Carlyle
himself spending his holidays with them ; the old man and
his younger sons cultivating the sour soil and winning a
hard-earned living out of it, the mother and daughters doing
the household work and minding cows and poultry, and tak-
ing- their turn in the field with the rest in harvest time.
So two years passed away. Of Carlyle's own wiriting during
this period there is still nothing preserved; but his corres-
pondence continued, and from these letters glimpses can be
gathered of his temper and occupations. He was mainly busy
with mathematics, but he was reading incessantly, Hume's
Essays among other books. He was looking out into the
world, meditating on the fall of Napoleon, on the French,
So6
THB" LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
Revolution, and thinking much of the suffering in Scotland
which followed the close of the war. There were sarcastic
sketches, too, of the families with which he was thrown in
Annan and the neighborhood. Robert Mitchell (an Edin-
burgh student, who had become master of a school at Ruth-
well) rallies him on " having reduced the fair . and fat
academicians into scorched, singed, and shriveled hags";
and hinting a warning '* against the temper with respect to
this world which we are sometimes apt to entertain," he sug-
gests that young men like him and his correspondent " ought
to think how many are worse off than they," " should be
thankful for what they had, and should not allow imagination
to create unreal distresses."
To another friend, Thomas Murray, author afterwards of a
history of Galloway, Carlyle had complained of his fate in a
light and less bitter spirit. To ah epistle written in this tone
Murray replied with a description of Carlyle 's style, which
deserves a place, if but for the fulfillment of the prophecy
which it contains : —
5 Carnbgib Strebt, July ay, 1816?
I have had the pleasure of receiving, my dear Carlyle, your very humorous and
friendly letter, a letter remarkable for vivacity, a Shandean turn of expression, and
an affectionate pathos which indicate a peculiar turn of mind, make sincerity doubly
striking and wit doubly poignant. You flatter mc with saying my letter was good;
but allow me to observe that among all my elegant and respectable correspondents
there is none whose manner of letter-writing I so much envy as yours. A happy flow
of language cither for pathos, description or humor, and an easy, graceful current of
ideas appropriate to every subject, characterize your style. This is not adulation ; I
$peak what 1 think. Your letters wiH always be a feast to me, a varied and exquisite
repast ; and the time, I hope, will come, but I trust is far distant, when these our
juvenile epistles will be read and probably applauded by a generation unborn, and
that the name of Carlyle, at least, will be inseparably connected with the literary his-
tory of the nineteenth century. Generous ambition and perseverance will overcome
every difiieulty, and our great Johnson says, *' Where much is attempted something is
performed." You will, perhaps, recollect that when I conveyed you out of town in
April, 1814, we were very sentimental : we said that few knew us, and still fewer took
an interest in us, and that we would slip through the world inglorious and unknown.
But the prospect is altered. We are probably as well known, and have made as great
a figure, as any of the same standing at college, and we do not know, but will hope^
what twenty years may bring forth.
A letter from you every fortnight shall be answered faithfully, and will be highly
delightful ; and if we live to be seniors, the letters of the com^nions of our youth
will call tt> mind our college scenes, endeared to us by many teilder aissociations, acid
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE. 50/
will make us forget that we are poor and old. . . . That you may be always successful
and enjoy every happiness that this evanescent world can afford, and that we may
meet soon^ is, my dear Carlyle, the sincere wish of
Yours most faithfully,
Thomas Murray.
These college companions were worthy and innocent young
men ; none of thefn, however, came to much, and Carlyle's
career was now about to intersect with a life of a far moi'e
famous contemporary who flamed up a few years later into
meridian splendor and then disappeared in delirium. Edward
Irving was the son of a well-to-do burgess of Annan, by pro-
fession a tanner, Irving was five years older than Carlyle ;
he had preceded him at Annan school. He had gone then to
Edinburgh University, where he had specially distinguished
himself, and had been selected afterwards to manage a school
at Haddington, where his success as a teacher had been
again conspicuous. Among his pupils at Haddington there
was one gifted little girl who will be hereafter much heard of
in these pages, Jane Baillie Welsh, daughter of a Dr. Welsh,
whose surgical fame was then great in that part of Scotland,
a remarkable man who liked Irving and trusted his only child
in his hands. The Haddington adventure had answered so
well that Irving, after a year or two, was removed to a larger
school ^ Kirkcaldy, where, though no fault was found with
his teaching, he gave less complete satisfaction. A party
among his patrons there t];iought him too severe with the
boys, thought him proud, thought him this or that which they
did not like. The dissentients resolved at last to have a sec-
ond school of their own to be managed in a different fashion,
and they applied to the classical and mathematical professors
at Edinburgh to recommend them a master. Professor Chris-
tieson and Professor Leslie, who had noticed Carlyle more
than he was aware of, had decided that he was the fittest per-
son that they knew of; and in the summer of 1816 notice of
the offered preferment was sent down to him at Annan.
He had seen Irving's face occasionally in Ecclefechan
508 ' TH^ LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
church, and once afterwards, when Irving, fresh from his col-
lege distinctions, had looked in upon Annan school ; but they
had no personal acquaintance, nor did Carlyle, while he was
a master there, ever visit the Irving family. Of course, how-
ever, he was no stranger to the reputation of their brilliant
son, with whose fame all Annandale was ringing, and with
whom kind friends had compared him to his own disadvan-^
tage.
I (he says) had heard much of Irving all along, how distinguished in studies^ how
splendidly successful as a teacher, how two professors had sent him out to Hadding-
ton, and how his new academy and new methods were iHumijnating. a^d astonishing
everything there. I don't remember any malicious envy toward this great Irving of
the distance for his greatness in study and learning. I certainly might have had a ten-
dency hadn*t I struggled against it, and tried to make, it emulation. '' Po th^ Uke, do
the like under difficulties."
In the winter of 1815 Carlyle for the first time personally
met Irving, and the beginning of the acquaintance was not
promising. He was still pursuing his Divinity course. Can-
didates who could riot attend the regular lectures at the Uni-
versity came up once a year and delivered an address of some
kind in the Divinity Hall. One already he had given in the
first year of his Annan mastership — an English sermon on the
text ** Before I was afflicted I went astray," etc. He calls it
"a weak, flowery, sentimental piece," for which, however, he
had l)een complimented " by comrades and professors." His
next was a discourse in Latin pn the question whether there
was or was not such a thing as *' Natural Religion." This, too,
he says, was '* weak enough." It is lost, and nothing is left
to show the view which he took about the matter. But here
also he gave satisfaction, and was innocently pleased with
himself. It was on this occasion that he fell in accidentally
with Irving at a friend's rooms in Edinburgh, and there was a
trifling skirmish of tongue between them, where Irving foiind
the laugh turned against him.
A few months after came Carlyle's appointment to Kirk*
caldy as Irving's quasi rival, and perhaps he felt a little uneasy
as to the terms on which they might stand towards ea<ih otiier.
,, THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE, 5^9
His alarms, however, were pleasantly dispelled. He was to
go to Kirkcaldy in the summer holidays of 1816 to see the
people there and be seen by them before coming to a final
arrangement. Adam Hope, one of the masters in Annan
school, to whom Carlyle was much attached, and whose por-
trait he has painted, had just lost his wife. Carlyle had gone
to sit with the old man in his sorrows, and unexpectedly fell
in with Irving there, who had come on the same errand.
If (he says) I had been in doubts about his reception of me, he quickly and forever
ended them by a friendUness which on wider scenes might have been called chivalrous.
At first sight he heartily sho<xk my hand, welcomed me as if I had been a^valued old
acquauntance, almost a brother, and before my leaving came up to me again and with
the frankest cone said, *^ Vt>u are coming to Kirkcaldy to look about you in a month
or two. You know I am there ; my house and all that I can do for you is yours ; two
Atinandale people must not be strangers in Fife." The doubting Thomas durst not
quite believe all this, so chivalrous was it, but felt pleased and relieved by the fine and
\ tone of it, and thought to himself, " Well, it would be pretty."
To Kirkcaldy, then, Carlyle went with hopes so far im-
proved. How Irving kept his word ; how warmly he received
him ; how he opened his house, his library, his heart to him ;
how they walked and talked together on Kirkcaldy sands on
the summer nights, and toured together in holiday time
througl\the Highlands; how Carlyle found in him a most
precious and affectionate companion at the most critical
period of^his life — all this Carlyle has himself described. The
reader will find it for himself in the reminiscences of Edward
Irving.
Inring (he says) was four years my senior, the facile prtnceps for success and reputa^
tion among the ^dinbui^h students, famed mathematician, famed teacher, first at
Haddington, then here a flourishing man whom cross fortune was beginning to nibble
at. He received me with open arms, and was a brother to me and a friend there an4
elsew here afterwards— 4uch friend as I never had again or before in thb world, at heart
constant till he died.
I am tempted to fill many pages with extracted pictures
of the Kirkcaldy life as Carlyle has drawn them. But they
can be read in their place, and there is much else to tell ; my
business is to supply what is left untold, rather than give
again what has been told already.
Correspondence with his family had commenced and was
5IO THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
regularly continued from the day when Carlyle went first to
college. The letters, however, which are preserved begin
with his settlement at Kirkcaldy. From this time they are
constant, regular, and, from the care with which they have
been kept on both sides, are to be numbered in thousands.
Father, mother, brothers, sisters, all wrote in their various
styles, and all received answers. They were " a clannish folk "
holding tight together, and Carlyle was looked up to as the
flower of the whole flock. Of these letters I can give but a
few here and there, but they will bring before the eyes, the
Mainhill farm, and all that was going on there in a sturdy,
pious, and honorable Annandale peasant's household. Carlyle
had spent his Christmas holidays, 1816-17 ^t home as usual,
and had returned to work.
James Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle.,
Mainhill^ Feb. xa, 18x7.
Dear Son,— I embrace this opportunity of writing you a few lines with the carxier, as
I had nothing to say that was worth postage, having written to you largely the last
time. But only I have reason to be thankful that I can still tell you that we are all in
good health, blessed be God for all his mercies towards us. Yojir mother has got your
stockings ready now, and I think there are a few pairs of very good on^. Times b
very bad here for laborers — work is no brisker and living is high. There have been
meetings held by the Lairds and farmers to assist ohern in getting meal. They propose
to take all the meal that can be sold in the parish to Ecclefechan, for which they shall
have full price, and there they sign another paper telling how much money they will give
to reduce the price. The charge is given to James Bell, Mr. Miller, and William Gkaham
to sell it.
Mr. Lawson, our priest, is doing very well, and has given us no more paraphrases;
but seems to please every person that hears him, and indeed he is well attended every
day. The sacrament is to be the first Sabbath of March, and he i$ visiting his people,
but has not reached Mainhill. Your mother was very anxious to have the house done
before he came, or else she said she would mn over the hill and hide herself. Sandy
(Alexander Carlyle, the second son) and I got to work soon after you went away, built
partitions, and ceiled — a good floor laid— and indeed it is very dry and comfortable at
this time, and we are very snug and have no want of the necessaries of life. Our crop
is as good as I expected, and our sheep and all our cattle living and doing very well.
Your mother thought to have written to you ; but the carrier stopped only two days
at home, and she ^ing a very slow writer could not get it done, but she will write next
opportunity. I add no more but your mother's compliments, and she sends you half
the cheese that she was telling you about. Say in your next how your brother is com- *
ing on, and tell us when it is done and we will send you more. Write soon after you
receive this, and tell us all your news and how you are coming on. I say no more, but
remain, dear son, your loving father.
Jambs Oaklylb.
' THE EARL V LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE, 5 ^ ^
Thomas Carfyle to Mrs, Carlyle {Matnhill),
Kirkcaldy, March 17, 1817.
My dear Mother, — I have been long intending to write you a line or two in order to
let you know my state and condition, but having nothing worth writing to communicate
I have put it off from time to time. There was little enjoyment for any person at
Mamhill when I was there last, but I look forward to the ensuing autumn, when I hope
to have the happines of discussing matters with you as we were wont to do of old. It
gives me pleasure to hear that the bairns are at school. There are few- things in this
world more valuable than knowledge, and youth is the period for acquiring it. With
the exception of the religious and moral instruction which I had the happiness of re-
ceiving from my parents, and which I humbly trust will not be entirely lost upon me,
there is nothing for which I feel more grateful than for the education which they have
bestowed upon me. Sandy was getting fond of reading when he went away. I hope
he and Aitken* will continue their operations now that he b at home. There cannot
be imagined a more honest way of employing spare hours.
My way of life in this place is much the same as formerly. The school is doing
pretty well, and my health through the winter has been uniformly good- I have little
intexx:oarse with the natives here ; yet there is no dryness between us. We are always
happy to meet and happy to part ; but their society is not very val uable to me, and my
books are friends that never fail me. Sometimes I see the minister and some others of
them, with whom I am very well satisfied, and Irving and I are very friendly ; so I am
never wearied or at a loss to pass the time.
I had designed this night to write to Aitken about his books and studies, but I will
scarcely have time to say anything. There b a book for him in the box, and I would
have sent him the geometry, but it was not to be had in the town. I have sent you a
scarf as near the kind as Aitken*s very scanty description would allow me to come. I
hope it will please you. It is as good as any that the merchant had, A shawl of the
same materials would have been warmer, but I had no authority to get it. Perhaps
you would like to have a shawl also. If you will tell me what color you prefer, I will
send it you with all the pleasure in the world. I expect to hear from you as soon as
you can find leisure. You must be very minute in your account of your domestic af-
fairs. My father once spoke of a threshing machine. If twenty pounds or so will
help him, they are quite ready at his service.
I remain, dear mother, your affectionate son,
Thomas Carlylb.
Mrs. Carlyle could barely write at this time. She taught
hersejf later in life for the pleasure of communicating with
her son, between whom and herself there existed a special
and passionate attachment of a quite peculiar kind. She was
a severe Calvinist, and watched with the most affectionate
anxiety over her children's spiritual welfare, her eldest boy's
above all. The hope of her life was to see him a minister —
a " priest " she would have called it — and she was already
alarmed to know that he had no inclination that way.
* John Aitken Carlyle, the third son, afterwards known as John.
S 1 2 THE LIBRAR Y MAGAZINE.
Mrs, Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle.
Main HILL, June xo, 18x7.
Dear Son, — I take this opportunity of writing you a few lines, as you will get it free.
I long to have a craik,* and look forward to August, trusting to see thee once more,
but in hope the meantime. Oh, Tom, mind the golden season of youth, and remem-
ber your Creator in the days of your youth. Seek God while He may be found. Call
upon Him while He is near. We hear that the world by wisdom knew not God.
Pray for His presence with you, and His counsel to guide you. Have you got through
the Bible yet ? If you have, read it again. I hope you will not weary, and may the
Lord open your understanding.
I have no news to tell you, but thank God we are all in an ordinary way. I hope
you are well. I thought you would have written before now. I received your present
and was very proud of it. I called it ** my son's venison." Do write as soon as this
comes to hand and tell us all your news. I am glad you are so contented in your
place. We ought all be thankful for our places in these distressing times, for 1 dare
say they are felt keenly. We send you a small piece of ham and a minding of butter,
as I am sure yours is done before now. Tell us about it in your next, and if anything
is wanting.
Good night, Tom, for it b a very stormy night, and I must away to the byre to
milk.
Now, Tom, be sure to tell me about your chapters. No more from
Your old
MiNNIB.
The letters from the other members of the family were sent
equally regularly whenever there was an opportunity, and
give between them a perfect picture of heialthy rustic life at
the Mainhill farm — the brothers and sisters down to the low-
est all hard at work, the little ones at school, the elders
plowing, reaping, tending cattle, or minding the dairy, and
in the intervals reading history, reading Scott's novels, or
even trying at geometry, which was then Carlyle's own
favorite study. In the summer of 181 7 the mother had a
severe illness, by which her mind was affected. It was neces-
sary to place her for a few weeks under restraint away from
home — a step no doubt just and necessary, but which she
never wholly forgave, but resented in her own humorous way
to the end of her life. The disorder passed off, however, and
never returned.
Meanwhile Carlyle was less completely contented with his
position at Kirkcaldy than he had let his mother suppose.
For one thing he hated school masteri ng ; he would, or
* Familiar talk.
i^r^A.
THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMA S CARL YLE, 5 1 3
thought he would, have preferred to work with his hands»
and except Irving he had scarcely a friend in the place for
whom he cared. His occupation shut him out from the best
kind of society, which there, as elsewhere, had its exclusive
rules. He was received, for Irving's sake, in the family of
Mr. Martin, the minister, and was in some degree of intimacy *
there, liking Martin himself, and to some extent, but not
much, his wife and daughters, to one of whom Irving had per- '
haps too precipitately become engaged. There were others
also— Mr. Swan, a Kirkcaldy merchant, particularly — for whom
he had a grateful remembrance ; but it is clear, both from
Irving's letters to him and from his own confession, that he was
not popular either there or anywhere. - Shy and reserved at
one moment, atanother sarcastically self-asserting, with forces
working in him which he did not himself understand, and
which still less could be understood by others, he could
neither properly accommodate himself to the tone of Scotch
provincial drawing-rooms, nor even to the business which he
had specially to do. A man of genius can do the lowest work
as well as the highest; but genius in the process of develop-
ing, combined with an irritable nervous system and a fiercely
impatient temperament, was not happily occupied in teaching
stupid lads the elements of Latin and arithmetic. Nor were
matters mended when the Town Corporation, who were his
masters, took upon them, as sometimes happened, to instruct
or rebuke him.
Life, however, even under these hard circumstances, was
not without its romance. I borrow a passage from the " Re-
miniscences " : —
The Kirkcaldy people were a pleasant, solid, Tionest kind of fellow mortals, some-
thing of quietly fruitful, of good old Scotch in their works and ways, more vernacular,
peaceably fixed and almost genial in their mode of life, than T had been used to in the
border home land. Fife generally we liked. Those ancient little burghs and sea vil-
lages, with their poor little havens, salt-pans and weather-beaten bits of Cyclopean
breakwaters, and rude innocent machineries, are still kindly to me to think of. Kirk->
caldy itself had many looms, had Baltic trade, whale fishery, etc., and was a solidly
diligent and yet by no means a panting, pufiing, or in any way gambling " Lang
Town." lu flax-mill machinery, I remember, was turned mainly by wind ; and curi-
L. M.— 17
5 14 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
ous blue-painted wheels with oblique vans rose from many roofs for that end'. We aU,
I in particular, always rather liked the people, though from the distance chiefly,
chagrined and discouraged by the sad trade one had. Some hospitable human friends
I found, and these were at intervals a fine little element ; but in general we were but
onlookers, the one real society our books and our few selves. Not even with the
bright young ladies (which was a sad feature) were we generally on speaking terms.
By far the. brightest and cleverest, however, an ex-pupil of Irving's, and genealogi-
cally and otherwise, being poorish and well-bred, rather an alien in Kirkcaldy, I did at
last make some acquaintance with— at Irving's first, I think, though she rarely came
tnither— -and it might easily have been more, had she and her aunt and our economics
and other circumstances liked. She was of the fair-complexioned, softly elegant, softly
grave, witty and comely type, and had a good deal of gracefulness, intelligence, and
other talent. Irving, too, it was sometinfes thought, found her very interesting, could
the Miss Martin bonds have allowed, which they never would. To me, who had only
known her for a few months, and who within a twelve or fiftAn months saw the last
of her, she continued, for perhaps three years, a figure hanging more or less in my
fancy, on the usual romantic, or latterly quite elegiac and silent terms, and to this day
there is in ree a good will to her, a candid and gentle pity, if needed at all. She was
of the Aberdeenshire Gordons. Margaret Gordon, bom I think in New Brunswick,
where her father, probably in some official post, had died young and poor ; but her
accent was prettily English^ and her voice very fine.
An aunt (widow in Fife, childless with limited resources, but of frugal, cultivated
turn ; a lean, proud, elderly dame, once a Miss Gordon herself ; sang Scotch songs beau-
tifully, and talked shrewd Aberdeenish in accent and otherwise) had adopted her and
brought her hither over seas ; and here, as Irving's ex- pupil, she now, cheery though
with dim outlooks, was. Irving saw her again in Glasgow one summer's touring, etc. ;
he himself accompanying joyfully — not joining, so I understood, in the retinue of
suitors or potential suitors ; rather perhaps indicating gently " No, I must not." A
year or sb after we heard the fair Margaret had married some rich insignificant Mr.
Something, who afterwards got into Parliament, thence out to ^* Nova Scotia*' (or so,
as governor, and I heard of her no more, except that lately she was still living child-
less as the " dowager lady," her Mr. Something having got knighted before dying.
Poor Margaret ! I saw her recognizable to me here in her London time, 1840 or so)
twice ; once with her maid in Piccadilly promenading— tittle altered ; a second time
that same year, or next, on horseback both of us, and meeting in the gate of Hyde
Park, when her eyes (but that was all) said to me almost touchingly, yes, yes, that is
you.
Margaret Gordon was the original, so far as there was an
original, of Blumine in Sartor Resartus. Two letters from
her remain among Carlyle's papers, which showed that on
both sides their regard for each other had found expression.
Circumstances, however, and the unpromising appearance of
Carlyle's situation and prospects, forbade an engagement be-
tween them, and acquit the aunt of needless harshness in
peremptorily putting an end to their acquaintance. Miss
Gordon toolc leave of him as a ** sister'* in language of affec-
tionate advice. A single passage may be quoted to show how
the young unknown Kirkcaldy schoolmaster appeared in tbc^
THE EARL Y LIFE OF TIIOMA S CARL YLE. 5^5
eyes of the high-born lady who had thus for a moment
crossed his path.
And DoWf my dear friend, a long, long adieu ; one advice, and, as a parting one con-
sider, value it. Cultivate the milder disposicioBS of your heart. Subdue the more
extravagant virions of the brain. In time your abilities must be known* Among
your acquaintance they are already beheld with wonder and delight. By those whose
opinion will be valuable, they hereafter will be appreciated. Genius will render you
great. May virtue render you beloved ! Remove the awful distance between you
and ordinairy men by kind and gentle manner. Deal gently with their inferiority, and
be convinced they will respect you as much and like you more. Why conceal the
real goodness that flows in your heart ? I have ventured this counsel from an anxiety
for your future welfare, and I would enforce it with all the earnestness of the most
sincere friendship. Let your light shine before men, and think them not unworthy
the trouble. This exercise will prove its own reward. It must be a pleasing thing to
live in the affections of others. Again adieu. Pardon the freedom I have used, and
when you think of me be it as of a kind sister, to whom your happiness will always
yield delight, and your griefs sorrow.
Yours, with esteem and regard,
M.
I give ypu not my address because I dare not promise to see you.
Carlyle had by this time abandoned the " ministry " as his
possible future profession — not without a struggle, for both
his father's and his mother's hearts had been set upon it; but
the "grave prohibitive doubts " which had risen in him of
their own accord had been strengthened by Gibbon, whom he
had found in Irving's library, and had eagerly devoured.
Never at any time had he " the least inclination " for such an
office, and his father, though deeply disappointed, was too
wise a man to remonstrate.* The " schoolmastering " too,
after two years' experience of it, became intolerable. His
disposition, at once shy and defiantly proud, had perplexed
and displeased the Kirkcaldy burghers. Both he and Irving
* ** With me,** be says in a private note, ** it wa=j never much in favor, though my
parents silently much wished it, as 1 knew well. Finding I had objections, my father,
with a magnanimity which I admired and admire, left me frankly to my own guidance
in that matter, as did my mother, perhaps still more lovingly, though not so silently ;
and the theological course which could be prosecuted or kept open by appearing ah-
nually, putting down your name, but with some trifling fee, in the register, and then
going your way, was, after perhaps two years of this languid form, allowed to close
itself for good. I remember yet being on the street in Argyll Square, Edinburgh,
probably in 1817, and come over from Kirkcaldy with some intent, the languidest
possible, still to put down my name and fee. The official person, when I rung, was
not at home, and my instant feeling was, * Very good, then, very good ; let this be
Finis in the matter,' and it really was.— T. C.**
Si6
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
fell into unpleasant collisions with their employers, antj
neither of them was sufficiently docile to submit to reproof.
An opposition school had been set up which drew off the
pupils, and finally they both concluded that they had h^d
enough of it — ** better die than be a schoolmaster for one's
living" — and would seek some other means of supporting
themselves. Carlyle had passed his summer holidays as
usual at Mainhill (1818), where he had perhaps talked over
his prospects with his family. On his return to Kirkcaldy in
September he wrote to his father explaining his situation.
He had saved about £/)0, on which, with his thrifty habits, he
said that he could support himself in Edinburgh till he could
" fall into some other way of doing." He could perhaps get
a few mathematical pupils, and meantime could study for the
bar. He waited only for his father's approval to send in his
resignation. The letter was accompanied by one of his con-
stant presents to his mother, who was again at home, though
not yet fully recovered.
John Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle,
Mainhill, September i6, t8x8.
Dear Brother, — We received yours, and it told us of your safe arrival at Kirkcaldy.
Our mother has grown better every day since you left us. She is as steady as ever she
was, has been upon haystacks three or four times' and has been at churcli every Sab-
bath since she came home, behaving always very decently. Also, she has given over
talking and singing, and spends some of her time consulting Ralph Erskine. She
sleeps every night, and hinders no person to sleep, but can do with less than the gen-
erality of people. In fact we may conclude that she is as wise as could be expected.
She has none of the hypocritical mask with which some people clorbe their senti-
ments. One day, having met Agg Byers, she says : " Weel, Agg, lass, I've never
spoken t'ye sin ye stole our coals. 1*11 gi^: ye an advice : never steal nae more.*'
Alexander Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle,
September 18, 1818.
My dear Brother, — ^We were glad to hear of your having arrived in safety, though
your prospects were not brilliant. My father is at Ecclefechan to-day at a market,
but before he went he told me to mention that with regard to his advising you, he Wse
unable to give you any advice. He thought it might be necessary to consult Leslie
before you gave up, but you might do what seemed to you good. Had my ftdvice any
weight, I would advise you to try the law. You may think you have not moBcy
enough to try that, but with what assistance we could make, and your own industry, I
think there would be no fear but you would succeed. The box which contjuned my
mother's bonnet came a day or two ago. She is very well pleased with it, though WSi
father thought it too gaudy ; but she purposes writing to you herself* .
,^ THE EARL Y LITE OF THOMA S CARL YLE. 5 1 7
The end was, that, when December came, Carlyle and Irv-
ing- ** kicked the schoolmaster functions over," removed to
Edinburgh, and were adrift on the world. Irving had little to
fear: he had money, friends, reputation ; he had a profession,
and was waiting only for ** a call " to enter on his full privi-
leges. Carlyle was far more unfavorably situated. He was
poor, uhpopular, comparatively unknown, or, if known, known
only to be feared and even shunned. In Edinburgh " from my
fellow creatures," he says, " little or nothing but vinegar was
my reception when we happened to meet or pass near each
other— my own blame mainly, so proud, shy, poor, at once so
insignificant-looking, and so grim and sorrowful. That in
Sartor of the worm trodden on and proving a torped6 is not
wholly a fable, but did actually befall once o r twice, as I still
with-^a kind of small, not ungenial, malice can remember."
He had, however, as was said, nearly a hundred pounds, which
he had saved out of his earnings ; he had a consciousness of
integrity worth more than gold to him. He had thrifty, self-
denying habits which made him content with the barest
necessaries, and he resolutely faced his position. His family,
though silently disapproving the step which he had taken,
and necessarily anxious about him, rendered what help they
could. Once more the Ecclefechan carrier brought up the
weekly or monthly supplies of oatmeal, cakes, butter, and,
when needed, under-garments, returning with the dirty linen
for the mother to wash and mend, and occasional presents
which were never forgotten ; while Carlyle, after a thought
of civil engineering, for which his mathematical training gave
him a passing inclination, sate down seriously, if not very as-
siduously, to study law. Letters to and from Ecclefechan
were constant, the carrier acting as postman. Selections from
them bring the scene and characters before the reader's eyes.
Sister Mary, then twelve years old, writes : —
I talec the opportunity of sending you this scrawl. I got the hat you sent with
Sandy (brother Alexander), and it fits very well. It was far too good ; a worse would
have done very well. Boys and I are employed this winter in waiting on the cattle,
S'lS . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
and are ^ing on very well at present. I generally write a copy every night, and read
a little in the "Cottagers of Glenburnie," or some such like ; and it shall be my earn-
est desire never to imitate the abominable slutteries of Mrs. Maclarly. .The remarks of
the author, Mrs. Hamilton, often bring your neat ways in my mind, and I hope to be
benefited by them. In the meantime, I shall endeavor to be a good girl, to be kind
and obedient to my parents, and obliging to ray brothers' and sisters. You will write
me a long letter when the carrier comes back. n
The mother was unwearied in her affectionate solicitude-
solicitude for the eternal as well as temporal interests of her
darling child.
Mrs. Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle,
Mainhill, January 3, 1819.
Dear Son, — I received yours in due time, and was glad to hear you were weH. I
hope you will be healthier, moving about in the city, than in your former way. Health
is a valuable privilege ; try to improve it, then. The time is short. Another year has
commenced. Time is on the wing, and flies swiftly. Seek God with all your heart,
and oh, my dear son, cease not to pray for Hb counsel in all your ways. Fear not the
world ; you will be provided for as He sees meet for you.
As a sincere friend, whom you are always dear to, I beg you do not neglect reading
a part of your Bible daily, and may the Lord open your eyes to see wondrous thingS)
out of His law ! But it is now two o'clock in the morning, and a bad pen, bad ink,
and I as bad at writing. I will drop it, and add no more, but remain
Your loving mother,
Peggie Carlyle.
Carlyle had written a sermon on the salutary effects of ** af-
fliction," as his first exercise in the Divinity School. He was
beginning now, in addition to the problem of living which he
had to solve, to learn what affliction meant. He was attacked
with dyspepsia, which never wholly left him, and in these early-
years soon assumed its most torturing form like " a rat gnaw-
ing at the pit of his stomach " ; his natural irritability found
escape in expressions which showed that he was already
attaining a mastery of language, The noises of Edinburg^h
drove him wild and opened the sluices of his denunciatory-
eloquence.
I find living here very high (he wrote soon after he was settled in his lodgings). An
hour ago I paid my week's bill, which, though 15^. -xd.y was the smallest of the three
' I have yet discharged. This is an unreasonable sum, when I consider the slender ac-
commodation and the paltry, ill-cooked morsel which is my daily pittance. There is
also a schoolmaster right overhead, whose noisy brats give me at times no small an-
noyance. On a given night of the week he also assembles a select number of vocal
performers, whose music, as they charitably name it, is now and then so clamorous
that I almost wished the throats of these sweet singers full of molten lead, or any
other substance that would stop their braying.
THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE. S I9
But he was not losing heart, and he liked, so far as had seen
into it, his new profession : —
The law (he told his mother) is that I sometimes think I was intended for naturally.
I am afraid it takes several hundreds to become an advocate. But for this I should^
commence the study of it with great hopes of success. We shall see whether it is possible.
One of the first advocates of the day raised himself from being a disconsolate preacher
to his present eminence. Therefore I entreat you not tobe uneasy about me. I see
none of my fellows with whom I am very anxious to change places. Tell the boys not
to let their hearts be troubled for me. I am a stubborn dog, and 'evil fortune shall not
break my heart or bend it either, as I hope. I know not how to speak about the
washing which you offer so kindly. Surely you thought, five years ago, that this
troublesome washing and baking was all over ; and now to recommence ! I can
scarcely think of troubling you ; yet the clothes af-e ill-washed here ; and if the box be
going and coming any way, perhaps you can manage it."
While law lectures were being attended, the problem was
how to live. Pupils were a poor resource, and of his adven-
tures in this department Carlyle gave ridiculous accounts. In
February, 18 19, he wrote to his brother John : —
About a week ago I briefly dismissed an hour of private teaching. A man in the
New Town applied to one Nichol, public teacher of mathematics here, for a person to
give instruction in arithmetic, or something of that sort. Nichol spoke of me, and I
was in consequence directed to call on the man next morning. I went at the appointed
hoiir, and after waiting for a few minutes was met by a stout, impudent-looking man
with red whiskers, having much the air of an attorney, or some such creature of that
sort. As our conversation may give you some insight into these matters, I report the
substance of it. " I am here,** I said, after making a slight bow, which was just per-
ceptibly returned, '*by.the request of Mr. Nichol, to speak with you, sir, about a
mathematical teacher whom he tells me you want." " Aye. What are your terms ? "
"Two guineas a month for each hour." "Two guineas a month ! that is perfectly
extravagant.*' ** I believe it to be the rate at which every teacher of respectability in
Edinburgh officiates, and I know it to be the rate below which I never officiate.*'
" That will-not do for my friend " '* I am sorry that nothing else will do for me ; "
and I retired with considerable deliberation.
Other attempts were not so unsuccessful ; one, sometimes
two, pupils were found willing to pay at the rate required.
Dr. Brewster, afterwards Sir David, discovered Carlyle and ,
gave him employment on his Encyclopaedia. He was thus
able to earn, as long as the session lasted, about two pounds
a week, and on this he contrived to live without trenching on
his capital. His chief pleasure was his correspondence with
his mother, which never slackened. She had written to tell
him of the death of her sister Mary. He replies : —
Edinburgh, Monday, March 29, 1819.
My dear Mother, — I am so much obliged to you for the aifectiooate concern which
5 20 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
you express for me in that long letter- that I cannot delay to send you a few brief
words by way of reply. I was affected by the short notice you give me of Aunt
Mary's death, and the short reflections with which you close it. It is true, my dear
mother, '* that we must all soon follow her," such is the unalterable and not unpleas-
ing doom of men. Then it is well for those who, at that awful moment which is before
every^one, shall be able to took back with calmness and forward with hope. But I
need not dwell upon this solemn subject. It is familiar to the thoughts of every one
who has any thought.
I am rather afraid I have not been quite regular in reading that best of books whu^
you recommended tame. However, last night I was reading upon my favorite Job,
and I hope to do better in time to come. I entreat you to believe that I am sincerely
desirbus of being a good man ; and though we may differ in some few unimportant
particulars, yet I firmly trust that ^the same power which created us with imperfect
faculties will pardon the errors of every one (and none are without them) who seeks
truth and righteousness with a simple heart.
You need not fear my studying too much. In fact, my prospects are so unsettled
that I do not often sit down to books with all the zeal I am capable of. You are not
to think I am fretful. I have long accustomed my mind to look upon the future witH
a sedate aspect, and at any rate my hopes have never yet failed me. A French author,
D'Alembert (one of the few persons who deserve the honorable epithet of honest man),
whom I was lately reading, remarks that one who devoted his life to learning ought
to carry for his motto, '' Liberty, Truth, Poverty," for he that fears the latter can
never have the former. This should not prevent one from using every honest effort
to attain a comfortable situation in life ; it says only that the best is dearly bought \xy
base conduct, and the worst is not worth mourning over. We shall speak of all these
matters more fully in summer, for I am meditating just now to come down to stay a
while with you, accompanied with a cargo of books, Italian, German, and others. You
will give me yonder little room, and you will waken rae every morning about five or
six o'clock. Then suck study. I shall delve in the garden too, and, in a word, become
not only the wisest but the strongest man in those regions. This is all clover^ but it
pleases one.
My dear mother, yours most affectionately,
Thomas Cablvue.
D'Alembert's name had probably never reached Annandale,
and Mrs. Carlyle could not gather from it into what perilous
regions her son was traveling — but her quick ear caught
something in the tone which frightened her.
Oh, my dear, dear son (she answered at once and eagerly), I would pray for a bless-
ing on your learning. I beg you with all the feeling of an affectionate mother that
you would study the Word of God, which he has graciously put in our hands, that it
may powerfully reach our hearts, that we may discern it in its true light. God made
man after His own image, therefore he behoved to be without any imperfect facult^s.
Beware, my dear son, of such thoughts ; let them not dwell on your mind. God for-
bid ! But I dare say you will not care to read this scrawl. Do make religion your great
study, Tom ; if you repent it, I will bear the blame for ever.
Carlyle was thinking as much as his mother of religion, 1
the form in which his thoughts were running was not h^
He was painfully seeing that all things were not wholly ap^W
THE EARL V LIFE OF THOMA S CARL YLE,' 5^1
had been taught to think of them ; the doubts which had
stopped his divinity career were blackening^ into thunder-
clouds; and all his reflections were colored by dyspepsia.
"I was entirely unknown in Edinburgh circles/' he says,
" solitary, eating my own heart, fast losing my health too, a
prey to nameless struggles and miseries, which have yet a
kind of horror in them to my thoughts, three weeks without
any kind of sleep from impossibility to be free of noise." In
fact he was entering on what he called " the three most miser-
able years of my life.' He would have been saved from much
could he have resolutely thrown himself into his intended
profession ; but he hated it, as just then, perhaps, he would
have hated anything.
I had thought (he writes in a note somewhere) of attempting to become an advocate.
It seemed glorious to me for its independency, and I did read some law books, attend
Hume's lectures on Scotch law, and converse with and question various dull people of
thf practical sort. But it and they and the admired lecturing tf ume himself appeared
CO me mere deAizens of the kingdom of dullness, pointing towards nothing but money
as wages for all that bogppol of disgust. Hume*s lectures once donewith, I flung the
thing away for ever.
Men who are out of humor with themselves see their con-
dition reflected in the world outside them, and everything
seems amiss because it is not well with themselves. But the
state of Scotland and England also was fitted to feed his dis-
content. The great war had been followed by a collapse.
Wages were low, food at famine prices. Tens of thousands
of artisans were out of work, their families were starving,
?ind they themselves were growing mutinous. Even at home
from his own sternly patient father who never meddled with
pohtics, he heard things not calculated to reconcile him to
existing arrangements.
I have heard my father say (he mentions), with an impressiveness which all his pcr-
ception» carried with them, that the lot of a poor man was growing worse, that the
world would not, and could not, last as it was, but mighty changes, of which none saw
the end, were on the way. In the dear years when the oatmeal was as high as ten
shillings a stone, he had noticed the laborers, I have heard him tell, retire each sepa-
rately to a brook and there drink instead of dining, anxious only to hide it.
These early impressions can be traced through the whole
of Carlyle's writings, the conviction being forced upon him
522 THE' LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
that there was something vicious to the bottom in English
and Scotch society, and that revolution in some form or other
lay visibly ahead. So long as Irving remained in Edinburgh
" the condition of the people " question was the constant sub-
ject of talk between him and Carlyle. They were both of
them ardent, radical, indignant at the injustice which they
witnessed, and as yet unconscious of the difficulty of mending-
it. Irving, however, Carlyle had seen little of since they had
moved to Edinburgh, and he was left, for the most part, alone
with his own thoughts. There had come upon him the trials
which in these days awaits every man of high intellectual
gifts and noble nature on his first actual acquaintance witli
human things — ^the question, far deeper than any mere political
one. What is this world then, what is this human life, over
which a just God is said to preside, but of whose presence or
whose providence so few signs are visible ? In happier ages
religion silences skepticism if it cannot reply to its difficulties,
and postpones the solution of the mystery to another stage
of existence. Brought up in a pious family, where religion was-
not talked about or emotionalized, but was accepted as the
rule of thought and conduct, himself too instinctively up-
right, pure of heart, and reverent, Carlyle, like his parents,
had accepted the Bible as a direct communication from
Heaven. It made known the will of God, and the relations
in which man stood to his Maker, as a present fact, the truth
of it, like the truth of gravitation, which man must act upon
or immediately suffer the consequences. But religion, as re-
vealed in the Bible, passes beyond present conduct, pene-
trates all forms of thought, and takes possession wherever it
goes. It claims to control the intellect, to explain the past
and foretell the future. It has entered into poetry and art.
and has been the interpreter of history. And thus th^e had
grown round it a body of opinion on all varieties of sue
assumed to be authoritative ; dogmas which science was c^
•^^radicting ; a history of events which it called infallible, ye^.
THE EAHLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE, $23
which the canons of evidence, by which other histories are
tried and tested successfully, declared not to be infallible at
all. In the Mainhill household the Westminster Confession
was a full and complete account of the position of mankind
and of the Being to whom they owed their existence. For
Carlyle's father and mother this Old and New Testament not
only cojitainejd all spiritual truth necessary for guidance in
word and deed, but every fact related in them was literally
true. To doubt was not to mistake, but was to commit a sin
of the deepest dye, and was a sure sign of a corrupted heart.
His own wide study of modern literature had shown him that
much of this had appeared to many of the strongest minds in
Europe to be doubtful or even plainly incredible. Young
n;^n of genius are the first to feel the growing influences of
their time, and on Carlyle they fell in their most painful form.
With his pride, he was most modest and self-distrustful. He
had been taught that want of faith was sin, yet, like a true
Scot, he knew that he would peril his soul if he pretended to
believe what his intellect told him was false. If any part of
what was called ReVelation was mistaken, how could he be
assured of the rest ? How could he tell that the moral part
of it^to which the phenomena which he saw round him were in
plain contradiction, was more than a " devout imagination *' }
Thus in the midst of his poverty and dyspepsia there had
come upon him the struggle which is always hardest in the
noblest minds, which Job had known, and David, and Solo-
mon, and -^schylus, and Shakespeare, and Goethe. Where
are the tokens of His presence ? where are the signs of His
coining? Is there, in this universe of things, any moral
Providence at all ? or is it the product of some force of the
nature of which we can know nothing, save only that " one
event comes alike to all, to the good and to the evil, and that
there is no difference " ?
Commonplace persons, if assailed by such misgivings,
thrust them aside, throw themselves into outward work, and
524 TffE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
leave doubt to settle itself. Carlyle could not. The impof-
tunacy of the overwhelming problem forbade him to settle
himself either to law or any other business till he had wres-
tled down the misgivings which had grappled with him: The
greatest of us have our weaknesses, and the Margaret Gordon
business perhaps intertwined itself with the spiritual torment-
The result of it was that Carlyle was extremely miserable.
*' tortured/' as he says, " by the freaks of an imagination of
extraordinary and wild activity."
He went home, as he had proposed, after the session, but
Mainhill was never a less happy place of retreat to him than
it proved this summer. He could not conceal, perhaps he did
not try to conceal, the condition of his mind ; and to his fam-
ily, to whom the truth of their creed was no more a matter of
doubt than the presence of the sun in the sky, he must have
seemed as if " possessed." He could not read ; he wandered
about the moors like a restless spirit. His mother was in ag-
ony about him. He was her darling, her pride, the apple of
her eye, and she could not restrain her lamentations and re-
monstrances. His father, "mth supreme good judgment, left
him to himself.
His tolerance for me, his trust in me (Carlyle says), was great. When I declined
going forward into the Church, though his heart was set upon it, he respected my
scruples, and patiently let me have my way. When I had peremptorily ceased from
being a schoolmaster, thoUgh he inwardly disapproved of the step as imprudent and
saw me in successive summers lingering beside him in sickliness of body and mind,
without outlook towards any good, he had the forbearance to say at worst nothing,
never once to whisper discontent with me.
In November he was back at Edinburgh again, with his pupils
and his new lectures, which he had not yet deserted, and still
persuaded himself that he would persevere with. He did not
find his friend. Irving had gone to Glasgow to be assistant to
Dr. Chalmers.
The law lectures went on, and Carlyle wrote to his mother
about his progress with them. " The law," he said, " I findTte
be a most complicated subject, yet I like it pretty well, an^^^w
''^.el that I shall like it better as I proceed. Its great charm ^
^
THE EARL V LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE, ^25
in my eyes is that no mean compliances are requisite for pros-
pering in it." To Irving he had written a fuller, not yet com-
pletely full, account of himself, complaining perhaps of his
obstructions and difficulties. Irving's advice is not what
would have been given by a cautious attorney. He admired
his friend, and only wished his great capabilities to be known
as soon as possible.
Edward Irving to Thomas Carlyle,
34 Kent Street, Glasgow, December 28, 1819.
Dear Carlyle, — I pray that you may prosper in your legal studies, provided only you
will give your mind to take in all the elements which enter into the question of the
obstacles. But remember, it is not want of knowledge alone that impedes, but want of
instruments for making that ^cnowledge available. This you know better than I. Now
my view of the matter is that your knowledge, likely very soon to surpass in extent
and accuracy that of most of your compeers, is to be made saleable, not by the usual
way of adding friend to friend, which neither you nor I are enough patient of, but by
a way of your own. Known you mu<:t be before you can be employed. Known you
will not be for a winning, attaching, accommodating man, but for an original, com-
manding, and rather self-willed man. Now establish this last character, and you take a
far higher grade than any other. How are you to establish it ? Just by bringing your-
self before the public as you are. First find vent for your notions. Get them tongue ;
upon every subject get them tongue, not upon law alone. You cannot at present get
them either utterance or audience by ordinary converse. Your utterance is not the
most favorable. It convinces, but does not persuade ; and it is only a very few (I can
claim place for myself) that it fascinates. Your audience is worse. They are gener-
ally (I exclude myself) unphilosophical, unthinking drivelers who lie in wait to catch
you in your words, and who give you little justice in the recital, because you give their
vanity or self-esteem little justice, or even mercy, in the rencounter. Therefore, my
dear friend, some other way is to be sought for. Now pause, if you be not convinced
of this conclusion. If you be, we shall proceed. If you be not, read again, and you
will see it just, and as such admit it. Now what way is to be sought for ? I know no
' other than the press. You have not the pulpit as I have, and there perhaps I have
' the advantage. You have not good and influential society. I know nothing but the
press for your purpose. None are so good as these two, the Edinburgh Review and
Blackwood's Magazine. Do not start away and say. The one I am not fit for, the
other I am not willing for. Both pleas I refuse. The Edinburgh Review you are per-
fectly fit for ; not yet upon law, but upon any work of mathematics, physics, general ^
literature, history, and politics, you are as ripe as the average of their writers. Black-
wood's Magazine presents bad company, I confess ; but it also furnishes a good field
for fugitive writing, and good introductions to society on one side of the question.
This last advice, I confess, is against my conscience, and I am inclined to blot it out ;
for did I not rest satisfied that you were to use your pen for conscience I would never
ask you to use it for your living. Writers in the encyclopaedias, except of leading arti-
cles, do not get out from the crowd ; but writers in the Review come out at once, and
obtain the very opinion you want ; opinion among the intelligent and active men in
every rank, not among the sluggish savants alone.
It is easy for me to advise what many perhaps are as ready to advise. But I know I
have influence, and I am willing to use |t. -Therefore, again let me entreat you to be-
gin a new year by an effort continuous, not for getting knowledge, but for communi-
526
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
eating it, that you may gain favor, and money, and opinion. Do not disembark all
your capital of thought, and time, and exertion into thiscontem, but disembark a por-
tion equal to its urgency, and make the experiment upon a proper scale. If it succeed,
the spirit of adventure will follow, and you will be ready to embark more ; if it fail, no
great venture was made ; no great venture is lost ; the time is not yet come. But you
will have got a more precise view by the failure, if the obstacles to be surmounted, and
time and energy will give you what you lacked. Therefore I advise you as a very
sincere friend that forthwith you choose a topic, not that you are best informed on, but
that you are most likely to find admittance for, and set apart some portion of each day
or week to this object and this alone, leaving the rest free for objects professional and
pleasant. This is nothing more than yrhat I urged at our last meeting but I have
nothing to write I deem so important. Therefore do take it to thought. Depend upon
it, you will be delivered by such present adventure from those harpies of your peace
you are too much tormented with. You will get a class with whom society will be as
pleasant as we have found it together, and* you will open up ultimate prospects which
I trust no man shall be able to close.
I think our town is safe for every leal-hearted man to his Maker and to his fellow-
men to traverse without fear of scaith. Such traversing is the wine and milk of my
present existence. I do not warrant against a Radical rising, though I think it vastly
improbable. But continue these lines a year or two, and unless you unmake our pres-
ent generation and unman them of human feeling and of Scottish intelligence, you
will have commotion. It is impossible for them to die of starvation, and they are
makiifg no provision to have them relieved. And what on earth is for them ? God
and my Saviour enable me to lift their hearts above a world that has deserted them,
though they live in its plenty and labor in its toiling service, and fix them upon a world
which, my dear Carlyle, I wish you and I had the inheritance in ; which we may have
if we will. But I am not going to preach, else I would plunge into another subject
which I rate above all subjects. Yet this ^ould not be excluded from our commun-
ion either.
I am getting on quietly enough, and, if I be defended from the errors of my heart,
may do pretty well. The Doctor (Chalmers) is full of acknowledgments, and I ought
to be full — to a higher source.
Yours affectionately,
Edward Irving.
Carlyle was less eager to give his thoughts " tongue " than
Irving supposed. He had not yet, as he expressed it, " taken
the devil by the horns." He did not mean to trouble the
world with his doubts, and as yet he had not much else to
trouble it with. But he was more and more restless. Reti-
cence about his personal sufferings was at no time one of his
virtues. Dyspepsia had him by the throat. Even the minor
ailments to which our flesh is heir, and which most of us bear
in silence, the eloquence of his imagination flung into forms
like the temptations of a saint. His mother had early de-
scribed him as "gay ill to live wi'/' and while in great things
he was the most considerate and generous of men, in trifles
he was intolerably irritable. Dyspepsia accounts for most o\
1-
THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE. $2/
it. He did not knpw what was the matter with hiiti, and wh^n
the fit was severe he drew pictures of his condition which
frightened every one belonging to him. He had sent his fam-
ily in the middle of the winter a report of himself which
made them think that he was seriously ill. His brother John,
who had now succeeded him as a teacher in Annan school,
was sent for in haste to Mainhill to a consultation, and the
result was a letter which shows the touching affection with
which the Carlyles clung to one another.
' J, A, Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle,
Mainhill, February, 1820.
I have just arrived from Annan, and we are all so uneasy on your account that at the
request of my father in particular, and of all the rest, I am determined to write to call
on you for a speedy answer. Your father and mother, and all of us, are extremely
anxious that you should come home directly if possible, if you think you can come
without danger. And we trust that, notwithstanding the bitterness of last summer,
you will still find it emphatically a home. My mother bids me call upon you to do so
by every tie of affection, and by all that is sacred. She esteems seeing you again and
administering comfort to you as her highest felicity. Your father, also, is extremely
anxious to see you again at home. The room is much more comfortable than it was
last season. The roads are repaired, and all things more convenient ; and we all trust
that you will yet recover, after you shall have inhaled your native breezes and escaped
once more from the unwholesome city of Edinburgh, and its selfish and unfeeling
inhabitants. In the name of all, then, I call upon you not to neglect or refuse our
earnest wishes ; to come home and experience the comforts of parental and brotherly
affection, which, though rude and without polish, is yet sincere and honest. .
The father adds a postscript : —
My dear Tom, — I have been very uneasy about you ever since wc received your
moving letter, and I thought to have written to you myself this day and told you all
my thoughts about your health, which is the foundation and copestone of all our
earthly comfort. But, being particularly engaged this day, I caused John to write.
Come home as soon as possible, and for ever oblige,
Dear sir, your loving father.
Jambs Carlyle.
The fright had been unnecessary. Dyspepsia, while it tor-
tures body and mind, does little serious injury. The attack
had passed off. A letter from Carlyle was already on the way,
in which the illness was scarcely noticed ; it contained little
but directions for his brother's studies, and an offer of ten
pounds out of his scantily filled purse to assist " Sandy" on
the farm. With his family it was impossible for him to talk
freely, and through his gloomy time he had but one friend
528
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
though he was of. priceless value. To Irving he had written
out his discontent. He was now disgusted with law, and meant
to abandon it. Irving, pressed as he was with work, could
always afford Carlyle the best of his time and judgment.
Edward Irving to Thomas Carlyle,
Glasgow, March 14, xSao.
Since I received your last epistle, which reminded me of some of those gloomy
scenes of nature I have often had the greatest pleasure in contemplating, I have been
wrought almost to death, having had three sermons to write, and one of them a charity
sermon ; but I shall make many sacrifices before I shall resign the entertainment and
benefit I derive from our correspondence.
Your mind is of too penetrating a cast to rest satisfied with the frail disguise which
the happiness of ordinary life has thrown on to hide its nakedness, and I do never
augur that your nature is to be satisfied with its sympathies. Indeed, I am convinced
that were you translated into the most elegant and informed circle of this city, you
would find it please only by its no.velty, and perhaps refresh by its variety ; but you
would be constrained' to seek the solid employment and the lasting gratification of
your mind elsewhere. The truth is, life is a thing formed for the average of men, and
it is only in those parts of our nature which are of average possession that it can
gratify. The higher parts of our nature find their entertainment in sympathizing
with the highest efforts of our species, which are, and will continue, confined to the
closet of the sage, and can never find their station in the drawin^room of the talking
world. Indeed, I will go higher and say that the highest parts of our nature can never
have their proper food till they turn to contemplate the excellencies of our Creator,
and not only to contemplate but to imitate them. Therefore it is, my dear Carlyle,
that I exhort you to call in the finer parts of your mind, and to try to present the
society about you with those more ordinary displays which they can enjoy. The indif-
ference with which they receive them,* and the ignorance with which they treat them,
operate on the mind like gall and wormwood. I would entreat you to be comforted in
the possession of your treasures, and to study more the times and persons to which
you bring them forth. When I say your treasures, I mean not your information so
much, which they will bear the display of for the reward and value of it, but of your
feelings and affections, which, being of finer tone than theirs, and consequently seek-
ing a keener expression, they are apt to mistake for a rebuke of their own tameness,
or for intolerance of ordinary things, and too many of them, I fear, for asperity of
mind.
There is just another panacea for your griefs ^which are not imaginar>% but for
which I see a real ground in the too penetrating and, at times perhaps, too severe turn
of your mind) ; but though I judge it better and more worthy than Reserve, it is per-
haps more difficult of practice. I mean the habit of using our superiority for the in-
formation and improvement of others. This I reckon both the most dignified and the
most kindly course that one can take, founded upon the great principles of human
improvement, and founded upon what I am wont, or at least would wish, to make my
pattern, the example of the Saviour of men, who endured, in His errand of salvation,
the contradiction of men. But I confess, on the other hand, one meets with so few
that are apt disciples, or willing to allow superiority, that will be constantly fighting
with you upon the threshold, that it is very heartless, and forces one to reserve. And
besides, one is so apt to fancy a superiority where there is none, that it is likely to
produce overmuch self-complacency. But I see I am beginning to prose, and there-
■ ~~ ■ r—
* /. e, the talks to which you usually treat your friends.
J
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE. $^9
fore shall change the subject — with only one remstrk, that your tone of mind reminds
me more than anything of my own when under the sense of great religious imperfec-
tion, and anxiously pursuing after higher Christian''attainments. . . .
I have read your letter again, and, at the risk of further prosing, I shall have an-
other hit at its contents. You talk of renouncing the law, and you speak mysteriously
of hope springing up from another quarter. I pray that it may soon be turned into
enjoyment. But I would not have you renounce the law unless you coolly think that
this new view contains those fields of happiness, from the want of which the prospect
of law has become so dreary. Law has within it scope ample enough for any mind.
The reformation which it needs, and which with so much humor and feeling you de-
scribe,* is the very evidence of what I say. Did Adam Smith find the commercial
system less encumbered ? (I know he did not find it more) and see what order the
mind of one man has made there. Such a reformation must be wrought in law, and
the spirit of the age is manifestly bending that way. I know none who, from his
capacity of remembering and digesting facts, and of arranging them into general re-
sults, is so well fitted as yourself.
With regard to my own affairs, I am becoming too much of a man of business, and
too little a man of contemplation. I meet with few minds to excite me, many to drain
me off, and, by the habit of discharging and receiving nothing in return, I am run off
to the very lees, as you may easily discern. I have a German master and a class in
college. I have seen neither for a week, such is the state of my engagements — engage-
ments with I know not what ; with preaching in St. John's once a week, and employ-
ing the rest of the week in visiting objects in which I can learn nothing, unless I am
collecting for a new series of Tales of my Landlord, which should range among Radi-
cals and smugglers.
Dr. Chalmers, though a most entire original by himself, is surrounded with a very
prosaical sort of persons, who please me something by their zeal to carry into effect his
philosophical schemes, and vex me much by their idolatry of him. My comfort* are
in hearing the distresses of the people, and doing my mite to alleviate them. They
are not in the higher walks (I mean as to wealth) in which I am permitted to move,
nor yet in the greater publicity and notoriety I enjoy. Every minister in Glasgow is
an oracle to a certain class of devotees. I would not give one day in solitude or in
meditation with a friend as I have enjoyed it often along the sands of Kirkcaldy for
ages in this way. . , .
Yours, most truly,
Edward Irving.
It does not appear what the " other quarter " may have
been on which the prospect was brightening. Carlyle was
not more explicit to his mother, to whom he wrote at this
time a letter unusually gentle and melancholy.
Thomas Carlyle to Mrs, Carlyle,
Edinburgh, March 29, 1820.
To you, my dear mother, I can never be sufficiently grateful, not only for the com-
mon kindness of a mother, but for the unceasing watchfulness with which you strode
to instil virtuous principles into my young mind ; and though we are separated at
present, and may be still more widely separated, I hope the lessons which you taught
will never be effaced from my memory. I cannot say how I have fallen into this train
of thought, but the days of childhood arise with so many pleasing recollections, and
* Carlylc's letters to Irving are all unfortunately lost.
S 30 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE,
shine so brightly across the tempests and inquietudes of succeeding times, that I felt
unable to resist the impulse.
You already know that I am pretty well as to health, and also that I design to visit
you again before many months have elapsed. 1 cannot say that ray prospects have
got much brighter since I left you : the aspect of the future is still as unsettled as ever
it was ; but some degree of patience is behind, and hope, the charmer, that " springs
eternal in the human breast," is yet herp likewise. I am not of a humor to care very-
much for good or evil fortune, so far as concerns himself. The thought that my
somewhat uncertain condition gives you uneasiness chiefly grieves nie. Yet I would
not have you despair of your ribe oi*z. boy. He loill do something yet. He is a shy,
stingy soul, and very likely has a higher notion of bis parts than others hav,e. But,
on the other hand, he is not incapable of diligence. He is harmless, and possesses the
virtue of his country— thrift ; 96 that, after all, things will yet be right in the cnd-
My love to all the little ones.
Your affectionate son,
T. Carlyla.
The University term ends early in Scotland. The expenses
of the six months which the students spend at college are
paid for in many instances by the bodily labors of the other
six. The end of April sees them all dispersed, the class-room
closed, the pupils no longer obtainable ; and the law studies
being finally abandoned, Carlyle had nothing more to do at
Edinburgh, and migrated with the rest. He was going home ;
he offered himself for a yisit to Irving at Glasgow on the way>
and the proposal was warmly accepted. The Irving cor-
respondence was not long continued ; and I make the most
of the letters of so remarkable man which were written while
he was still himself, before his intellect was clouded.
Edward Irving to T. Carlyle,
34 Kent Street, Glasgow, April 15, 1820.
My Dear Carlyle,-~Right happy shall I be to have your company and conversation for
ever so short a time, and the longer the better ; and if you could contrive to make youn
visit so that the beginning of the week should be the time of your departure, I could
bear you company on your, road a day's journey. I have just finished my sermon —
Saturday at six o'clock — at which I have been sitting without interruption since ten ;
but I resolved that you should have my letter to-morrow, that nothing might prevent
your promised visit, to which I hold you now altogether bound.
It is very dangerous to speak one's mind here about the state of the country. I
reckon, however, the Radicals liave in a manner expatriated themselves from the po-
litical co-operation of the better classes ; and, at tfie same time, I believe there was
sympathy enough in the middle and well-informed people to have caused umelioratiou
of our political evils, had they taken time and legal measures. I am very sorry -for
the poor; they are lasing their religion, their domestic comfort, their pride of inde-
pendence, their everything ; if timeous remedies come not soon, they will sink, I fear,
•0 the degradation of the Irish peasantry ; and if that class goes down, then along
•..;.i^
THE EARL V LIFE OF THOMA S CARL YLE, 5 3 1
with it sinks the morality of every other class. We are at a complete stand here ; a sort
of military glow has taken all ranks. They can see the houses of the poor ransacked
for artns without uttering an interjection of grief on the fallen greatness of those who
brought in our Reformation and our civil liberty, and they will hardly suffer a sym-
pathizing word from anyone. Dr. Chalmers takes a safe course in all these difficulties.
The truth is, he does not side with any party. He has a few political nostrums so pe-
culiar that they serve to detach his ideal mind both from Whigs and Tories and Radi-
cals— that Britain would have been as flourishing and full of capital though there had
been round the island a brazen wall a thousand cubits high ; that the national debt
does us neither good nor ill, amounting to nothing more or less than a mortgage upon
property, etc. The Whigs dare not speak. The philanthropists are so much taken
up, each with his own locality, as to take little charge of the general concern ; and so
the Tories have room to rage and talk big about armaments and pikes and battles.
- They had London well fortified yesterday by the Radicals, and so forth.
Now it will be like the unimprisoning of a bird to come and let me have free talk. Not
that I have anything to say in favor of F^adicalism, for it is the very destitution of
philosophy and religion and political economy ; but that we may lose ourselves so de-
lightfully in reveries upon the emendation of the State, to which, in fact, you and I
can bring as little help as we could have done against the late inundation of the Val-
lois.
I like the tone of your last letter: for, remember, I read your very tones and ges-
tures, at this distance of place, through your letter, though it be not the most diapha-
nous of bodies. I have no more fear of yo\ir final success than Noah had of the Deluge
ceasing ; and theugh the first dove returned, as you say you are to return to your
father's shelter, without even a leaf, yet the next time, believe me, you shall return
with a leaf ; and yet another time, and you shall take a flight who knows where ? * But
of this and otheir things I delay further parley.
Yours affectionately,
Edward Irving.
Carlyle went to Glasgow, spent several days there, noting, ac-
cording to his habit, the outward signs of men and things. He
saw the Glasgow merchants in the Tontine, he observed them,
fine, clean, opulent, with their shining bald crowns and serene
white heads, sauntering about or reading their newspapers.
He criticised the dresses of the young ladies, for whom he
had always an eye, remarking that with all .their charms they
had- less taste in their adornments than were to be seen in
Edinburgh drawing-rooms. He saw Chalmers, too, and heard
him preach. "Never preacher went so into one's heart."
Some private talk, too, there was with Chalmers, " the doctor "
explaining to him " a new scheme for proving the truth of
Christianity," " all written in us already m a sy7npathetic ink ;
Bible awakens it, and you can read."
But the chief interest in the Glasgow visit lies less in itself
than in what followed it — a conversation between two young,
532 THE LIBRAR Y MAGAZINE,
then unknown, men, walking alone together over a Scotch
moor, the most trifling of actual incidents, a mere feather
floating before the wind, yet, like the feather, marking the
direction of the invisible tendency of human thought. Carlyle
was to walk home to Ecclefechan. Irving had agreed to ac-
company him fifteen miles of his road, and then leave him and
return. They started early, and breakfasted on the way at the
manse of a Mr. French. Carlyle himself tells the rest.
Drumclox Moss is the next object that survives, and Irving and I sitting by ourselves
under the silent bright skies among the ** peat hags '* of Drumclog with a world all
silent round us. These peat hags are still pictured in me ; .brown bog all pitted and
broken with heathy remnants and bare abrupt wide holes, four oriive feet deep^ mostly
dry at present ; a flat wilderness of broken bog, of quagmire not to be trusted (probably
wetter in old days, and wet still in rainy seasons). Clearly a good place for Camero-
nian preaching, and dangerously difficult for Claverse and horse soldiery if the suffering
- remnant had a few old muskets among them ! Scott's novels had given the Cleavers
skirmish here, which all Scotland knew of already, a double interest in those days. I
know not that we talked much of this ; but we did of many things, perhaps more con-
fidentially than ever before ; a colloquy the sum of which is still mournfully beautiful
to me though the derails are gone. I remember us sitting on the brow of a peat hag,
the sun shining, our own voices the one sound Far, far away to the westward over
our brown horizon, towered up, white and visible at the many miles of distance, a high
irregular pyramid. ^* Ailsa Craig ' we at once guessed, and thought of the seas and
oceans over yonder. But we did not long dwell on that — we seem to have seen no hu-
man creature, after French, to have had no bother and no need of human assistance or
society, not even of reflection, French's breakfast perfectly sufficing us. The talk had
grown even friendlier, more interesting. Ai length the declining sun said plainly, you
must part. We sauntered slowly into the Glasgow Muirkirk highway. Masons were
building a wayside cottage near by, or were packing up on ceasing for the day. We
lent o)ir backs to a dry stone fence, and looking into the western radiance continued
in talk yet awhile, loth both of us to go. It was just here as the sun was sinking, Irv-
ing actually drew from me, by degrees, in the softest manner, the confession that I did
not think as he of the Christian religion, and that it was vain for me to expect I ever
could or should. This, if this was so, he had pre-engaged to take well from me like
an elder brother, if I woUld be frank with him, and right loyally he did so, and to the
end of his life we needed no concealments on that head, which was really a step gained.
The sun was about setting when we turned away, each on his own path. Irving
would have had a good space further to go than I, perhaps fifteen or seventeen miles,
and would not be in Kent Street till towards midnight. But he feared no amount of
walking, enjoyed it rather, as did I in those young years. I felt sad, but affectionate
and good in my clean, utterly quiet little inn at Muirkirk, which and my feelings in it
I still well remember. An innocent little Glasgow youth (young bagman on his first
journey, I supposed) had talked awhile with me in the otherwise solitary little sitting
room. At parting he shook hands, and with something of sorrow in his tone said,
^* Good night. I shall not see^<7» again.'' I was off next'moi-ning at four o'clock.
'Nothing further has to be recorded of Carlyle 's history for
some months. He remained quietly through the spring and
summer at Main hill, occupied chiefly in reading. He was
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE. 533
ginning his acquaintance with Grerman literature, his friend
Mr. Swan, of Kirkcaldy, who had correspondents at Hamburg,
providing him with books. . He was still writing small articles,
too, for Brewster's Encyclopaedia, unsatisfactory work, though
better than none.
I was timorously aiming towards literature (he says — perhaps in consequence of
Irving's urgency). I thought in audacious moments I might perhaps earn some w^es
that way by honest labor, somehow to help my finances ; but in that too I was pain-
fully skeptical (talent and opportunity alike doubtful, alike incredible to me, poor
downtrodden soul), and in fact there came little enough of produce and finance to me
from that source, and for the first years absolutely none, in spite of my diligent and
desperate efforts, which are sad to me to think of even now. Acti labores. Yes, but
of such a futile, dismal, lonely, dim, and chaotic kind, in a scene all ghastly chaos to
me. Sad, dim, and ugly »s the shores of Styx and Phlegethon, as a nightmare dream
became real. No more of that ; it did not conquer me, or quite kill me, thank God.
August brought Irving to Annan for his summer holidays,
which opened possibilities of renewed companionship. Main-
hill was but seven miles off, and the friends met and wandered
together in the Mount Annan woods, Irving steadily cheering
Carlyle with confident promises of ultimate success. In
September came an offer of a tutorship in a " statesman's " *
family, which Irving urged him to accept.
You live too much in an ideal world (Irving said), and you are likely to be punished
for it by an unfitness for practical life. It is not your fault but the misfortune of your
circumstances, as it has been in a less degree of my own. This situation will be
more a remedy for that than if you were to go back to Edinburgh. Try your hand
with the respectable illiterate men of middle life, as I am doing at present, and perhaps
in their honesty and hearty kindness you may be taught to forget, and perhaps to
undervalue the splendors, and envies, and competitions of men of literature. I think
you have within you the ability to rear the pillars of your own immortality, and, what
is more, of your own happiness, from the basis of any level in life, and I would always
have any man destined to influence the interests of men, to have read these interests
as they are disclosed in the mass of men, and not in the few who are lifted upon the
eminence of life, and when there too often forget the man to ape the ruler or the mon-
arch. All that is valuable of the literarj' caste you have in their writings. Their
conversations, I am told, are full of jealousy and reserve, or perhaps, to cover that
reserve, of trifling.
Irving's judgment was perhaps at fault in his advice. Car-
lyle, proud, irritable, and impatient as he was, could not have
remained a week in such a household. His ambition (down-
trodden as he might call himself) was greater than he knew.
* '* Statesman,*' or small freeholder farming his own land, common still in Cumber-
land, then spread over the northern counties.
534 . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
He may have felt like Halbert Glendinning when the hope
was held out to him of becoming the Abbot's head keeper —
" a body servant, and to a lazy priest ! " At any rate the pro-
posal came to nothing, and with the winter he was back once
more at his lodgings in Edinburgh, determined to fight his
way somehow, though in what direction he could not yet de-
cide or see. /
T, Carlyle to Alexander Carfyle. I
Edinburgh, December 5, 1820.
I sit down with the greatest pleasure to answer your most acceptable letter. The
warm affection, the generous sympathy displayed in it go near the heart, and shed over
me a meek and kindly dew of brotherly love more refreshing than any but a wander-
ing forlorn mortal can well imagine. Some of your expressions affect me almost to
weakness, I might say with pain, if I did not hope the course of events will change
ou'r feelings from anxiety to congratulation, from soothing adversity to adorning pros-
perity, I marked your disconsolate look. It has often since been painted in the
mind's eye. But believe me, my boy, these days will pass over. We shall all get to
rights in good time, and long after, cheer many a winter evening by recalling such
pensive but yet amiable and manly thoughts to our minds. And in the meanwhile
let me utterly sweep away the vain fear of our forgetting one another. There is less
danger of this than of anything. We Carlyles are a clannish people because we have
all something original in our formation, and find therefore less than common sympathy
with others ; so that we are constrained, a<$ it were, to draw to one another, and to
seek that friendship in our own blood which we do not find so readily elsewhere.
Jack and I and you will respect one another to the end of our lives, because I predict
that our conduct will be worthy of respect, and we will love one another because the
feelings of our young days — feelings impressed most deeply on the young heart — are
all intertwined and united by the tenderest yet strongest ties of our nature. But
independently of this your fear is vain. Continue to cultivate your abilities, and to
behave steadily and quietly as you have done, and neither of the two literati ♦ are
likely to find many persons more qualified to appreciate their feelings than the farmer,
their brother. Greek words and Latin are fine things, but they cannot hide the
emptiness and lowness of many who employ them.
Brewster has printed my article. He is a pushing man and speaks encouragingly to
me. Tait, the bookseller, is loud in his kind anticipations of the grand things that are
in store for me. But in fact I do not lend much ear to those gentjemen. I feel quite
sick of this drivelling state of painful idleness. I am going to be patient no longer,
but quitting study or leaving it in a secondary place I feel determined^ as it were, to
• find something stationary, some local habitation and some name for myself, ere it
be long. I shall turn and try all things, be diligent, be assiduous in season and out of
season to effect this prudent purpose ; and if health stay with me I still trust I shall
succeed. At worst it is but narrowing my views to suit my means. I shall enter the
writing life, the mercantile, the lecturing, any life in short but that of country school-
master, §nd even that sad refuge from the storms of fate, rather than stand here in
frigid impotence, the powers of my mind all festering and corroding each other in the
miserable strife of inward will against outward necessity.
I lay out my heart before you, my boy, because it is solacing for roe to do so ; but I
would not have you think me depressed. Bad health does indeed depress and under-
♦ His brother John and himself.
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE. $35
mine one more than all other calamities put together, hut with care, which I have the
best of all reasons for taking, I know this will in time get out of danger. Steady then,
steady ! as the drill-sergeants say. Let us be steady unto the end. In due time we
shall reap if we faint not. Long may you continue to cherish the manly feelings
which you express in conclusion. They lead to respectability at least from the world,
and, what is far better, to sunshine within which nothing can destroy or eclipse.
In the same packet Carlyle inclosed a letter to his mother.
I know well and feel deeply that you entertain the most solicitous anxiety about my
temporal, and still. more about my eternal welfare ; as to the former of which I have
still hopes that all your tenderness will yet be repaid ; and as to the latter, though it
becomes not the human worm to boast, I would fain persuade you not to entertain so
many doubts. Your character and mine are far more similar than you imagine ; and
our opinions too, though clothed in different garbs, are, I well kuow, still analogous at
bottom. I respect your religious sentiments and honor you for feeling them more
than if you were the highest woman in the world without them. Be easy, I entreat
you, on my account ; the world will use me better than before ; and if it should not,
let us hope to meet in that upper country, when the vain fever of life is gone by, in
the country where all darkness shall be light, and where the exercise of our affections
will not be thwarted by the infirmities of human nature any more. Brewster will give
me articles enough. Meanwhile my living here is not to cost me anything, at least for
a season more or less. I have two hours of teaching, which both gives me a call to walk
and brings in four guineas a month.
Again a few weeks later : —
T. Carlyle to Mrs. Carlyle,
Jan. 30, iSai.
My employment, you are aware, is still very fluctuating, but this I trust will improve.
I am advancing, I think, though leisurely, and at last I feel no insuperable doubts
of getting honest bread, which is all I want. For as to fame and all that, I see it
already to be' nothing better than a meteor, a will-o'-the-wisp, which leads one on
through quagmires and pitfalls to catch an object which, when we have caught it,
turns out to be nothing. I am happy to think in the meantime that you do not feel
uneasy about my future destiny. Providence, as you observe, will order it better or
worse, and with His award, so nothing mean or wicked lie before me, I shall study to
rest satisfied.
It is a striking thing, and an alarming, to those who are at ease in the world, to think
how many living beings that had breath and hope within them when I left Ecclefechan
are now numbered with the clods of the valley 1 Surely- there is something obstinately
stupid in the heart of man, or the flight of threescore years, and the poor joys or poorer
cares of this our pilgrimage would never move us as they do. Why do we fret and
murmur, and toil, and consume ourselves for objects so transient and frail ? Is it that
the soul living here as in her prison-house strives after something boundless like her-
self, and finding it nowhere still renews the search ? Surely we are fearfully and won-
derfully made. But I must not pursue these speculations, though they force themselves
upon us sometimes even without our asking.
To his family Carlyle made the best of his situation ; and,
indeed, so far as outward circumstances were concerned, there
was no Special cause for anxiety. His farmhouse training
had mide him indifferent to luxuries, and he was earning a'^
536
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
much money as he required. It was not there that he pinch
lay; it was in the still uncompleted "temptations in the
wilderness," in the mental uncertainties which gave him
neither peace nor respite. He had no friend in Edinburgh
with whom he could exchange thoughts, and no society to
amuse or distract him. And those who knew his condition
best, the faithful Irving especially, became seriously alarmed
for him. So keenly Irving felt the danger that in December
he even invited Carlyle to abandon Edinburgh altogether and
be his own guest for an indefinite time at Glasgow.
You make mc too proud of myself (he wrote) when you connect me so much with
your happiness. Would that I could contribute to it as I most fondly wish, and one of
the richest and most powerful minds 1 know should not now be struggling with obscur-
ity and a thousand obstacles. And yet, if I had the power, I do not see by what'
means I should cause it to be known ; your mind, unfortunately for its present peace,
has taken in so wide a range of study as to be almost incapable of professional tram*
mels ; and it has nourished so uncommon and so unyielding a character, as first unfits
you for, and then disgusts you with, any accommodations which would procure favor
and patronage. The race which you have run these last years pains me even to think
upon it, and if it should be continued a little longer, I pray God to give you strength
t<f endure it. We calculate upon seeing you at Christmas, and till then you can think
of what I now propose — that instead of wearying yourself with endless vexations which,
are more than you can bear, you will consent to spend not a few weeks, but a few
months, here under my roof, where enjoying at least wholesome conversation and the
sight of real friends, you may undertake some literary employment which may present
you in a fairer aspect to the public than any you have hitherto taken before them.
Now I know it is quite Scottish for you to refuse this upon the score of troubling me :
but trouble to me it is none ; and if it were a thousand times more, would I not esteem
it well bestowed upon you and most highly rewarded by your company and conversa-
tion ? I should esteem it an honor that your first sally in arms went forth from my
habitation.
Well might Carlyle cherish Irving's memory. Never had
he or any man a truer-hearted, more generous friend. The
offer could not be accepted. Carlyle was determined before
all things to earn his own bread, and he would not abandon
his pupil work. Christmas he did spend at Glasgow, but he
was soon back again. He was corresponding now with
London booksellers, offering a complete translation of Schiller
for one thing, to which the answer had been an abrupt No.
Captain Basil Hall, on the other hand, havmg heard of Car-
lyle, tried to attach him to himself, a sort of scientific com-
panion on easy terms — Carlyle to do observations 'which
THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE, 53/
Captain Hall was to send to the Admiralty as his own, and to
have in return the advantage of philosophical society, etc., to
which his answer had in like manner been negative. His
letters show him still suffering from mental fever, though with
glimpses of purer light.
Thomas Carlyle to John Carlyle.
Edinburgh, March 9, z89z«
It is a shame and misery to me at this age to be gliding about ,in strenuous idleness,
with no hand in the game of life where I have yet so much to win, no outlet for the
restless faculties which are up in mutiny and slaying one another for lack of fair
enemies. I must do or die then, as the song goes. Edinburgh, with all its drawbacks,
Is the only scene for me. In the country I am like an alien, a stranger and pilgrim,
from a far-distant land. I must endeavor most sternly, for this state of things cannot
last, and if health do but revisit me, as I know she will, it shall ere long give place to a
better. If I grow seriously ill, indeed, it will be different, but when once the weather
is settled and dry, exercise and care will restore me completely. I am considerably
clearer than I was, and I should have been still more so had not this afternoon been
wet, and so prevented me from breathing the air of Arthur's Seat, a mountain close
beside us, where the atmosphere is pure as a diamond, and the prospect grander than
any you ever saw. The blue majestic everlasting ocean, with the Fife hills swelling
gradually into the Grampians behind ; rough crags and rude precipices at our feet
(where not a hillock rears its head unsung), with Edinburgh at their base clustering
proudly over her rugged foundations, and covering with a vapory mantle tKe jagged
black venerable masses of stonework that stretch far and wide and show like a city of
Fairyland. . . . I saw it all last evening when the sun was going down, and the moon's
fine crescent, like a pretty silver creature as it is, was riding quietly above me. Such a
sight does one good. But I am leading you astray after my fantasies when I should
be inditing plain prose.
The gloomy period of Carlyle's life — a period on which he
said that he ever looked back with a kind of horror — was
drawing to its close, this letter, among other symptoms,
showing that the natural strength of his intellect was assert-
ing itself. Better prospects were opening; more regular
literary employment ; an offer, if he chose to accept it, from
his friend Mr. Swan, of a tutorship at least more satisfactory
than the Yorkshire one. His mother's affection was more
precious to him, however simply expressed, than any other
form of earthly consolation.
Mrs, Carlyle to Thomas Carlyle.
Mainhill, March 21, 1821.
Son Tom» — I received your kind and pleasant letter. Nothing is more satisfying to
me than to liear of your welfare. Keep up your heart, my brave boy. You ask kindly
pfter mv health. I complain as little as possible. When the day is cheerier^ it has
538
THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
great effect on me. But upon the whole I am as well as I can expect, thank God. I
have sent a little butter and a few cakes with a box to bring home your clothes. Send
them all home that I may wash and sort them once more. Oh, man, could I but write 1
I'll tell ye a' when we meet, but I must in the meantime content myself. Do send me
a long letter ; it revives me greatly ; and tell me honestly if you read your chapter
e*en and mom, lad. You mind I hod if not your hand, I hod your foot of it. Tell
me if there is anything you want in particular. I ihust run to pack the box, so I am
' Your affectionate mother,
Marga&st Caklylb.
Irving was still anxious. To him Carlyle laid himself bare
in all his shifting moods, now complaining, now railing at
himself for want of manliness. Irving soothed him as he
could, always avoiding preachment.
I see (he wrote*) you have much to bear, and perhaps it may be a time before you
■ clear yourself of that sickness of the heart which afflicts you ; but strongly I feel as-
sured it will ttot master you ; that you will rise strongly above it and reach the place
your genius destines you to. Most falsely do you judge yourself when you seek such
degrading similitudes to represent what you call your '* whining." And I pray you
may not again talk of your distresses in so desperate, and to me disagreeable, manner.
My dear sir, is it to be doubted that you are suffering grievously the want of spiritual
communion, the bread and water of the soul? And why, then, do you, as it were,
mock at your calamity or treat it jestingly ? I declare this is a sore offense. You al-
together mistake at least my feeling if you think I have anything but the kindest sym-
pathy in your case, in which sympathy I am sure there is nothing degrading, either to
you or to me. Else were I degraded every time I visit a sick bed in endeavoring to
draw forth the case of a sufferer from his own lips that I may, if possible, administer
some spiritual consolation. But oh ! I would be angry, or rather I should have a
shudder of unnatural feeling, if the sick man were to make a mockeiy to me of his
case or to deride himself for making it known to any physician of body or mind. Ex-
cuse my freedom, Carlyle. I do this in justification of my own state of mind towards
your distress. I feel for your condition as a brother would feel, and tosee you silent
about it were the greatest access of painful emotion which you could cause me. I
hope soon to look I)ack with you over this scene of trials as the soldier does over a hard
campaign, or the restored captives do over their days of imprisonment.
Again, on the receipt of some better account of his friend's
condition, Irving wrote on the 26th of April :—
I am beginning to see the dawn of the day when you shall be plucked by the literary
world from my solitary, and therefore more clear, admiration ; and when from almost
a monopoly I shall have nothing but a mere shred of your praise. They will unearth
you, and for your sake I will rejoice, though for my own, I may regret. But I shall
always have the pleasant superiority that I was your friend and admirer, through
good and through bad report, to continue, so I hope, until the end. Yet our honest
Demosthenes, or shalll call him Chrysostom (Boanerges would fit him better),t seems
to have caught some glimpse of your inner man, though lie had few opportunities ;
for he never ceases to be inquiring after you. You will soon shift your quarters,
though for the present I think your motto should be, ** Better a wee bush than na
bield." If you are going to revert to teaching again, which I heartily deprecate, I
♦ March 15, x8ai. + Dr. Chalmers. ,
^:1UJ
. THE EARL Y LIFE OF THOMAS CARL YLE. 539
know nothing better than Swan's conception, although success in it depends mainly
upon offset and address, and the studying of humors, which, though it be a good
enough way of its kind, is not the. way to which I think you should yet condescend.
Friends and family" might console and advise, but Carlyle
himself could alone conquer the spiritual maladies which were
the real cause of his distraction. In June of this year, 1821,
was transacted .what in Sartor Resartus he describes as his
"conversion," or " new birth,**' when he " authentically took
the devil by the nose,*' when he achieved finally the convic-
tions, positive and negative, by which the whole of his later
life was governed.
Nothing in " Sartor Resartus " (he says) is fact ; symbolical myth all, except that of
the incident in the Rue St. Thomas de I'Enfer, which occurred quite literally to myself
in Leith Walk, during three weeks of total sleeplessness, in which almost my one
solace was that of a daily bathe on the sands between Leitli and Purtobello. Incident
was as I went down ; coming up I generally felt refreshed for the hour. I ramember
it wellf and could go straight to about the place.
As the incident is thus authenticated, I may borrow the
words in which it is described, and so close what may be
called the period of Carlyle's apprenticeship.
But for me so strangely unprosperous had I been, the net result of my workings
amounted as yet simply to— nothing. How, then, could I believe in my strength when
there was as yet no mirror to see it in ? Ever did this agitating, yet, as I now per-
ceive, quite frivolous, question remain to me insoluble : Hast thou a certain faculty, a
certain worth, such as even the most have not ; or art thou the completest dullard of
these modern times ? Alas, the fearful unbelief is unbelief in yourself ; and how
could I believe ? Had not my first last faith in myself, when even to me the heavens
seemed laid open, and I dared to love, been all too cruelly belied ? The speculative
mystery of life grew ever more mysterious to me : neither in the practical mystery
had I made the slightest progress, but been everywhere buffeted, foiled, and con-
temptuously cast out. A feeble unit in the middle of a threatening infinitude, I
seemed to have nothing given me but eyes whereby to discern my own wretchedness.
Invisible yet impenetrable walls, as of enchantment, divide me from all living. Now
when I look back it was a strange isolation I then lived in. The men and women
round me, even speaking with me, were but figures ; I had practically forgotten that
they were alive, that they were not merely automatic. In the midst of their crowded
streets and assemblages, I walked solitary, and (except as it was my own heart, not
another's, that I kept devouring) savs^e also as the tiger in his jungle. Some comfort
it would have been could I, like Faust, have fancied myself tempted and tormented by
the devil ; for a hell as I imagine, without life, though only diabolical life, were more
frightful : but in our age of downpulling and disbelief, the very devil has been pulled
down, you cannot so much as believe in a devil. To me the universe was all void of
life, of purpose, of volition, even of hostility: it was one huge, dead, immeasurable
sfeam-engine, rolling on in its dead indifference, to grind me limb from limb. Oh, the
vast gloomy, solitary Golgotha and mill of death ! Why was the living banished
thither companionlcss, conscious ? Why, if there b no devil, nay, unless the devil is
540 THE LIBRAR V MAGAZINE.
your god ? From suicide a certain aftershine (Nachschein) of Christianity witlihdd
me, perhaps also a certain indolence of character ; for was not that a remedy I had at
any time within reach ? Often, however, there was a question present to me : should
some one now at the turning of that corner blow thee suddenly out of space into the
other world or other no-world, by pistol-shot, how were it ? . . .
So had it lasted, as in bitter protracted death-agony through long years. The heart
within me, unvisited by any heavenly dewdrop, was smoldering in sulphurous slow-
consuming fire. Almost since earliest memory I had shed no tear ; or once only when
I, murmuring half audibly, recited Faust's death-song, that w^ld $elig der, den er im
Siegesglanze findet, happy whom he finds in battlers splendor, and thought that of
this last friend even I was not forsaken, that destiny itself could not doom me to die.
Having no hope, neither had I any definite fear, were it of man or devil ; nay, I often felt
as if it mightbesolacingcould the arch-devil himself , though in Tartarean terrors, but
rise to me, that I might tell him a little of my mind. And yet, strangely enough, I lived
in a continual indefinite pining fear ; tremulous, pusillanimous apprehension of 1 knew
not what. It seemed as if all things in the heavens above and the earth beneath would
hurt me ; as if the heavens and earth were but boundless jaws of a devouring monster,
wherein I palpitatingly waited to be devoured. Full of such humor was I one sultry dog
day after much perambulation toiling along the dirty little Rue St. Thomas de I'Enfer
in a close atmosphere and over pavements hot as Nebuchadnezzar's furnace ; whereby
doubtless my spirits were little cheered ; when all at once there rose a thought in aae,
and I asked myself : ^ What art thou afraid of ? wherefore, like a coward, dost thou
for ever pip and whimper, and go cowering and trembling ? Despicable biped ! what
is the sum total of the worst that lies before thee ? Death ? Well, death ; and say the
pangs of Tophet too, and all that the devil and man may, will, or can do against thee I
Hast thou not a heart ? canst thou no suffer whatsoever it be ; and as a child of free-
dom, though outcast, trample Tophet itself under thy feet, while it consumes thee?
Let it come, then, and I will meet it and defy it.' And as I so thought, there rushed
like a stream of fire over my whole soul, and 1 shook base fear away from me for ever.
I was strong ; of unknown strength ; a spirit ; almost a god. Ever from that time,
the temper of my misery was changed ; not fear or whining sorrow was it, but indigna-
tion and grim fire-eyed defiance.
Thus had the everlasting No (Mas ewige Nein^) pealed authoratively through all the
recesses of my being, of my Me ; and then it was that my Me stood up in native god-
created majesty, and with emphasis recorded its protest. Such a protest, the most
important transaction in my life, may that same indignation and defiance, in a psycho-
logical point of view, be fitly called. The everlasting No had said : Behold, thou art
fatherless, outcast, and the universe is mine (the devil's) ; to which my whole Mb bow
made answer: /am not thine but free, and forever hate thee.
It is from this hour I incline to date my spiritual new birth: perhaps I directly
thereupon began to be a man.
Note to Mr, Froude*s article,
[The subjoined note was received from Mr. Froude after his
article had been sent to press. — Ed.]
I was not aware, until this article was printed, that a son of Edward Irving was
now alive in Australia. This gentleman ought to have been consulted before any of
his father's letters were published ; and although the letters which I have here intro-
duced are supremely honorable to their writer, I owe Mr. Martin Irving an apokcT
for my involuntary negligence. J. A. Froudb.
June 27, 1881.
\J. A. Froude, in The Nineteenth Century.
■t
^
I
ANECDOTES OF BIBLES. 541
ANECDOTES OF BIBLES.
In view of the recent publication of a revised translation of
the New Testament, it may not prove uninteresting to glance
at the many curious vicissitudes which have befallen the
early translations and editions of the Bible ; for the early edi-
tions of the Book, which should always have commanded the
most anjcious solicitude, were not even favored with the care
and attention now bestowed on a halfpenny newspaper. In
the early days of printing, the necessity of carefully revising
the printers* work could not have been realized, for it seems
to have been a difficult matter to get a book through the
press, particularly a large book like the Bible, without a great
number of errata. Small books even, were not so exempt
from blunders as we might suppose. A thin octavo volume
of one hundred and seventy-two pages, entitled " The An-
atomy of the Mass," was published in 1561, which was followed
by fifteen pages of errata I The pious monk who wrote it in-
forms his readers in the Preface to the Errata that the blun-
ders in his little book were caused by the machinations of
Satan I
During the Commonwealth, and even a short time before
Charles I.'s execution, the printers, in order to meet the great
demand which then existed, sent out Bibles from their presses
as quickly as they could, regardless of errors and omissions.
One of the Harleian Manuscripts relates that the learned
Archbishop Usher while on his way to preach at Paul's Cross
— ^a wooden pulpit adjoining the Cathedral of St. Paul's, in
which the most eminent divines were appointed to preach
every Sunday morning — ^went into a bookseller's shop and
inquired for a Bible of the London edition. He was horrified
to discover that the text from which he was to preach was
omitted ! This formed the first complaint to the king of the
careless manner in which Bibles were printed ; and as one of
.54^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
the results, the printing of them was created a monopoly. A
great competition then arose between the king's printers of
London and those of the University of Cambridge. The
privilege of printing Bibles was at a later date conceded to
one William Bentley ; but he was opposed by Hills and Field ;
and many paper altercations took place between them. The
Pearl Bible of Field, printed in 1653, is perhaps the most
blundering Bible ever issued. A manuscript in the British
• Museum affirms that one of these Bibles swarmed with six
thousand faults. In Garrard's Letter to the Earl of Strafford^
it is said : "Sterne, a solid scholar, was the first who summed
up the three thousand and six hundred faults that were in
our printed Bibles of London." The name Pearl given to
this book by collectors, and a copy of which is to be found in
the British Museum, is derived from the printers' name for
a diminutive kind of type. It must not be supposed that
those many " faults " were all printers' errors only, for it is
well known that Field was an unscrupulous forger. He is
said to have been paid fifteen hundred pounds by the Inde-
pendents to corrupt a text in Acts vi. 3 by substituting a "ye"
for a "we," to sanction the right of the people to appoint
their own pastors. Two errata may also be mentioned. In
Romans vi. 13, "righteousness "was printed for" unrighteous-
ness"; and at First Corinthians vi. 9, a **not*' was omitted, so
that the text read — "The unrighteous shall inherit the king-
dom of God."
Before and during the Civil War, a large number of Bibles
were printed in Holland in the English language, and im-
ported to this country. As this violated the rights of the
" king's printers," twelve thousand of those duodecimo Dutch
Bibles were seized and destroyed. A large impression of the
same smuggled Bibles was burned by arder of the Assembly
of Divines for errors such as the following— the worts in
brackets being those in the Authorised Version: Genel
xxxvi. 24, "This is that ass [Anah] that found the rule,
i:
aJStecdo tes of bibles, 543
[mules] in the wilderness ; " Luke xxi. 28, *' Look up, lift up
your hands [heads]; for your condemnation [redemption]
draweth nigh/* It may be added, in the case of the passage
from Genesis, that the correctors, as well as the corrected,
were wrong. Anah neither found '• rulers ** nor " mules " in
the wilderness, but simply "warm springs," as our future
Bibles will have it. The Vulgate, or Latin Bible, notwith-
standing its other faults, has the jjassage correct : " Iste est
Ana qui invenit aquas calidas in solitudine." (This is Anah
who found warm springs in the desert.)
Anthony Bennemere printed a Bible in French at Paris, in
1538, in the reign of Francis L He says in his preface that
this Bible was originally printed at the request of His Most
Christian Majesty Charles VIIL in 1495, ^^^ that the French
translator " has added nothing but the genuine truth, accord-
ing to the express terms of the Latin Bible, nor omitted any-
thing but what was improper to be translated." Yet the
following is interwoven with the thirty-second chapter of Ex-
odus at the twentieth verse : " The ashes of the golden calf
which Moses caused to be burned, and mixed with the water
that was drunk by the Israelites, stuck to the beards of such
as had fallen down before it ; by which they appeared with
gilt beards, as a peculiar mark to distinguish those which had
worshiped the calf." Another .interpolation of a similar na-
ture was also made in the same chapter : " Upon Aaron's re-
fusing to make gods for the Israelites, they spat upon him,
with so much fury and violence that they quite suffocated
him." We may also note the fact that the three thousand
men stated, in the twenty-eighth verse of Exodus xxxii. of the
Authorized Version, to have been slain, is increased by the
Mohammedan commentators of the Koran to seventy thou-
sand ; and in the Latin Bible known as the Vulgate, the num-
ber is stated to be twenty-three thousand.
The Vulgate of Pope Sixtus V. comes near to, if it does not
equal, Field's Pearl Bible in the multiplicity of its errors.
544 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
This pope, who ascended the chair in 1 585, was resolved to
have a correct and carefully printed Bible. He specially re-
vised and corrected every sheet; and on its publication pre-
fixed to the first edition a Bull excommunicating all printers
who in reprinting should make any alteration in the text.
Yet the book so swarmed with blunders, that a number of
scraps had to be printed for the purpose of being;,pasted over
the erroneous passages, giving the true text. The heretics of
course exulted in this flagrant proof of papal infallibility ! A
copy of this " Scrap Book " was sold some time since for-
sixty guineas.
There are several " Treacle Bibles " known to book-collec-
tors. The edition of May 1541 of Cranmer's Bible, at Jere-
miah viii. 22, asks : *' Is there no Tryacle at Gilead ? Is there
no phisycypn there ? " There also appeared a " Rosin " Bible
m which that word was substituted for treacle ; and & " Bug "
Bible, because that unpleasant insect was said by the printers
to be the " Terror by night " mentioned in the fifth verse of
Psalm xci. The " Vinegar " Bible, printed at the Clarendon
Press, Oxford, in 1717* is so called from the twentieth chapter
of Luke's Gospel being said to contain " The Parable of the
Vinegar " (instead of " Vineyard '*) in the summary of con-
tents at the head of the chapter. It was looked upon as a
good joke in the times of political corruption when Matthew
(v. 9) was made to say, " Blessed are the ^/ar^r^-makers." The
" Breeches *' Bible, printed at Geneva in 1550, said at Genesis
iii. 7, that Adam and Eve " made themselves breeches" This
version is as old as Wycliffe's time, and appears in his Bible.
Some curious changes in the uses of words have taken place
even since the date of the Authorized Version. For instance
the word "prevent," which in the seventeenth century meant,
and ought still to mean, "to anticipate." It is derived from
the Latin praevenire, "to come befofe,"and in the Authorized
Version never means " to hinder." Shakespeare uses " pre-
vent " for " anticipate " in "Julius Caesar," v. i. ; and Bums in
ANECDOTES OF BIBLES. 545
»
his '* Cottar's Saturday Night." A printer's error in the Author-
ized Version which has been allowed to remain, may be noted
in this place : the letter s has been prefixed without authority
to the word " neezed " in Second Kings iv. 35. It is printed
correctly (neesings) in the only other place where it occurs,
at Job xli. 18. " Neeze " is also to be found in "A Midsum-
mer Night's Dream," ii. i.
In 1816 some revision and correction was attempted with
partial success: but the two Cambridge Bibles of 1629 and
1638 were the first which were printed with tolerable correct-
ness. The edition of 1638 is said to have been revised at the
king's command by several learned men of Cambridge, such
as Dr. Ward, Dr. Goad and others. Buck and Daniel, the
University printers, were 50 confident of its correctness, that
they challenged all Cambridge by a bill affixed to the door of
St. Mary's church, in which they offered a copy of their Bible
to any scholar who would find a literal fault in it. The first
person who publicly noticed any of its errata was Dr. William
Wotton, who in a sermon preached at Newport-Pagnell,
Bucks, noticed an error (" ye " for " we ") at Acts vi. 3. An
edition printed at Oxford in 171 1 is remarkable for a mistake
at Isaiah Ivii. 12, where a " not " is omitted. And the Oxford
Bible of 1792 declared that Philip (instead of Peter) would
deny Christ before cock-crow.
Great difficulty was experienced by the early translators
with the enumeration of the articles composing Jacob's
present to Joseph (Genesis xliii. 1 1), as little was known at
that time of the botany of the Holy Land. Tyndale was not
far wrong in his version of the Pentateuch in 1530, although
"a curtesye bawlme," etc., looks quaint nowadays. The
Genevan of 1560 and the Douay of 1609 had " rosen " where
we now have " balm." Dr. Geddes introduces " laudanum " •
among the presents; but in his manuscripts in the Bodleian
Library, Wycliffe translates the first on the list as " a l5rtle of
precious liquor of sibote," and adds slyly in the margin that
L. M. — 18
54^ THE Library MAGAZINE.
this "precious liquor" is "ginne." A printer's widow in
Germany thought to secure the supremacy of her sex by
secretly altering the last clause of the sixteenth verse of the
third chaptei of Genesis. By substituting the letters " Na '*
for the first half of the word Herr (lord or master) it made the
word read " Narr ; " the altered text reading, " And he shall
be thy fooiy It is said this attempt at " improving " the text
cost the good woman her life. The translation of St. Paul's
Epistles in the Ethiopic language was full of errors, which the
editors good-naturedly excused by the following plea : " They
who printed the work could not read, and we could not print ;
they helped us, and we helped them, as the blind helps the
blind." Dr. John Jortin, in his " Remarks on Ecclesiastical
History (1754)," notices a Gothic Bishop who translated the
Scriptures into the language of the Goths, omitting the Book
of Kings, lest the wars recorded there should increase their
inclination for fighting.
Dr. Alexander Geddes already referred to, resolved to un-
dertake a new translation ; and in 1780, as a preliminary, he
published a sketch of his plan under the title of an " Idea of a
New Revision of the Holy Bible for the Use of the English
Catholics." In 1786, he published another "Prospectus"; in
1787, "An Appendix to the Prospectus," containing "queries,
doubts, and difficulties relative to a vernacular vision of the
Holy Scriptures." In 1788 and following years, he issued
Proposals for Printing," and several " Answers "to the advice
he had received. After all these preliminary flourishes, in
1792 the first volume appeared of a translation which was
never completed. Christians of every description rejected it ;
and the Catholics, for whose benefit it was intended, were for-
bidden to read it. Yet another " Address " in defense the fol-
lowing year, and the project ends. In what he has translated,
Geddes introduces us to Hebrew "constables," and the pass-
over is rather humorously translated "The Skipover."
From those blundered editions let us now go back to the
ANECDOTES OF BIBLES, $47
first complete printed Bible — that by John Fust or Faust,
printed at Mayence, in Germany, in 1455. This munificent
work was executed with cut-metal types on six hundred and
thirty-seven leaves, some of the copies on fine paper, and
others on vellum ; and is sometimes known as the " Mazarin
Bible," >a copy having been unexpectedly found in Cardinal
Mazarin's library at Paris. It is also called the " Forty-two
Line Bible," because each full column contains that number
of lines; and, lastly, as Gutenberg's Bible, because John
Gutenberg was associated with Fust and Schoffer in its issue.
It was printed in Latin ; and the letters were such an exact
imitation of the work of an amanuensis, that the copies were
passed off by Fust, when he visited Paris, as manuscript, the
discovery of the art of printing being kept a profound secret.
Fust sold a copy to the king of France for seven hundred
crowns, and another to the Archbishop of Paris for four hun-
dred crowns ; although he appears to have charged less noble
customers as low as sixty crowns. The low price and a uni-
formity of the lettering of these Bibles, caused universal as-
tonishment. The capital letters in red ink were said to be
printed with his blood ; and as he could immediately produce
new copies ad libitum, he was adjudged in league with Satan.
Fust was apprehended, and was forced to reveal the newly
discoverecf art of printing, to save himself from the flames.
This is supposed to be the origin of the tradition of the
" Devil 3nd Dr. Faustus," dramatized by Christopher Marlowe
and others.
One of the highest prices — if not M<f highest — realized by any
book was for a copy of this splendid Bible, at the sale of the
" Perkins Library" at Hamworth Park, on 6th June, 1873. A
copy on vellum was sold for three thousand four hundred
pounds ; another on paper for two thousand six hundred and
ninety pounds. This large price is rather surprising; for
there are about twenty copies in different libraries, half of
them belonging to private persons, in Britain. Before this
1-8 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE,
lie, the most expensive bpok was Boccaccio's Decameron,
rinted at Venice in 1471, which was bought at the Duke of
oxburghe's sale in 181 1 by the Marquis of Blandford (Duke
f Marlborough), for two thousand two hundred and sixty
ounds ; although its value fell afterwards to nine hundred
nd eighteen pounds in 1819, when Lord Spencer became its
urchaser.
When Dr. Castell was engaged in the preparation of his
olyglot Bible, he was much patronized by Cromwell, who
llowed the paper to be imported free of duty. It was pub-
shed during the Protectorate, and dedicated to Cromwell in
respectful preface. At the Restoration (1660), Cromwell's
ame was omitted, and the Republican strains Qf the preface
Dned down. The different editions are known as " Republi-
an " and " Royal " among book collectors. At that time,
lerewas a mania for dedicating books to somebody — a celeb-
ity, if possible.
Before tjrpes were invented, printing pictures from engraved
-"ooden blocks was accomplished in the fourteenth century.
tooks were made of engravings of the most remarkable in-
idcnts in the books of Moses, the Gospels, and Apocalypse ;
iiey were called " Blblia Pauperum," or Poor Men's Bibles,
air copies of these have brought two hundred and fifty
ounds; and the very worst, rarely less than fifty pounds
'he rare edition of the " Biblia Grermanica," published in 1487*
ontains many colored wood-cuts remarkable for the singu-
irity of their designs ; for instance, Bathsheba is represented
'^ashing her feet in a tub, and Elijah as ascending to heave *n
1 a four-wheeled wagon! The Bishops' Bible — so called
rom the fact that most of the translators were bishops — ^was
ublished in 1568. It contained a portrait of the Earl of
.eicester, the great and powerful favorite of Elizabeth, placed
efore the Book of Joshua ; whilst another portrait, that of Sir
Villiam Cecil — also a favorite of the queen — adorned the
*salms. In the edition of 1574, a map of the Holy Land,
aftjji
THE FIRST ENGLISH POET . 549
the Anns of Archbishop Parker, the chief translator, wer©
substituted.
We will conclude with the following anecdotes of Prayer
Books. The Clarendon Press, Oxford, printed in 1813 an
edition in which occurs twice in the Litany, " O Lamb of God,
which takest away the sins of the Lord" A copy is still in
use, we believe, in Cashel Cathedral. Dr. Cotton says he
has seen a Prayer Book in which a prayer concluded thus,
" Through the K«righteousness of our Lord Jesus Christ."
Our last story is from an American newspaper of 1776. A
printer in England who printed the Book of Common Prayer,
unluckily omitted the letter 4: in the word "changed " in the
following sentence, " We shall all be changed in the twink-
ling of an eye." A clergyman not so attentive to his duties
a^ he should have been, read it to his congpregation as it was
printed, thus, " We shall all be hanged in the twinkling of an
eye."
From Chambers's Journal.
\
THE FIRST ENGLISH POET.
Dwelt a certain poor man in his day.
Near at hand to Hilda's holy house,
Learning's lighthouse, blessed beacon, built
High o'er sea and river, on the head,
Streaneshalch in Anglo-Saxon speech,
Whitby^ after, by the Norsemen named.
Caedmon was he call'd ; he came and went.
Doing humble duties for the monks.
Helping with the horses at behest ;
Modest, meek, unmemorable man.
Moving slowly into middle age,
Toiling on, — t.welve hundred years ago.
Still and silent, Csedmon sometimes sat
With the serfs at lower end of hall ;
SSO . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
There he marverd much to hear the monks
Singing sweetly hymns unto their harp.
Handing it from each to each in turn,
Till his heart-strings trembled. Otherwhile,
When the serfs were merry with themselves,
Sung their folk-songs upon festal nights,
Handing round the harp to each in turn,
Caedmon, though he loved not lighter songs,
Long'd to sing, — but he could never sing.
Sad and sileht would he creep away,
Wander forth alone, he wist not why.
Watched the sky and water, stars or clouds
Climbing from the sea ; and in his soul
Shadows mounted up and mystic lights.
Echoes vague and vast return 'd the voice
Of the rushing river, roaring waves,
Twilight's windy whisper from the fells,
Howl of brindled wolf, and crj^ of bird ;
Every sight and sound of solitude
Ever mingling in a master thought.
Glorious, terrible, of the Mighty One
Who made all things. As the Book declared
**'Inthe Beginning He made Heaven and Earth.**
Thus lived Caedmon, quiet year by year ;
Listen'd, leam'd a little, as he could ;
Worked, and mused, and prayed, and held his peace.
Toward the end of harvest time, the hinds
Held a feast, and sung their festal songs.
Handing round the harp from each to each.
But before it came where Caedmon sat,
Sadly, silently, he stole away,
Wander'd to the stable-yard and wept.
Weeping laid him low among the straw,
Fell asleep at last. And in his sleep
Came a Stranger, calling him by name :
** Caedmon, sing to me ! " ** I cannot sing.
Wherefore — wo is me ! — I left the house."
THE FIRST ENGLISH FOE T, 551
•* Sing, I bid thee ! " *' What then shall I sing ? "
** Sing the Making of the World." Whereon
Caedmon sung : and when he woke from sleep
Still the verses stay'd with him, and more
Sprang like fountain-water from a rock
Fed from never-failing secret springs.
Praising Heaveii most high, but nothing proud,
Csedmon sought the Steward and told his tale.
Who to Holy Hilda led him in.
Pious Princess Hilda, pure of heart.
Ruling Mother, royal Edwin's niece.
Caedmon at her bidding boldly sang
Of the Making of the World, in words
Wonderous ; whereupon they wotted well
'Twas an Angel taught him, and his gift
Came direct from God : and glad were they.
Thenceforth Holy Hilda greeted him
Brother of the brotherhood. He grew
Famedest monk of all the monastery ;
Singing many high and holy songs ^
Folk were fain to hear, and loved him for :
Tin his death-day came, that comes to all.
Caedmon bode that evening in his bed.
He at peace with men and men with him ;
Wrapt in comfort of the Eucharist ;
Weak and silent. ** Soon our Brethren sing
Evensong ? " he whisper'd. ** Brother, yea."
** Let us wait for that," he said ; and soon
Sweetly sounded up the solemn chant.
Caedmon smiled and listen'd ; when it lull^,
Sidelong'turn'd to sleep his old white head,
Shut his eyes, and gave his soul to God,
Maker of the World.
Twelve hundred years
Since are past and gone, nor he forgot,
£.arliest Poet of the English Race.
552 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
Rude and simple were his days and thoughts.
Wisely speaketh no man, howso leam'd,
Of the making of this wondrous World,
Save a Poet, with a reverent soul.
NoTB. — This alliterative meter is not at all an imitation, but in some d^ree a remi^
niscence of the old English poetry.
William Allingham, in Macmillan's Magazine. \
BONAPARTE.*
In commencing the last of these lectures on Bonaparte
naturally look back, survey what I have done, and compare
with what at the outset I hoped and intended to do. You wl
remember that I began by recognizing the impossibility Q
treating so large and full a career with any completeness, ad
by inquiring how it might most conveniently be divided,
determined first to lighten the ship by throwing overboan
all those military details which belong less to the historial
than to the professional specialist; next I pointed out tha
the career falls naturally into two parts which are widely dif
ferent and easily separable from each other. The line a
demarcation I drew at the establishment of the Hereditao]
Empire in 1804. On one side of this line, I remarked, yoi
have Bonaparte, on the other side Napoleon. The two naaia
may be taken to represent two distinct historical develoj
ments. To study Bonaparte is in the main to study a probla
of internal French history. It is to inquire how the hk^
archy, which fell so disastrously in 1792, burying for atim
the greatness of the Bourbon name, was revived by a yoo^
military adventurer from Corsica; and how this re^on
monarchy gave domestic tranquillity and, at first, a stio^
sense of happiness, to the French people, and at the SM
time European ascendency to the French State. Ott-H
other hand, to study Napoleon is to. study not Fresdh,!
* The last of a long course of lectures [at Cambridge Vni riiiti|-r lniliMi
containing a condensed statement of results. ™*^^*^""^J
BONAPARTE. T?5"
European history ; it is to inquire how the balance of power
was overturned, how the federal system of Europe crumbled
as the throne of the Bourbons had done before, hoW a uni-
versal monarchy was set up, and then how he fell again by a
sudden reaction. Availing myself of this distinction, I pro-
posed to investigate the first problem only; I dismissed
Napoleon altogether, and fixed my attention on Bonaparte.
And now I find without much surprise that this problem
taken alone is too much for me. I have given you not so
much a history as the introduction to a history. I break off on
this side even of the Revolution of Brumaire. As to the Con-
sulate,— ^with its peculiar institutions, its rich legislation, and
its rapid development into the Empire, — I can scarcely claim
even to have introduced you to it. I say I am not surprised
at this, and I shall be well content if the sixteen lectures I
have delivered have thrown real light upon the large outlines
of the subject, and have in any way explained a phenomenon
so vast, and in the ordinary accounts so utterly romantic and
inconceivable, as the Napoleonic monarchy. For everything
here has to be done almost from the beginning. In other
departments the lecturer follows in the track of countless in-
vestigators who have raised and discussed already the prin-
cipal questions, who have collected and arranged all the
needful information. It is quite otherwise in these periods of
recent history, where investigation, properly speaking, has
scarcely begun its work. I can refer you to very few satis-
factory text-books. Histories no doubt there are, full and
voluminous enough, but they are not histories in the scien-
tific sense of the v*ord. Some are only grandiose romances.
Others are thoroughly respectable and valuable in their kind,
but were never intended for students; so that even v/here
they are accurate, even where they are not corrupted by
prejudice, or carelessness, or study of effect, they throw little
Kght upon the problems which the student finds most im-
portant, in such circumstances it is really a considerable
S 54 THE LIBRA J^ Y MAGAZINE,
t?isk to sweep away the purely popular, romantic, and fan-
tastic views of the subject which prevail, and to bring out
clearly the exact questions which need to be investigated ;
as, indeed, it is true generally of scientific investigation that
the negative work of destroying false views^ and then the
preparatory work of laying down the Imes of a sound method,
are almost more important than the positive work of inves-
tigation itself.
The great problem I have raised and examined has beeti
the connection of Bonaparte's power with the Revolution.
Let me try, in quitting the subject, to sum up the conclusions
to which we have been led. The first is this, that Bonaparte
does rrot, properly speaking, come out of the Revolution, but
out of the European war. What is the popular theory ? In
few words it is this, that a revolutionary period is often ter-
minated by a military dictatorship, as is shown by the ex-
amples of Caesar, Cromwell, and the Italian tyrants of the
fourteenth century ; that the cause of this is to be sought in
the craving for rest, and the general lassitude and disappoint-
ment which follow a vain struggle for liberty; and that Bona-
parte's rise to power is simply an example of the working of
this historic law. Now, to begin with, I should state the
historic law itself somewhat differently. It is rather this, that
when from any cause the government of a state is suddenly
overthrown, the greatest organized power which is left in the
country is tempted to take its place. Such, for instance, was
the municipality of Paris when the French monarchy fell on
the loth of August. Accordingly the municipality of Paris
seized the control of affairs by a violent coup d'etat. But as ;^
general rule the greatest organized power which is at hand
when a government falls, is the army. It is therefore natural
that as a general rule a revolution should be followed by a
usurpation of the army. And this might, no doubt, have hap-
pened in France as early as 1792. Instead of the ascendency-
of the Jacobins there might have been a tyranny of Dtimou**
BONAPARTE, SSS
riez, but for the accident that the French army at that moment
was undergoing a transformation. i
But there is also another possibility^ A military dictator-
ship, or the form of government called Imperialism, may be
brought into existence by quite another cause, namely, by any
circumstance which may give an abnormal importance in the
state to the army. It is from this cause, for instance, that
the monarchy in Prussia has been so military as to be prac-
tically an imperialism. This also is the true explanation of
the rise of imperialism in ancient Rome. Not the mere las-
situde of parties at Rome, but the necessity of a centralized
military power to hold together the vast empire of Rome
which military force had created — ^this was the real ground of
the power of the Caesars. Now, in explaining the rise of
Bonaparte, I think that too much is made of the cause form-
erly mentioned, and infinitely too little of this. It is no doubt
- true that the lassitude of the French mind in 1799 was great,
and that the people felt a sensible relief in committing their
affairs to the strong hand of Bonaparte ; but I do not think
that this lassitude was more than a very secondary cause of
his rise to power. It is true also that in 1799 the Govern-
ment of the Directory had sunk into such contempt, that it
might be regarded as at an end, so that it was open to an or-
ganized power like the army, to take its place by a sudden
coup d'etat. But this cause too is as nothing, and might
almost be left out of the account, con^pared with another,
which in the popular theory is wholly overlooked and neg-
C^ed.
I trace the rise of Bonaparte's imperialism to the levee en
nasse, and to the enormous importance which was given to
tire army and to military affairs generally by a war of far
g^reater magnitude than France had ever been engaged in be-
fore. No doubt there were many secondary causes, but the
point on which I insist is that they were entirely secondary,
and that this cause alone is primary. You will not find by
5 5^ Tl^E LIBRAE V MA GAZINE,
studying the Revolution itself any sufficient explanation of
Bonaparte's power. Bonaparte did not rise directly out of
the revolution, but out of the war. Indirectly as the revolu-
tion caused the war, it may be said to have caused the rise of
Bonaparte, but a war of the same magnitude, if there had been
no revolution, would have caused a similar growth of impe-
rialism. If under the old regime France had had to put into
the field fourteen armies and to maintain this military effort
for several years, the old monarchy itself would have been
transformed into an imperialism. That imperialism appeared
now in such a naked, undisguised form, was the necessary ef-
fect of this unprecedented war occurring at the moment when
France was without an established government. The circum-
stances of the Revolution itself, the Reign of Terror, the fall
of Robespierre, the establishment of the Directory, all these
things made little difference. Bonaparte's empire was the
result of two large, simple causes — the existence of a mighty
war, and at the same time the absence of an established gov-
ernment.
As the war. alone created the power, so it alone determined
its character. Bonaparte was driven by his position into a
series of wars, because nothing but war could justify his au-
thority. His rule was based on a condition of public danger,
and he was obliged, unless he would abdicate, to provide a
condition of danger for the country. Why he was so success-
ful in his wars, and made conquests unprecedented in mod-
ern history, is a question which I have not had occasion to
discuss thoroughly. But I remarked that imperialism in its
first fresh youth is almost necessarily successful in war. for
imperialism is neither more nor less than the form a state as-
sumes when it postpones every other object to military effi-
ciency.
The second great fact about Bonaparte's connection witK
the Revolution is that he overthrew Jacobinism. From this
fact too it may be perceived that he was the child, not of the
k
BONAPARTE, 557
Parisian Revolution, but of the levee en masse. Bonaparte
canceled Jacobinism j he destroyed its influence and perse-
cuted it with unscrupulous violence. He placed himself at
the head of the reaction against it^ He restored with no little
success the dominion of the old monarchical and ecclesiasti-
cal ideas. But it is of the utmost importance to define how far
this reaction extended. It was not properly a reaction from
liberalism, but only from Jacobinism. It was not a reaction
from the French Revolution of 1789, but from the Parisian
Revolution of 1792, For there were two Revolutions, widely
different ; and, to my mind, he who does not understand this
will never understand anything in the modern history of
France. The struggle in modern France is not between the
spirit of the old regime and that of the Revolution ; this is
wholly erroneous. It is a struggle between the principles of
1789 and those of 1792, in other words, between the principles
of European Liberalism, and a fatal political heresy. The
monarchy of the Bourbons was itself liberal for the most part
throughout the reign of Louis XVI.; it was liberal again in
the constitution of 1779; liberal under the Charter of Louis
XVIII. Since its second fall in 1830 the principles of 1789'
have been represented in various ways by Louis Philippe,
Louis Napoleon, and the present Republic. There have been
two great aberrations towards the heresy of 1792— namely, in
1848 and in the Parisian insurrection of 1871 ; and in 1830 an
apprehension of the revival of those ideas drovQ the Govern-
ment of Charles X. into measures which looked like a revival
of the old regime.
The struggle then throughout has been to kfeepto the lines
of 1789, and not to be led again into the abyss of 1792. All
serious governments alike, that of Bonaparte, that of the Res-
toration, that of Louis Philippe, that of Louis Napoleon and
the present opportunist Republic, have adhered to the princi-
ples of 1789 — ^the old regime has been utterly dead, and even
Charles X. did not seriously dream of reviving it — ^and the
55^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
only difference among them has lain in the mode of their re-
sistence to the ideas of 1792. How to gi'ard against the revi-
val of those insane chimeras, against a new outbreak of that
fanaticism in which phrases half philosophical half poetical
intoxicate undisciplined minds and excite to madness the
nervous excitable vanity of the city of Paris, this has been
the one question; 1792 has, been the one enemy. The Res-
toration and Louis Philippe tried to carry on pariiamentary
government in the face of this danger — but in vain ; 1792 re-
vived in 1848. The two Napoleons tried another method, a
Liberal Absolutism, in which the principles of 1789 were
placed under the guardianship of a dictator, and the method
was successful at home, but in foreign affairs it was found to
lead to such ambitious aggressiveness that in both cases it
brought on the invasion and conquest of France.
When, therefore, I say that Bonaparte put himself at the
head of the reaction and revived the old monarchical and ec-
clesiastical ideas, I do not mean that he exploded the ideas of
1789, but those of 1792. Belonging to the France of the levee
en masse, which had appeared to be Jacobinical only because
the invasion had driven it into the arms of the Jacobins, he
quietly put aside the whole system of false and confused
thinking which had reigned since 1792, and which he called
ideology. He went back to the system which had preceded
it, and this was the system of 1789. It stood on a wholly
different footing from Jacobinism, because it really was the
political creed of almost the whole nation^. It was what I may
call Eighteenth-Century Liberalism. And in the first part of
his reign, in the Consulate and even later, Bonaparte did
stand out before Europe as the great representative of liberal
principles, and none the less so because he had abjured and
was persecuting Jacobinism. ** But what ? '* you will say,
" how could Bonaparte represent Liberalism, when he had
himself put aside all parliamentary institution ; ,when his own
Senate and Corps Legislatif were, in the first place, not
BONAPARTE. 559
representative at all ; and in the second place were in every
possible way baffled and insulted by him ? " The answer is
that Liberalism, as it was conceived in Europe in the eight-
eenth century, had very little to do with liberty, and that the
leading representatives of it were generally absolute sover-
eigns. The great founders of Liberalism in Europe were such
men as Frederick the Great, the Emperor Joseph, Charles IIL
of Spain, or ministers of absolute sovereigns, such as Turgot
and Necker, It was in this succession that Bonaparte had
his place, and from many utterances of his X gather that he
regarded htHtself as the direct successor in Europe of Freder-
ick the Great. Most of these sovereigns had not only been
absolute, but had been active enemies of government by As-
sembly. Their Liberalism had consisted in their jealousy of
the Church, their earnest desire for improvement, and a kind
of rationalism or plain good sense in promoting it. In their
measures they are particularly arbitrary ; and if Bonaparte
made the coup d'etat of Brumaire, we may say of the Emperor
Joseph, the great representative of Liberalism, that his ad-
ministration was one long coup d'etat. If Bonaparte's reign
seems in one point of view like a revival of the old regime, it
is the old regime in its last phase, when it was penetrated
with the ideas which were to be formulated in 1789, and when
Turgfot and Necker were its ministers. If Bonaparte ruled
practically without assemblies, we are to remember that in
1789 itself, when the States-General were summoned, there is
no reason to think it was intended to create a standing Par-
liament, and Mirabeau held that they ought to be dismissed
immediately after having voted the abolition of the exemp-
tions of the noblesse and clergy.
Such then are my conclusions about Bonaparte's relation to
the French Revolution. But Bonaparte belongs to Ekirope
as well as France, and in Europe he represents a new princi-
ple, that of conquest. I have considered him in this light
also, and have pointed gut that here too large causes had be^n.
560 THE LIBRAR V MA GAZINE.
wor4cing to prepare the way for him. In the system of Eu-
rope, in fact, there had been a revolution not less than in the
internal government of France. The great event of this Eu-
,ropean Revolution had been the partition of Poland. This
was a proclamation of international lawlessness, of the end of
the old federal system of Europe, and of the commencement
of a sort of scramble for territory among the great states.
And it ought particularly to be remarked that the leaders in
this international revolution were precisely the great liberal
sovereigns of the age, Frederick, Catharine, and Joseph. So
long as sovereigns of tolerably equal power arranged such ap-
propriations artiong themselves it might be done without
causing a general confusion ; but the moment some one
power greatly outstripped all others in military strength the
policy of the partition of Poland would turn into a universal
conquest. Now this immense superiority was given to Fiance
by her levee en masse. When she placed a new Frederick at
her head it was only natural that she should take the lead in
a more general application of the principle of the partition of
Poland, and none the less because she became at the same
time the representative of Liberalism in Europe. By the
treaty of Campo Formio, France, under the leadership of
Bonaparte, inaugurated the policy of universal partition and
spoliation of the small states of Europe, which in a short time
led to the Napoleonic Empire.
So far Bonaparte has been to us simply a name for the
government of France, such as the almost irresistible pres-
sure of circumstances caused it to be. Given the changes of
1789 and the fall of the monarchy in 1792, given at the same
time the European war, an all-powerful military government
could not but arise in France, could not but adopt a warlike
policy, and in the then condition of international morality,
and considering the aggressive traditions of the French,
would probably, whether it were directe4 by Bonaparte,
Moreau, or Massena, embark in a career of conquest. But I
BONAPARTE, . ■ W.
have also made some inquiry in these lectures into the pet
soniil character of Bonaparte. In doing so, I have bee:
forced to raise the general question, at once so interestin
and so bewildering to the historical student, of the persons
influence of great men. \
My desire is to see this question, like other historical quej
tions, treated inductively and without ungrounded assumi
tions. Great men have been so long a favorite declamati
that we can scarcely treat them coolly, or avoid being misl^
by one or other of the exaggerated notions and bombast
conceits that have been put in currency about them. For
long time it was a commonplace to describe such persons .
Bonaparte as a sort of madmen, who amused themselves wi
devastatingljie earth purely for their own selfish gratific
tion. Th^^ord was —
Heroes are much the same, the point's agreed,
From Macedoaia's madman to the Swede.
But in this generation the very opposite view has haa mc
acceptance ; heroes have been made into objects of worsb
a fact of which you have been reminded since I began th(
lectures by the departure from among us of the celeb ra
founder of the cultus. Half a century has passed since 3
Carlyle issued his first eloquent protests against what
called the mean materialist view that great men are m
charlatans, deceivers or impostors who have hoodwinl
mankind. According to him the fact is quite otherwise ; tl
are the commissioned guides of mankind, who rule their
lows because they are wiser ; and it is only by such guida
that man's life is made endurable ; and almost all virtue c
sists in the loyal fidelity of each man to the hero who is s
ereign by a divine election. Certainly this was a m-
more generous, more ennobling creed than the other, ar
think it is also, in general, a truer one. If I criticise it, 1
so only because fifty years have now passed over it, an
seems to me that the study of history has entered upon a
5^2 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
st3ge. In those days history was regarded much in the same
way as poetry ; it was a liberal pursuit in which men found
wholesome food for the imagination and the sympathies.
Mr, Ciirtyic gave good counsel when he said that we should
bring^ to it an earnest and reverent rather than a cynical spirit.
But histor}^ is now a department of serious scientific investi-
:^ation. We study history now in the hope of giving new pre-
rision, definiteness, and solidity to the principles of political
icience. We endeavor therefore to approach it in the pro-
>er scientific temper, and this is not quite the same, though
t is by no means altogether different, from the temper recora-
nended by Mn Carlyle. It is a temper disposed to shrink
rom every kind of foregone conclusion, a temper of pure im-
►artiality and candor. Such a temper will l^just as little
atisfied with Mr, Carlyle's theory of great ni^ii ^.s with the
Id theory \ it will fefrain from committing itself to any a
riori theor)^ on the subject. It will study history, not in or-
er to prove that great men are this or that they are that, but
J order to lind out what they are. Starting from the simple.
tct that occasionally individual men, who may at first sight
ppear not very greatly to surpass their fellows, acquire
1 unbounded influence over them, so that whole nations
:em to lose themselves and be swallowed up in their sov-
'eign personality, we do not dream that we can discover by
>me intuition how this happens, we do not imagine that it is
>ble to take for granted that it happens in a certain way, or
tsc and cynical torcgard it as happening in another way. We
mpiy want to know how it does happen, and for this pur.
jse we examine history in a spirit of pure, unprejudiced
iriosity.
Few characters are so well adapted for testing the theory
heroes as Bonaparte. His name occurs to us almost before
y other when we want examples of the power of a person-
ty. If we wanted to show how mankind naturally desire a
ider, bow they instinctively detect the born hero, how gladly
BONAPARTE, 563
and loyally they obey him, what example but Bonaparte
should we quote ? Where shall we find anything similar to
his return from Elba, which seemed to realize the never-
realized i^eturn of Arthur from fairyland ; or, again, to the
sudden revival of his family thirty years after his death, when
the mere name Napoleon carried his nephew to supreme
- power ? How much more striking than anything which can
be produced Irom the life of Mr. Carlyle's favorite Cromwell,
who does not seem ever to have been popular, and who left
no very vivid memory behind him ! And yet Mr. Carlyle is
strangely shy of Bonaparte. He avoids that wonderful tale,
which it might f eem that he above all men was called upon
to write. Ocii^Slonally, indeed, as if to keep up the credit of
the theory, he includes Bonaparte as a matter of course among
his divine heroes, coiigratulating that age, for instance, upon
its two great men, Napoleon and Goethe — nay, actually put-
ting Napoleon by the side of Cromwell in his lecture on " The
Hero as King." But more commonly he carpsmnd grumbles
at this enormous reputation ; and the short, perfunctory ac-
count of him given in the lecture I have just mentioned is
nothing less, if you will look at it closely, than a helpless
abandonment of the whole theory which the book professes
to expound. It acknowledges, almost in expi*ess words, that
the old cynical theory of heroes may in some cases, after all,
bT "true, and that in Napoleon to a good extent it is true.
In these lectures* I have tried, by investigating the facts
themselves, to discover the secret of Bonaparte's immense
influence. I began with no preconception, with not the small-
est desire to prove or disprove either that he was a hero or a
charlatan, and quite prepared to believe that he might be
neither the one nor the other, and that his success might be
due to causes not personal at all. I was also quite prepared,
if necessary, to leave the question unsolved, confessing, if I
found it so, that the evidence was insufficient to support ?
solid conclusion. For here is another wide difference betweer
564 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. \n^
our present view of history and that taken by the last gener-
ation. They, as they valued history for the emotions it excited,
estimated an historian by the grandeur and gorgeousness of
the pictures he drew. It was thus that he was supposed to
prove his genius. His function was supposed to be identical
with that of the dramatist or novelist ; he was supposed to
animate the dry bones of historical documents by the same
imaginative knowledge of human nature by ;which a Shake-
speare creates his characters. But the modern investigator,
if he uses such a gift at all, is most anxiously careful not tombc
up divinations or flashes of intuition with clear deductions
from solid evidence. He thinks it a kind of fraud to announce
what he fancies may have happened, without the fullest warn-
ing, for what ^/</ happen; he even distrusts whatever presents
itself as poetical or picturesque, and is content to acknowledge,
if it must be so— and often it must be so — ^that only a vague,
confused, blurred, and imperfect representation of the occur-
rence or the person can now be given.
In this spirit, then, I have cautiously examined the charaC
ter of Bonaparte as it developed itself in his earlier years. If
I have not found the Carlylean theory of heroes applicable
in this instance, I am far from concluding that it is nevof
applicable. That theory would lead uj^-to assume that Bqna*
parte had deeper and more intense conviction's than the <^^hcr'
men of his time, and that because, while others wanted: iar*
ness of insight or firmness of will, he alone saw what FrjOi^
and the world needed and had strength and courage to apply
the true remedy, therefore all mankind gladly rallied roun4
him, cheerfully and loyally obeye^ him as being the stronger;
wiser, and, in the true sense of the word, better man. J^toWf
it may be true that other great men have risen so ; I lay d<m
no general theory of great men ; but Bonaparte did npf^^*^
in this way. ^^ j|
In the first place I have pointed out that of the vast
of his greatness more than half was not built Iqr hto
BONAPARTE, 565
' but for him. He entered into a house which he found ready-
made. He neither created the imperial system in France, nor
did he inaugurate the ascendency of France in Europe, Both
grew up naturally out of large causes from the time of the
levee en masse ; both were considerably developed under the
direction of Camot ; at the time of Bonaparte's brilliant ap-
pearance in Italy the general course of development for
France was already determined. She was on her way to a
period of military government and of military policy likely to
lead to great conquests. If Bonaparte had not appeared, to
take the lead in this movement and give his name to the
period, some other military man would have accomplished a
work which in its large outlines would have been the same.
It is a mistake therefore to regard him as a great creative
mind. The system which bears his name was not created by
him, but forced upon him, for all the large outlines of the
Napoleonic system can be clearly traced under the Directory,
and at a time when his influence was only just beginning to
be felt.
In showing that he did not quell mankind by irresistible
heroism, I show at the same time that he did not rise to
^upreme power by charlatanry. In fact he floated to supreme
power upon a tide of imperialism which he did not create, and
which must, sooner or later, have placed a soldier at the head
of affairs. In this matter all he needed to do was to take care
that Europe did not make peace, for in peace the tide of imper-
ialism would soon have ebbed again. And we have seen him
at this work during the first months of 1798, when, appar-
ently by his agency, the war burst suddenly into a flame when
it was on the point of being extinguished. But, this point
once secured, " his strength was to sit still " ; his wisdom lay
in doing nothing, in simply absenting himself by his Eastern
expedition from the scene of action.
But though his own share in creating the fabric of his
greatness was perhaps less than half, it was positively large.
566 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Had there been no Bonaparte, a Moreau or a Massena might
have risen to a position not dissimilar, might have wielded a
vast imperial [>ower extending from France far into Germany
and Italy; but assuredly they would not have borne them-
selves in that position as Bonaparte did, nor left the same
indelible impression upon history. What then were the purely
personal qualities which he displayed ?
In the first place he showed a mind capable of embradng
affairs of every sort and in no way limited by his own specialty.
This, conjoined with a real and by no means vulgar passion
for fame, a passion which stood to him in the place of all virtue
and all morality, gave to his reign one truly splendid side. It
made him the great founder of the modern institutions of
France. Not merely the Code, but a number of great insti-
tutions, almost indeed the whole organization of modern
France, administration, university, concordat, bank, judicial
and military systems are due to him. He saved France from
the ruin with which she was threatened by Jacobinism, which
in the four years of its definitive establishment (1795 — 1799)
proved utterly unable to replace the institutions it had so
recklessly destroyed. Jacobinism could only destroy; the
queller of Jacobinism, the absolute sovereign, the reactionist*
Bonapartet'%uccessfully rebuilt the French state.
The simple explanation of this is that his Government was a
real Government, the first that had been established since the
destruction of ancient France in the Revolution. It could
not, therefore, help undertaking, and — as it w^^areal Govern-
ment, and no m ere party tyranny — it met with no great diffi-
culty in accomplishing an immense work of legislation. But
an ordinary child of camps would not by any means have risen
to the greatness of the position as Bonaparte did ; his early
admiration and study of Paoli, I fancy, had prepared him for
this part of dictatorial legislator, while Rousseau had. filled
him with ideas of the dignity of the office. I have thought I
could trace to Rousseau's idea that the work of legislation
BONAPARTE, 56/
requires a divine sanction, Bonaparte's revival of the medieval
empire and his solemn iijtroduction of the Pope upon the
sbene.
Bat this unexpected largeness of Bonaparte's mind, which
^ caused him to fill so amply, and more than fill, the imperial
place which he had not really created, had beside this good
effect a terribly bad one. A Moreau or Bernadotte in that
position must have been the strongest sovereign in Europe,
and something of a conqueror, nor could he well have avoided
perpetual wars. But Bonaparte had added to the more ordin-
ary qualities of a great general a comprehensive strategical
talent and war-statesmanship, which till then had seldom been
seen in great generals. He seems to have learned the secret
frOm Carnot, and from watphing with intense eagerness the
course of the first campaigns of the revolutionary war. Pos-
sessing this talent, when he found himself at the head of the
mighty military state which had sprung out of the levee en
masse, he not only appeared, as he could not but do, the most
powerful sovereign in Europe, but he actually overthrew the
European system and founded something like an empire on
the ruins of it. Hence the terrible and disastrous Napoleonic
period with all its unprecedented bloodshed and ruin, which,
however, I, concerned with Bonaparte and not with Napoleon,
have only exhibited in the background.
Still, however, we are far from penetrating to the person-
ality of Bonaparte. What we have hitherto found would
incline us to reject both those theories of great men alike,
and to say — " Great men are neither demigods nor yet charla-
tans. They do not act but are acted on ; they are hurried
forward by vast forces of which they can but slightly modify
the direction." What glimpses we did get of Bonaparte's
real mind were derived less from his deeds than from those
plans of his which failed. We examined first and rejected
those views of him which represent him as gradually spoiled
or corrupted in the course of his career either by success or
568 '. THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
by disappointment. There are two such views. The one
regards him as a fiery Corsican patriot of the type of Sam-
piero, revenging himself upon France and Europe for the loss
of his country ; the other treats him as a republican hero and
invincible soldier 6f liberty who yielded after a time to ambi-
tion and wandered from the right course. These two views
agree in regarding him as a man of intense passions, what
may be called a primitive man.
I have given reasons for treating this appearance of prim-
itive heroism in Bonaparte as a theatrical pose, deliberately
assumed by him in order to gratify the rage for primitive nature
which Rousseau had introduced, and which was at its acme
under the Directory. Behind the mask I have found a remark-
able absence of passions except an almost maniacal passion
for advancement and fame. The character indeed is not Cor-
sican so much as Oriental. He is not vindictive as a Corsican
should.be; he is not patriotic, but deserts his country most
unnecessarily ; he seems to care for no opinion, though he
adopts with much studied artificial vehemence every fashion-
able opinion in turn. His early plans, which can be pretty
plainly discerned from the commencement of his Italian cam-
paigns, are precisely similar to those afterwards formed by
the Emperor Napoleon. From the beginning they are plans
of lawless conquest on the model of the partition of Poland*
plans in which the revolutionary doctrine is used with pecu-
liar skill as^n instrument of attack and conquest. His im-
morality and cynicisni are more apparent even on the surface
of his deeds in his earlier than in his later years, while there
are appearances of a vast plot contrived by him against the
Directory,* which might fairly be called the unapproachable
masterpiece of human wickedness^ But what throws the
clearest light upon his character is that darling plan of his, the
failure of which he never ceased to regret, the Eastern expe-
* See Arthur Bohtlingk*s Napoleoa Bonaparte, vol. ii.
BONAPARTE. 569
dition. What he did in Europe tells us little of his character,
compared to what he dreamed of doing in Asia. He had never
meant to be Caesar or Charlemagne; these were but parts to
which he sullenly resigned himself. He had meant to be Al-
exander the Great, only on a much larger scale. His real
career is but a shabby adaptation of the materials he had col-
lected in vain for his darling Asiatic romance. It was some-
thing, perhaps, to restore the Pope and the French Church, to
negotiate the concordat and re-enact the crowning of Charles,
but it was little compared to what he had imagined. He had
imagined a grand religious and political revolution, beginning-
in the east and extending westward, some^ fusion apparently of
, Rousseau's deism with the Allah-ism of Mohammed, a relig-
ious revolution extending over the whole East and then com-
bined in some way with the revolution of France, when the
great Prophet-King should return to the ^Vest by way oj
Constantinople.
But what does this romance tell us of the character of him
who conceived it ? And how does this character square with
those a priori theories of what great men should be ?
I must say, it squares rather remarkably with the old tbeor}
which Mr. Carlyle drove out of fashion. Here is really a great
deceiver, a man who revels in the thought of governing man.
kind through their credulity; who, brought up in Europe
has, as it were, rediscovered for himself the wxS. of the grea
prophet-conquerors of Asia — it is curious that among the lit
erary pieces left by Bonaparte is a version of the famou:
story of the " Veiled Prophet of Khorassan "—only in thosi
prophet-conquerors there was probably always some grain o
conviction or self-deception, and in Bonaparte there is noth
ing of the kind.
But might he not be partly a charlatan and yet partly
j hero? A hero in a certain sense certainly Bonaparte wa^
t that is, a prodigy of will, activity and force. But was he i
{ any degree a hero in Mr. Carlyle's sense ? Mr, Carlyle i
56
by 57^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
re:
pj, moralist and seems almost unable to conceive an able man
^r entirely without morality. According to him the very crimes
. of a great man are at bottom virtuous acts, for they are fn-
- • spired by a moral instinct taking as it were a strange originai
form. But I fancy human nature is wider than this theory.
Wickedness, I fear, is not always weakness. There really is a
human type, in which vast intelligence is found dissociated
. , . from virtue. Nay, what is stranger - still, this kind of hero,
whose very existence seems to Mr. Carlyie inconceivable,
may exert an irresistible attraction upon his fellow-men, may
be served with passionate loyalty, and- may arouse in others
. noble sentiments of which he is incapable himself. In the
£ career of Bonaparte, in his ideal schemes, and in the idolatry
• which has been paid to him, we seem to get a glimpse of this
J. tj'pe of man. To do good was not his object.
And here I am compelled to leave the subject. That I have
treated it so very imperfectly does not cause me much regret,
t because I never expected to do otherwise. I shall consider
1 myself to have succeeded in some degree if I hare conveyed
to >i[iv of y^^u a clear notion of the vray in which I think great
i| historical phenomena should be treated, that is, by shaking off
I the traiflniels of narrative, proposing definite problems and
> considering them deliberately ; I shall have succeeded still
Yy better if I have shown j'ou how the historian should regard
^ bimsclf as a man of science, not a man of literature : how he
„- must have not only a rigid method in research but a precise po-
„ . litic^ philosophy with principles fixed and terms de^cd much
nttiofc^ carefully than historians have generally thought neces-
j^ ^wy ; but I ^hall only have succeeded altogether to my wish if
(vl li^nre also .mpressed upon some of you the immense impor-
1^ tasc^ of these great topics of recent histor\v the urgent ne*
^cesaitT, it w>e would handle properly the poHtical problems of
oar own time, of raising the study of recent history out of the
^^accountable neglect in which it lies, and if I have raised in
t of those of you who are conscious of any vocatloo
L
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON. 571
to research and discovery the question whether this task — ^the
task, that is, of welding together into an inseparable union
history and politics, so that for the future all history shall
end in politics, and all politics shall begin in history — be not
the best and worthiest task to which they can devote their
lives.
J. R. Seeley, in Macniillan's Magazine.
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON.
Walking the other day down Fleet Street, while the griffin
which marks the former site of Temple Bar was still a passing
object of public curiosity, I stopped for a minute to have a
good look at that poor, underfed, attenuated brute — so un-
promising a representative of civic hospitability — and to take
his bearings as the last relic of the material barriers that once
separated the city of London from that outer ring which Mr.
Freeman will not allow us to call the Metropolis. As I turned
away from him westward, and pursued my course along the
embankment, my thoughts naturally reverted to the time
when the city stood as a visible and distinct entity, surrounded
by walls, and girt beyond them with fenny marshes and green
fields ; while the gray towers of the Abbey which I saw in the
distance, half hidden by the modern overgrowth of the Par-
liament House, were still the center of the separate village of
Westminster, dividec} from the great town by the long stretch
of swampy river bank which we even yet call the Strand.
Looking back at that merchant republic of London, and for-
ward to the royal and imperial borough, the capital of Eng-
land— Westminster — the question forced itself upon me
vividly, Why should there be any town here at all, and why
should that town be the largest in the world ? We are all so
accustomed to take London for granted, that we hardly realize
at first how extremely complex the question really is. That
there should not be a London, or that it should not be just
^mmm
5 72 TIf£ LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
where it is and what it is, seems to us at the present day
almost inconceivable. Yet there are a great many questions
mixed up in the origin of London which it might be well
worth our while to disentangle, and. if possible, to answer.-
Let us begin by dividing the problem into its two very dis-
tinct halves, and after that we may attempt the minor sub-i
divisions separately.
First of all, there is the question. Why should there be a
great town about the spot where the city now stands? Anc
secondly, there is the question, Why should the capital of th(
United Kingdom and of the British Empire be at Westmin
ster ? These two questions are quite distinct ; and the fac
presupposed in the one is quite different from the fact
supposed in the other. Even if the political center
empire had happened to be at York or Edinburgh, a
Chester or Lichfield there must have been a consii
commercial town about the point up to which the
continues to be navigable for ocean-going vessels ; an<
if there had been no great river in the neighborhood of
minster, a considerable administrative and fashionable
must have grown up around the Court and the Hoi
Parliament. As a matter of fact, the Metropolis com
two great towns rolled into one, and each of them addii
portance to the other : London, the largest seaport*
kingdom ; and Westminster, the political capital of the
dom. But that they might easily bwe existed se^
from one another we can see by going no further
than to Edinburgh and Glasgow; while we get the sd
even more clearly -accentuated in the case of New Y
Washington,
Then, besides these greater questions, there are a
of minor questions mixed up with the present grei
the Metropolis. Paris is the capital of a larger and
populous state than London, yet it is not quite half
Of course it will be objected that Paris is not a
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON, 573
merely an administrative, legal, ecclesiastical, commercial,
a.xid literary center. True, but Marseilles is the greatest sea-
port of France, and Lyon the greatest manufacturing town of
France ; yet Paris, Marseilles, and Lyon, put together, do not
make up two-thirds ol London. Again, we may grant that
t.here must have been a modern city where London now
stands, even if there had never been one till late in the
eighteenth century; just as a great city necessarily grew up
at Liverpool as soon as the cotton of America required a port
of entry in the neighborhood of the rich Lancashire and
Yorkshire coal district, and as soon as a port of exit was re-
quired in return for the towns of Manchester, Blackburn,
Wigan, Bolton, Burnley, Middleton, Oldham, Rochdale, Leeds,
Bradford, Wakefield, Barnsley, and Sheffield, which sprang
up above that very coal. But why was there a relatively im-
portant town of London in mediaeval times, in early English
time, and in Roman times? Questions like this can only be
answered by making a regular historical survey of the causes
which led to the existence of London.
Ln Qew countries, we can easily guess why towns grow up -
in one place rather than another, because the causes which
produced them are still in action. We see at once how such
a harbor as that of New York necessarily attracts to itself
almost all the import trade of America ; how Chicago, situated
at the deepest bend of Lake Michigan, in the very center of
the finest corn-growing country of the world, naturally be-
comes the port of shipment for the surplus grain of that
fertile level; how Cincinnati was predestined to be the
metropolis of pork ; and how New Orleans inevitably collects
all the cotton of the Mississippi basin. So, too, a glance at
the position of Montreal shows us that it must of necessity
be thp commercial capital of Canada ; and a first view of Mel-
bourne sufficiently reveals why it is the one great town of
Australia. But in older countries, the causes which led to
the existence of cities are often more difficult to discover, be-
5 74 T^^ LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
cause the circumstances have since changed so widely. It
is not easy on the first hlush to guess why Paris should have
gathered around two muddy islets in the Seine, or why Rome
arose upon two low hills which swell up slightly from the
malarious levels of the Campagna. A hasty mind mig^ht
fancy that such towns were purely capricious or accidental in
their origin. But, if we look the question fairly in the face,
we cannot fail to see that definite reasons must always have
induced men to aggregate around one spot rather than an-
other. No town, no village, no single house even, ever arises
without a sufficient cause pre-existing for its exact place and
nature. Whenever a man takes up his abode anywhere, he
idoes so because he finds life easier there than in any other
accessible spot.
Apparently, the very first London was a Welsh village — ^an
ancient British village, the history books would say— which
crowned the top of Ludgate Hill, near where St. Paul's now
stands. The old Welsh, who owned Bntain before the Eng-
lish took it, were a race half hunters, half cultivators, as
Caesar tells us. In his time, the Britons of the southeastern
country, which consists of open, cultivable plains, were tillers
of the soil ; while those of the hilly northwest were still pas-
toral nomads or savage hunters, dwelling in movable vil-
lages, and having mere empty forts on the hilltops, to which
the whole population retreated with their cattle in case of in-
vasion. These duns, or hill-forts, still exist in numbers over
all England, and are generally known as " British camps."
Such names as Sinodun, Brendon, and Wimbledon still pre-
serve their memory : while we are familiar with the Latinized
form in Camalodunum, Moridunum, and Branodunum. Dune-
din, Dunbar, Dundee, and Dunkeld, give us Scottish forms of
like implication. Down and Dune survive as modified piod-
ern words with the same root. As a rule the syllables dun"* '
and don in place-names are sure indications of an old hill-fort, 1
the " castles " or rude earthworks which crown almost every
>.
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON, 575
iieight ambng the South Downs and the western hills are the
last remains of these old Welsh strongholds. Maiden Castle,
near Dorchester, and the earthworks at Cissbury, Silchester,
and Ogbufy, are familiar instances.
Even before the Romans came, however, the river-valleys
of the southeast of Britain were inhabited by agricultural
tribes, with fixed habitations and considerable towns. There
are two great basins in England which have always possessed
the highest agricultural importance : the one is that of the
Ihames, the other that of the Yorkshire Ouse. So long as
England remained mainly an agricultural country, the two
g^reatest cities of the landwere the respective centers of these
}asins, London and York. And there has been more than
)ne moment in our history when it might have seemed doubt-
ul which was to become ultimately the capital of the whole
:ingdom.
Now, what made London the center o'f the Thames valley?
3r that of course was the first step towards making it the
letropolis of the British empire. Well, the Welsh tribe
''hich inhabited the lower part of the valley must have origi-
ally needed a dun like all their neighbors. But there are
ot many conspicuous hills in the flat basin of the Thames
etween Richmond and the sea ; and Ludgate Hill was per-
aps the best that the Trinobantes of Middlesex could get.
0 be sure, it could not compare with the dun at Edinburgh,
; Dumbarton, or at Stirling ; but it was high enough to make
natural fort, and it stood just above the point where the tide
distinctly felt. Thus, as the old Welsh became gradually
ore and more civilized, a regular town grew up around the
w dun, and bore from the very first its m#dern name of
>ndon, for no name in England has altered so little with the
;ar and tear of centuries. It was not without natural ad-
ntagfes of situation ; for a belt of marches girt it round on
pry side, from the estuary of the Lea and the Finsbury flats
1 th^ Fleet river and London Fen, where the Strand now
SyS The library magazine.
stretches. In the interval between Caius Caesar's abortive ^
attempt upon Britain, and the reduction of the south coast '
under Claudius, we know that a considerable trading town
developed around the old village. Cunobelin, wfiose coins
of Roman type are still found from Norwich and Chester ta
Kent, had his palace at the neighboring station of Camalo-:
dunum ; but London was the center of such rude trade as yet
existed. Trackways still traceable radiated thence all over
the eastern counties and the south coast, where the traffic-
with Gaul was already important. '
It is a great advantage to merchants and shippers to ascend
a navigable river as far as possible into the center of the'
countrj% because they have thus the largest circle of customer*
for their goods; and this is especially important in early
stages of civilization, when means of land transport are de^
ficient. Accordingly we see that in early times a great town
is to be found at the head of navigation of every great riverJ
If we take the map of England, we shall notice that almost
all the chief old county towns, such as Leicester, Gloucester;
and York, are so situated. At a later date, we get almost
direct seaports, like Glasgow, Liverpool, and Bristol ; but it
a primitive culture these ports would be far less useful, al
well as less defensible, than those which stand on rivers row
ning far inland, and so command a whole circle of countr|||
instead of a mere semicircle, as is the case with coastwia
towns. We must remember that railways have wholly revol#
tionized the carrying trade in this respect ; but the import
ance of canals before the introduction of the railway system
shows clearly how necessary was a good waterway for a cot*
mercial town. ' Now, the Thames is navigable for a furthd
distance from the sea than any other river inEngland, and ft
valley, as we have already seen, is one of the most valirtM
agricultural districts. Here, then, we have the very cctt^
tions necessary for the rise of a commercial town ; and evd
at this early period — as sooji, in fact, as trafiic with Gastf
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON, 577
a at all — ^there must have been such a commercial town
lere London now stands. The site bears the same relation
the Thames that Montreal bears to the St. Lawrence.
xreover, the river points eastward towards the Continent ;
i this, though a shght disadvantage at the present day,
len our trade lies mostly outward with America, India,
tina, and the colonies, was an advant^e when trade lay
K>lly with Gaul and the south. Thus it happens that all
roughout the Middle Ages our ports and commercial cities
re all on the east and south coast, or the rivers which
wed towards them ; while at present Glasgow. Liverpool,
d Bristol on the west are far more important than Hull,
nderland, and Newcastle on the east.
For these reasons, therefore, even in the half savage realm
Cunobelin, London was the chief commercial town'. We
ist not, however, think of it as a town in the modern sense :
> must rather figure it to ourselves as a stockaded village of
de huts, with its central hill-fort, not much more civilized
an' the King Bonny's Town or King Long's town of Western
Tica in our own time. The adventurous merchants from
lul or further south who ascended the river to trade with
e natives would get as far as London, where already (so Dio
fcssius tells us) a primitive wooden London Bridge — doubt-
Bs a mere foot-rail, for wayfarers— blocked their further pas-
ge up the unknown stream. Here they would traiRc with
ie native dealers, who in turn would dispatch the foreign
anufactured goods of the great southern civilization to every
>int of the compass along the rough trackways. We must
iC in it all a picture much like that of our own pioneers in
le South Seas or Central Africa, taking the red cotton of
ianchester or the glass beads of Venice, and receiving in
iturn the raw products, ivory or palm oil, of the savage land,
hat. I take it, is how the city of London began to be.
When the Romans conquered Britain, the aspect of affairs
hanged a little. The conquerors turned the island into an
L. M.— 19
57^ . THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
agricultural exporting country, a subsidiary granary for till
crowded southern cities which already devoured all the con
of Egypt and the Black Sea. So Britain was to Rome mud
what America is to modern' England. And just as the moi
important wheat-growing parts of America consist of the 9
Lawrence and northern Mississippi basin, so the most import
ant wheat-growing parts of Roman Britain consisted of thi
valley of the Ouse and the valley of the Thames. But of thesa
two the great plain of York, iormed by the tributaries of the
Ouse and draining into the Humber, is certainly the largest and
most fruitful. Hence, for Roman purposes, York was th«
principal town of the island, and the Romans erected there
their provincial capital of Eboracum. Even when two prefects
were appointed, the southern usilally had his station, not at
Londinium, but at Verulamium, or St. Albans. London, how-
ever, must have largely increased in commercial importance
none the less, though officially slighted ; for as the trade with
the Roman world grew larger, traffic must have come more
and more to the mouth of the Thames. Indeed, the great
number of well-known stations in the neighborhood — Veru-
1am, Camalodunum, Rhutupiae, Dubris, and others — sufficiently
shows that the Thames valley and the direct road to the Con-
tinent were of immense value. All the main Roman roads
converged on London because the river could there be cross-
ed ; and these roads became the framework for the whole
carrying system of England, till canals and railways revolu-
tionized the highways of the country. The Roman remains
occasionally dug up in the city show that Londinium was a
place of some pretensions. It was probably even tb a cOm-
largest town in Britain. Perhaps its population may alre^S^'
have amounted to as many as twelve or fifteen thousand souls.
We must pass rapidly, however, over these earlier stages of
its history, and come on to the time when Britain changed its
face and became known as England. The details of the Efigjish
conquest and colonization are so vague and mytiuca^llkW
1
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON. 5/9
know absolutely nothing about the fate of London in the
great revolution which handed over Britain from the Roman-
ized and Christianized Welsh to the savage and heathen Eng-
lish pirates. The narrative of the Chronicle mentions the^
city but once, and that was when Hengst and M%iz — the Horse
* and his son the Ash-tree — fought with the Britons at Crayford ; .
"the Britons then forsook Kent-land, and with mickle awe
fled to Lunden-bury." They would find themselves safe behind
the walls of the Roman municipium. Of the actual conquest
of the city we have no record at all ; a loss for which we can
console ourselves by the consideration that even if we had
one, it would be of no historical value whatsoever. The annals
of the "Anglo-Saxons" before the arrival of Augustine are
for the most part a mere fabulous tissue of heroic genealogies,
distorted heathen legends, bad philology, and old myths fitted
to new persons and places. But one fact we do know with
certainty : that at some time or other a band of English pirates,
belonging to the Saxon tribe, settled down around London,
and Ihat from their settlement the surrounding country has
ever since borne the name of Middlesex.* We can even trace
the actual clans or families which made themselves home-
steads in the neighboring lands. The Readings settled at Pad-
drngton, the Kensings at Kensington, the Billings at Billings-
gate, the Ealings at Ealing, the Harlings at Harlington, the
Isllngs^at Islington, the TaedingsatTeddington,the Wappings
at Wapping, and the Nottings at Notting Hill. Just south of
the river, too, on the Surrey shore, we find traces of the Ken-
nings at Kennington and the Niwings at Newington. Thus
the. city is girt round on every side by obvious colonies of
.- ^English pirates.
the. ^ But did the English sack and burn " Lunden-bury " itself,
and utterly massacre the Welsh inhabitants? For my part, I
* Territorially, London itself was in Essex, though it was usually ruled by Mercia.
Only the drainage of the estuary of the Lea (now the Isle of Dogs), which was made
' part of Middlesex, caused London to be surrounded by that doubtful county.
58o " THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
can never believe it. We have numberless bits of evidence
which go to prove that the inhabitants of the Romanized
towns made their peace with the English barbarians, and
bought themselves off from the fate which overtook a few of
the stubborn t:oastwise ports. The Welsh records are full of
complaints against the Lloegrians of the town who "became
as Saxons." The early English colonists, we know, were not
a people of merchants ; they were simply savage soldiers on
the war-trail, who settled down slowly after the conquest into
farmers and landowners. They avoided the old towns, which
always bear their original Celtic or Roman names, and are
never called after English clans, like the modern villages now
grown into great trading communities, such as Birmingham
and Warrington. The Chronicle tells us expressly that *' -^lle
and Cissa beset Artderida,andoffslew all that were there in, nor
was there after one Briton left alive." ' But if tradition kept
up the memory of the fate which befell this comparatively
unimportant fortress, Pevensey — doubtless because it resisted
the invaders too stoutly, trusted to its Roman walls — it is
credible that it should have quite forgotten the sack of Lon-
don, the largest and richest town in the whole countiy.^ In
later days we know historically that the Londoners bought
themselves off, time after time, from the Danish pirates; arid
they probably did the same with the earlier English pirates as
well. It seems to me most likely that numbers of English
settled in and around London ; that a petty English king
ruled over it ; and that English soon became the ordinary
la^nguage of the town ; but I believe that many Romanized
Welsh merchants still continued to live and trade there, that
the urban mob passed quietly into the condition of English
churls, and perhaps even that Christianity in a debased form
lingered on among the inferior people till the arrival of
Augustine. It is a significant fact that we never hear of the
conversion of Middlesex. On the other hand, the Anglicized
Welsh of London may well have become pagans to suit the
K
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON. 5^1
taste of their conquerors, just as the Christians of Southern
Spain became Mohammedans under the Moors, while the
Moors again became Christians under the Castilian kings.
Language and religion tell us very little as to blood and race.
However all this may be, it is at least certain that London
still remained the most important commercial town under the
English, as it had been under the Romans. Yet it did not
then bid fair to become the capital of the future consolidated
kingdom. We have two English archbishops, whose titles
and provinces date back to the earliest days of Christianity
among the English, and they have their cathedrals at York
and Canterbury respectively. But there has never been an
archbishop of London. Why is this ? Well, Canterbury was
the capital of ^thelberht of Kent, the overlord of the whole
south, and the first Christian English king-; and Augustine
himself bore the title. York was the capital of Eadwine of
Northumbria, the overlord of the whole north ; and PauHnus
was the first archbishop. But London was not yet the capital
of a large kingdom at all ; it lay, like a sort of Bcrwdck-upon-
Tweed, in the debatable ground between Kent, Surrey, Essex,
alid Wessex. Hence, like the other minor kingdoms, it had
only a bishop, who was originally the bishop of a people ; not
an archbishop, who was originally set beside the central over-
lord, as chief bishop of the whole communEty. When Eng-
land slowly consolidated into the three main divisions which
still subsist so markedly, Northumbria, Mercia, and Wcssex —
the North, the Midlands, and the South— King OlTaof Mercia
set up his own archbishop at Lichfield; but Mercia was a
short-lived power, and the South opposed the innovation ; so
only the two older titles and provinces have survived to our
own day.
And what made London the final capital of Wessex ? For
Wessex had 'at first more than one capital, its kings living
sometimes at Dorchester on the Thames (near Oxford), and
.sometimes at Winchester, the old Roman town which com*
582 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
manded the rich valleys of the Itchin and Test. We must
remember that royal towns are more apparently capricious
than commercial centers. Wherever a king chooses to reside,
he can gather his administrative bodies arouryi him ; but trade
will only go where trade pays. Louis XIV. could make or
unmake a Versailles ; but he could not make or unmake a
Havre or a Lyons. Yet great towns have often grown up
around mere king-made centers, because their situation was
,at least as good as any other. Paris itself largely owes its
existence to the fact that its counts became by slow degrees
kings of all France. Berlin owes still more to the luck and
the perseverance of the HohenzoU^rns. " ^t. Petersburgh
exists mainly because Peter willed it. Yet all these towns
have also advantages of their own. Laon could never have
been what Paris is : Moscow, isolated in the midst of a bound-
less plain, could never have become like St. Petersbrrgh on
its navigable river. The ridiculous failure of Washington
shows one that a mere administrative center will not of itself
attract population, unless there are commercial advantages in
its very situation. Still, the royal initiative counts for much ;
and London would never have been all that it actually is if
Northumbria or Merica had become the leading state in Eng-
land, instead of Wessex. In either of those cases, we might
have had an administrative capital at York or X-ichfield, and a
commercial capital at London. Our Edinburgh and our Glas-
gow might have been separated, as they now are in Scotland.
Injdeed, in early English days, Northumbria still retained the
same position of supiremacy as in Roman times, and for the
same reason — because the plain of Humber is the most impor-
tant agricultural tract in Britain. York was then the real cap-
» ital of England ; and even as late as the reign of Charles I.
it remained the second city in the kingdom. That was why
members of the royal family so often bore the title of Duke
of York.
The Danish invasions, however, made the house .of Wessex
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON, 5^3
the representative English dynasty; and London became
slowly the capital of Wessex. The north was left hopelessly
behind ; and the capital of Wessex became in turn the capital
of England. Not that it was ever acknowledged suddenly as
such, or that a capital in our modern sense was possible at all.
The king kept court now at one place, now at another. The
Witena-gemot, and afterwards the Parliament, met sometimes
at Oxford, sometimes at London. Winchester remained the
royal minster an^ residence till Edward the Confessor built
Westminster. Even after the Conquest, William of Normandy
still wore his crown " on Eastertide at Winchester, on Pen-
tecost at Westminster, and on Midwinter at Gloucester,"
But from the days of Alfred onward, we can see that London
becomes more and more the real center of English life, and
the administrative capital of the kingdom. Though royal
personages were buried at Winchester, they lived in JLondon.
During the Danish wars, the great town grew more and more
important, both in a military and commercial sense ; and it
became even more necessary that national councils should be
held there. Under Canute, London had become pretty cer-
tainly the real capital. From year to year, as we read the Eng-
lish Chronicle, we can note that the city was growing con-
stantly in size and political power. Long before the Norman
Conquest, it was evidently by far the most important town in
England. Its walls inclosed a considerable area ; and on the
Surrey side its suburb of Southwark — the southern work or
defense — already formed a large center around the tete du
pont. The space within the street called London Wall marks
the boundary of the old city.
Edward the Confessor, however, put the final stamp of
royalty upon London by building his "new minster" on
Thorney Island, near Westminster. Before his day, all English
kings had been buried at Winchester. Edward himself was
buried in his new Abbey, and so have been almost all his suc-
cessors, except those early Normans and Angevins who pre-
5 84 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
ferred their own ancestral resting-places at Caen and Fon-
tevraud. The Confessor's Abbey and William Rufus's palace
made Westminster the real royal borough, much as Windsor
became under the later Plantagenets. Of course the new
quarter on Thorney Island was still a separate village, divided
from London by the Strand ; but the proximity of the city in-
creased the importance of both. Winchester, however, even
now retains one mark of its former royal connection. There
are only three English bishops who take precedence of their
brethren apart from seniority of appointment; and those
three are, the Bishop of London, the new capital ; the Bishop
of Winchester, the old capital ; and the former Prince-Bishop
of Durham, the County Palatine, which formed the mark
against the Scots, and where alone, as at Sion and so many
other Swiss or German towns, the fortified Episcopal palace
castle still rises opposite the great cathedral.
The Norman Conquest itself marks another critical epoch
in the history of London. For that conquest really decided
the whole future relations of England with the Continent
From the days of Swegen and Canute, Britain had been, more
or lessi a mere dependency of Scandinavia and Denmark.
Even during the reign of Edward the Confessor, -it had looked
northward as much as southward ; for though the king him-
self was thoroughly Norman at heart, and filled the highest
offices with Normans Whenever he was able, Godwin and his
sons were Danish rather than English in sentiment and in-
terests ; and the revolution which restored them to power
and finally placed Harold on the throne, was at bottom the
revival of a Danish party. In fact, the only real question at
th^ time of the Conquest was this — ^whether England should
be ruled by Scandinavians from the north or by Scandinavians
from the south ; by Harold of Norway or by William of Nor-
mandy. If Harold the Norwegian had conquered at Stamford
Bridge, England would have been thrown into a great norUi-
em confederacy, and its natural capital would have been YoAi. ,
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON. $85
the Danish headquarters, with its Hnmber mouth pointing
straight towards the Scandinavian north. But the victory of
the English Harold over the Norse Harold paved the way
quietly for William, and William's success drew England for a
hundred years into close connection with the Romance civ-
ilization of the opposite continent. Thus the north sank ut-
terly in importance ; Northumberland was turned into a waste,
as a mark or boundary against the Scots; York became a
mere provincial town, and London, Winchester. Canterbury,
and the Cinque Ports remained steadily the centers of English
administrative or commercial life. Lanfranc brought the
church into closer relation with Rome ; while the Norman
and Angevin kings, and the nobility whom they introduced,
brought the whole country into closer relation with France
and Flanders. Even when the Plantagenets had settled down
into a thoroughly English dynasty, the effects of the new turn
given to English life was still obvious. The trade encouraged
by Edward I. was trade in wool with the Flemish cities, and
trade in silk and wine with Paris and Bordeaux. The cam-
paigns of Edward III. and Henry V. all turned towards the
Seine and the Garonne. In short, by the Norman Conquest,
England was wholly dissevered from her old connection with
the Scandinavian barbarism, and made a member of the Ro-
mance civilization. And this change firmly established Lon-
don as the natural commercial center of the island all through
the middle ages.
There is reason to believe that the population of England in-
creased but very slowly in the interval between the Conquest
and the Reformation. Though a little foreign trade sprang up
under Edward Land grew largely under the Yorkist kings, yet
the country remained, as a whole, agricultural in habits, and so
the people increased at a very slow rate. Nevertheless, London
evidently grew far faster than in proportion to the growth else-
where ; for trade was naturally concentrated upon it, and the
administrative needs of the settled Plantagenet kingdom wer
586 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
relatively far greater than thpseof the rude Saxon realm. As
of old, all the roads radiated from London, for the start given
it by the Romans always made it the most convenient dis-
tributing center in England. Yet all through the middle
ages we may safely say that no fresh causes affected its
growth. The accretion was but the natural development of
its existing advantages. The reign of Elizabeth first intro-
duced any new factors into the calculation. These new fac-
tors depended upon the westward movement. The discovery
of America and of the new route to India by the Cape of Good
Hope was revolutionizing the commerce and the civilization
of the world. Up to the sixteenth century, the Mediterranean
was still the center of culture and traffic for ail Christendom-
The seventeenth century turned the course of both away
from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. The importance
which had once belonged to Rome, Florence, Venice, and
Genoa, became transferred at once to Paris and London, and
finally also to Liverpool, Glasgow, New York, and Philadel-
phia. It was this great revolution which really made Eng-
land— and, by implication, London also — what it is.
England stands in a singularly favorable position for com-
merce, as soon as navigation has extended to the wide seas.
It is an island, joined by water to every other country of the
earth, instead of being isolated, like Germany and Austria, by
blocks of land shutting it out from the universal highway of
the sea. It has navigable rivers and splendid harbors point-
ing north, south, east, and west. Oddly enough, it occupies,
with exact precision, the very central point in the hemisphere
of greatest land ; so that it is actually nearer all seaports in
the world, taken together, than any other spot can possibly
be. And at the moment when navigation of the wide seas
became practicable, when new routes were opened to America
and to the East, it happened to occupy the nearest position
to the centers of the old trade and manufacture on the one
♦he fresh El Dorados on the others. Thus Eiig-
, THE ORIGIN OF LONDON. $8/
land almost necessarily became the colonizer of America and
the conqueror of India. The Elizabethan outburst was, in
fact, the immediate result of this new direction given to Eng-
lish enterprise. Hitherto, English merchants had traded to
Flanders and to Bordeaux, or, as a long voyage, to the
Mediterranean. Now, our Raleighs, Frobishers, and Drakes
began exploring the whole round world, and our Roes com-
menced the Indian connection at the court of Ajmere. A
single generation stood between the middle ages and our
own time. The England of Wolsey was almost mediaeval ;
the England of Shakespeare, Raleigh, and Bacon was wholly
modern. London began to grow rapidly from the very com-
mencement of this new epoch, and it continued to grow un-
interruptedly till the period of this next great change. One
may trace the growth by the names of streets, from the Eliza-
bethan Strand, through Restoration St. James's, to the Queen
Anne district round Harley Street. By the time of Charles
II., the difference in size between the capital and all the other
towns of Britain seems to have been vastly greater than it
had ever been before or since. In the early middle ages,
York, Oxford, and Winchester were great towns not un-
worthy to be compared with the London of the same day; in
our own time, Glasgow, Liverpool, and Manchester have
some pretensions in size, even when compared with the
metropolis : but in the England of Charles II. London was
first, and the rest were nowhere. There was as yet no reason
why trade should seek any other main channel, and it still re-
mained true to the old highways which radiated from the
Thames. Without canals and railways, the great inland port
was necessarily the best possible center for commerce in the
island.
The century which elapsed between 1750 and 1850, however,
was fraught with the deepest danger for the supremacy of
London ; and though, in spite of the peril, it has still grown
on with alarming rapidity, and has doubled its population
588 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
with ever-increasing frequency, it may yet be fairly said that
the comparative increase is not so large as during the earlier
period. I am aware that statistics distinctly point the other
way; but, then, the statistics are wooden, and do not take
into account all the real elements of the problem. For the
fact is, that London, while gaining absolutely at an enormous
rate, has been losing comparatively by the side of a new order
of towns, which have come into being as the result of an-
other vast revolution, almost as important as the Elizabethan.
This revolution has been brought about by the employment
of coal, first in the sn>elting and manufacture of steel and
iron, and afterwards through the use of the steam-engine in
every kind of industrial pursuit. Even before the age of
steam, Bristol had become a great western port through the
influence of the West India sugar trade. But steam was
destined to change the traffic with the colonies and America
from a mere reception of tobacco and cotton to a great re-
ciprocal trade in jraw materials on the one hand, and manu-
factured goods on the other. We were to become the clothiers
and ironmongers of the world. Coal and America, put to-
gether, have turned England round on a pivot from east to
west. She used to point eastward, by Thames and Humber,
towards the Continent ; she now points westward, by Mersey,
Clyde, and Avon, towards America and Australia. The south
used to be the trading and manufacturing half, while the
north was a wild grazing and agricultural country. Now the
north is the trading and manufacturing part, while the south
is mostly a succession of quiet rural districts. The great coal
regions all lie west or north. On the Scotch coal-field stand
Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock. On the Tyne collieries we
'find Newcastle, Shields, and Durham ; while close at hand
are Sunderland, Stockton, Darlington, Middlesborough, and
the Cleveland iron district. The Lancashire field incloses
Manchester, Blackburn, Wigan, Bolton, St. Helens, Buml^,
Middleton, Oldham, Rochdale, and Ashton. The cotton ef
THE ORIGIN OF LONDON, 589
America and the wool of Australia come to Liverpool, to be
-worked up either in this coal region of in that of the West
Riding, which includes Leeds, Bradford, Wakefield, Barnsley,
Sheffield, and Chesterfield. Nottingham and Derby hang
upon its border, while Hull supplies it with an eastward outlet.
On the midland coal-bed stand Wolverhampton, Dudley,
Wednesbury, Walsall, and Birmingham. Other carboniferous
deposits occur in the crowded South Wales region, around
Swansea and Merthyr Tydvil, as well as near Bristol. The
influence of all this northern and western development must
clearly detract so much, comparatively, from the relative im-
portance of London. To put it plainly, London was once the
very focus of national thought and industry, surrounded on
every. side by the most flourishing parts of the country; it is
now isolated in the midst of the agricultural south, while
Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield, and
Glasgow form totally distinct and often antagonistic centers
of political and industrial life in the north and the midlands.
Without entering into the realm of politics, one may fairly
say that the existence of a Manchester school or a Birming*
. ham school has only been possible in the last fifty years, and
has been rendered possible by this comparative isolation of
the capital in the agricultural south. The position has largely
divorced the feelings of London from the feelings of the
industrial centers.
Nevertheless, London has survived, and has grown more
rapidly than ever. Coal and steam which seemed to threaten
her supremacy, have really strengthened it. Had there been
no such things as railways, it might have been otherwise.
The importance of Glasgow and Liverpool would then have
largely increased, because there only can raw material be
brought home to the very door of the coal-employing manu-
facturer. But railways have annihilated space so far as a
small island like Britain is concerned, and the Thames has
thus retained its original importance as a great navigable riv^
590 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
even as against the severe competition of the Clyde and the
Mersey. There can be no doubt at all that the two western
rivers possess greater natural advantages lor trade in its pres-
ent stage than does the Thames. They run nearer into the
very heart of the coal-bearing and manufacturing tracts, and
they are thus the natural ports for entry* of all heavy raw ma-
terials, and for exportation of all cottons, woollen goods and
hardware. But the Thames still lies nearest to the greatest
cent'er of population, the administrative capital, and the town
home of all the landed aristocracy and wealthy classes gen-
erally. Hence, possessing such a harbor as London, it still
manages to attract the largest tonnage of any seaport in the
^ingdem. It is true, cotton, wool, and raw-materials gener-
ally are mostly landed elsewhere ; piece-goods, broadcloths,
hardware, and machinery are mostly shipped elsewhere ; but
for articles of immediate consumption, such as tea, corn, meat,
cheese, eggs, butter, sugar, wine and spirits, or for articles of
luxury such as silks, velvets, carpets, gloves, drapery, furs,
and French and German products generally, it is by far the
most important port in the country. The railways all con-
verge upon it, and so make it the center for the entire whole-
sale distributing trade of Great Britain. Thus the vast in-
crease of English population and the vast development of
English industry, during the present century have caused
London to grow with enormous rapidity, in spite of the im-
mense diversion of many great branches of trade to the wes-
tern ports. Nevertheless, it must be remembered that the
position of London is now to some extent artificial, depending
largely upon the railways, and upon its already established
greatness as an administrative center and fashionable agglom-
eration of wealthy people. If there had been no old capital
upon the Thames before the present century, it is doubtful
whether the possession of its navigable river could have
made London, under existing cpnditions, half as big as Glas-
-^ow actually is. Taking into consideration geographical po-
THE^ ORIGIN OF LONDON. 59 1
sltion as regards the three kingdoms, and central site as
regards trade, it may be said that, if Britain had now for the
first time to choose a capital, its choice would naturally fall
upon Manchester.
And now, before closing this necessarily imperfect sketch,
let us ask briefly, What are the main elements which go to
make up the population of London at the present day ? First
of all, then, taking them in natural, historical and geographi-
cal order, there is the seafaring and shipping element, which
congregates mainly around the docks, Wapping, and the tower
district. This element, though the West End now knows and
thinks little about it, is the one which gives rise to all the
others. Then there is the great wholesale, commercial, im-
porting, distributing, financial, stockbroking, and banking
element which makes up the city. Next comes the legal and
administrative class, which occupies the Temple, Lincoln's
Inn, and Chancery Lane, runs down the Strand by Somerset
House, spreads over the greater part of Whitehall, and cul-
minates in the Parliament Houses and the neighboring por-
tion of Westminster. After that we ^^t to the fashionable
West End, fiom Mayfair and Belgravia to Kensington, Bays-
water, and Notting Hill, with its retail shopping district
around Regent Street and Oxford Street. Then comes the
whole world of clerks^ and business employes, stretching in
two great semicircles from Portland Towii and Kentish Town
to Islington and Dalston on the north"; and again from Bat-
tersea and Clapham to Camberwell and Peckham on the
south. Finally, there is the vast and unrecognized mass of
artizans and working men, congregating chiefly in the east
and south, but scattered up and down in slums and backquar-
ters everywhere. Intermixed among these main divisions
are many lesser ones, drawn naturally to London as the chief
national center: the worlds of literature, of journalism, of
medicine, of art, of the theater, of science, and, to some ex-
tent, of education ; the cabmen, servants, and hangers-on of
59^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
wealthy families ; and a large industrial class engaged in the
manufacture of such articles as can be easily produced in the
absence of coal-fields — the last> especially, to be found on the
south side and in the suburbs. Of course so brief a list must
necessarily include only the main headings ; but it is suffi-
cient to show us that London really consists of two towns
rolled inextricably into one — ^a commercial seaport on the one
hand, and an administrative capital on the other. In virtue
of the first we get the shipping, the City, the manufacturers,
and the artizan class ; in virtue of the second we get the
Court, the Parliament, the West End, the retail shops, the
official, legal, medical, literary, journalistic, artistic, and gen-
eral professional society. And when we take into considera-
tion all these things, side by side with the wide commerce,
increasing population, and cosmopolitan interests of England,
we see at once^ I fancy, why London is bigger than Paris, or
Berlin, or New York, or St. Petersburg.
From The Cornhill Magazine .
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES.
Time was in literature, when there were no dictionaries. Of
course, letters had their small diffusion, viva voce. The few
Sauls, for all the generations, could ask the , fewer Gamaliels,
on the quick moment, for the shoif interpretation that should
make passages in their\)rnamented or antiquated disquisitions
clear ; and there was no need for moxe. By the lip could be
solved the mystery coming from the lip ; for within the por-
tico, in the cloister, under the shade there on the hill, the
master sat in the midst of his pupils, and the lip was near.
It ended, this. Pupils, when knowledge was called for in
distant parts, had to be dispersed". Each stood solitary then,
or nearly solitary, separated from the schools whence schol-
arly help could be drawn. Yet each stood facing a crowd
ouped round him to be taught; and each, at some wor4« at
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES. 59J
some clause, at some peroration, at some pregnant comer-
stone of an argument he was burning to launch straight home,
found the text of his parchment a pit, or a stumbling-block,
hindering him. The treasured MS. was of his own copying,
nearly for a cert£^inty. That did not affect the case. As he
read from it — spread on his knee, perhaps, a scroll ; laid open
upon a desk, leaved, and laboriously and delicately margined,
and stitched and covered and clasped into the form of a goodly
book — he had to expound its learned method so that it should
touch the simple ; or, bewildering him ^ sadly, he had to turn
its words from the Greek, from the Hebrew, from any master-
tongue,iinto the language, even the dialect, familiar to his
audience — ^a language often harshly unfamiliar to himself —
and the right way to do this would again and again refuse to
come to hini, and his message failed. There was the pity of
it ; there was the grief. It could not be allowed to abide.
And at last ther6 occurred to him the remedy. In his quiet
hours, his flock away, he would pore over his MS. afresh. It
might be missal, it might be commentary, treatise, diatribe,
epic poem, homily. Holy Writ — the same plan would be effi-
cacious for each one. After beating out the meaning of the
crabbed, the Oriental, characters-— of the painstaking, level,
faultless Gothic letter — he would write this meaning, this
exposition, this gloss, above each word, each phrasing, that
had given him trouble ; and then, thenceforth, and forever,
such gloss would be there to see and to use, and Qv^ry diffi-
culty would have been made, magically, to disappear. Good.
The goodness must be manifest at once. Only there is a fact
remaining, requiring acute indication. At the veiy first word
the very first of these conscientious old-world scholars thus
glossed or explained, the seed was sown of the new-world
dictionaries; and there has been no stop to the growth of
this seed till the tree from it has spread its thick and wide
branches as far as they have spread, and are still spreading, in
this very to-day.
594 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Perhaps this may seem remote. Short work will be enough
to show how it was done. Pupils, or calhthem young or less-
instructed associates of a master, had again, and after a lapse
of time in greater numbers, to be dispersed. After the lapse
of time, also, MSS. were ordered to be executed for royal and
other wealthy readers, too much engrossed by state and duties
to be able to keep to the set places and hours of a class. As
for the yoang associates, they would, have read from their
master's glossed MSS. during their pupilage, had they had to
take their duties whilst they were absent, whilst they were
ill. As for the newly-finished MSS., it would have been de-
struction to their cherished neatness, to their skilled, beauty,
to have defaced them with glosses here and there, as glosses
were, in patches, and generally, for greater conspicuousness,
written in red letters. Glossed words were written in a list
apart, then ; becoming, in this way, companion to the student,
enlightenment to the MS., and enlightenment almost as handy
as if it had been delivered from the tongue. Particular expo-
sition of a particular master came to be especially demanded,
too ; from veneration, for comparison, to settle a dispute, for
the mere admiration and interest of seeing what another man
had done. Such exposition was, perforce, on a separate list.
Such expositions, moreover — coming as they did, one perhaps
from a scholar at Rhegium, one from Nysa, one from Alexan-
dria, Rome, Constantinople, Rhodes — could be readily per-
ceived to possess color from the temperament, from the
circumstances, of the writer ; and it followed as a simple con-
sequence, that two or more should be set out, methodically,
side by side. Here, then, was the form of a dictionary ; the
germ of it, its manner. Here a word stood, with a series of
interpretations to it ; the whole to be read at one coi^lting,'
and giving employment to the critical faculty of rejecftto or
approval. For this duplication, this triplication, this
plication, as it grew to be, had its own excellent relish,
the very relish suggested something more. There would lia.^v<
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, 595
been the word exzlis, put it. One teacher would recommend
it to be rendered thin (of course, the equivalent to these
shades or thought, according to the tongue being used and
elucidated) ; another teacher, of wider thought, would expound
it mean; another, living ^midst bleak rocks, perhaps, and
these helping his asceticism, would set ^o^nbarren; another,
applying the thinness and tenuity to some musical sound
remaining in his memory, would write it shrill, treble. To say
this, is but to say how language itself accumulated, and had
expansion. Yet it suggests the mode. It points out how,
when each word had such various glosses put to it, richness
could not fail to arise ; and diversity, and discrimination, with
greater or less delicacy of expression ; and how glosses being
born — or, christen them with that longer name of glossaries^-
were never likely to be let to die.
There has to be recollection, however, that, as these glos-
saries were limited to gleanings from one MS., or to glean-
ings from various copies of the same one MS., according to
what, of fresh interpretation, each separate owner had
glossed, so they were limited to explaining one author; or to
explaining such limited portion of one author as one MS.
contained. Thus one glosssary would elucidate a Gospel ;
one, a set of Epistles ; one, a Prophet ; one, Virgil, Horace,
Homer, Euripides. The Epinal Gloss is an existing example,
luckily for the literary world, of such an accumulation. In
MS. still, it is still, by the religious treasuring it has had at
Epinal, precisely as it was at its compilation 1,200 years ago
(in the course now, however, of being printed here, lent by
the French Government for that purpose) ; and it is testi-
mony* teeming with Interest, of how far Dictionary-life, in its
da3% had advanced. Progressing still, there was the Latin
Glossary of Varro, dedicated to his contemporary Cicero.
There was the Lexicon of Apollonius the Sophist, in the first
^^V century, Elucidating the IHad and the Odyssey. There was
^^ aStthe Onomasticon of Pollux ; Pollux, instructor to the Em-
596 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE. ,
peror Com modus, having produced this, a Greek Vocabulary,
expressly for his imperial pupil's use. There was the Lexicon
of Harpocration, in the fourth century, relating only to the
Ten Orators of Greece. There was the valuable work of
Hesychius of Alexandria. There was the Glossary of Photius,
written in the ninth century : all of these having been printed
at Venice and kindred places, after centuries of chrysalis-life
in MS., almost as soon as printing was available; and this
particular Photian Glossary having been re-edited here by Per-
son, and even called for, after Porson's death, later still, viz.,
in 1822. There was the Lexicon of Suidas, collected by him in
the tenth century, and printed at Milan in 1499 ; remarkable
for the plan, first used in it, of giving extracts from the poets
and historians it explained to explain them better, and for
thus widening considerably the already widening field of the
lexicographical art. There was the dictionary, in the thir-
teenth century, of John Balbus, called John of Genoa ; a Latin
work extending to 700 pages folio, that has further notability
from having been the first in type, Gutenberg himself having
printed it at Mayence, in 1460. There was the dictionary^
printed at Vicenza in 1483, of Johannes Crestonus, in Greek and
Latin ; both, also, a development. There was the Latin dic-
tionary of Calepino, first printed at Reggio in 1502, and
enjoying, like the Greek dictionary of Photius, continued re-
editing down to the present century. But the expansion of
the gloss-seed, as shown in all these instances, having reached
the point at which there was recognition of the fact that the
search for words was a distinct branch of letters, worthy of a
special hand possessing special scholarly attainments, the
period of English dictionaries has been touched, and the sub-
ject must have treatment assuming different proportions.
It will have been understood — up to this point, of course —
that the aim of all the early word-works that have been enu-
merated was merely to give explanations of rare words, diffi*
cult words ; words known, shojtly, as " hard." This continued. .
. AMONG THE DICTIONARIES: $97
English lexicographers, at this outset of their career, and for
centuries, did not go beyond. They grew very pleasant, they
Were quaint, they were concentrated, they were rambling,
delightful, either way ; and they shall be their own exempli-
fication.
The Promptorium Parvulorum heads the list ; the Little
Expeditor, or the Little Discloser, as it might (very freely) be
translated. Alas, that it should be so small! That "hard"
words were so scant then, it has such few pages that they can
be run through in a moderate reading. Its style is to go from
A to Z alphabetically, but to have its nouns in one list, its
verbs in another ; to give nothing but these nouns and verbs ;
. and, being written in English first to fielp English students to
Latin, it has no complementary half for those who, having a
Latin word, wanted to turn it into English. " Gredynesse of
mete," it says, " Aviditas. . Gredynesse in askynge, Procacitas-
Fadyr and modyr yn one worde. Parens. False and deceyva-
ble and yvel menynge, Versutis, Versipellis. Golet or Throte, •
Guttar, Gluma, Gola. Clepyn or Callyn, Voco." Its date is
1440, about; it was written by a Norfolk man (as the preface
tells) ; Richard Francis, think some ; Galfridus Grammaticus,
as is conjectured by others; it was first printed in 1499, ap-
peared three or four times again when 1500 was just turned,
and has had a careful reprint recently by the Camden Society,
under the capable editing of Mr. Albert Way. Immediately
succeeded, this, by the Catholicon Anglicum, dated 1483, but
never in print till the Early English Text Society was granted
the privilege of publishing it a very few years ago ; by the
Medulla Grammatice ; by the Ortus Vocabulorum based upon
it, and printed in 1500 (these being Latin); by Palsgrave's
Lesclaircissement de la Langue Francoyse, printed in 1 530 ;
by Wyllyam Salesbury's Dictionary in Englysche and Welshe,
printed in 1547 ; there came the English dictionary proper of
Richard Huloet, that first went to the press in 1552. The
edition of this by John Higgins, printed a few years later, is a
598 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
volume that is beautiful even by the standard of today. It
is folio ; generously thick ; perfect in its neatness ; its double
columns are regularly arranged, with the headings B ante A,
B ante E (the fair forerunner of the present mode BAB, BAC,
etc.) ; and, intended to give English and Latin and French, it
puts the English in black letter, the Latin in Roman, the
French in italics ; unless, indeed, the French is evidently not
in Richard Huloet*s knowledge, when Huloet calmly omits it
altogether. Here is his manner: —
. Apple, called Apple John, or Saint John*s Apple, or a sweting, or an iapple of para-
dise. Malum, musteum, MelineUim, quod minimum durat celeriter-que mitescit.
Pomme dc paradis.
Here again \—
Pickers, or thieves that go by into chambers, making as though they sought some-
thing. Diaetarii. Ulpian. Larrons qui montent jusques aux chambres, faisant sem^
blant de cercher quelque chose.
" For the better attayning of the knowledge of words," say^
this good Richard Huloet, " I went not to the common dic-
tionaries only, but also to the authors themselves. . . . and
finally, I wrate not in the whole booke one quyre without
perusing and conference of many authors. . . . Wherefore,
gentle reader, accept my paynes as thou wouldest others
should (in like case) accept thine."
The "Manrpulus Vocabulorum," written by Peter Leve'ns
in 1570, printed then, by Henrie Bynneman, in ^^ leaves
quarto, and reprinted a few years since, under the careful
supervision of Mr. H. B. Wheatley, appeals quite as prettily
to have its claims considered. " Some will say," writes Peter
Levens, " that it is a superfluous and unnecessarie labor *to
set forth this Dictionarie, for so muche as Maister Huloet
hath sette forthe so worthie a worke of the same kiude
already. But .... his is great and costly, this is little and of
light price ; his for greter students and them that are richable
to have it, this for beginners and them that are pooreable to
have no better; his is ful of phrases and sentences fii&lor
'\
. AMONG THE DICTIONARIES. ' 599
them that use oration and oratorie, this is onely stuffed full
of words." And there the words are : in English first, in
Latin after; in double columns; and the English to rhyme,
** for Scholers as used to write in English Meetre," thus: —
Bande, Brande, Hande, Lande, Sande, Strande, etc., with the
Latin for each at the side. Over the errata at the end Peter
Levins writes, " Gentle Reader, amende these fautes escaped " ;
and the only wish to the modern reader is that there was more
matter to read, even if it enforced the amendment of fautes
indeed.
Contemporary with this, was a " Shorte Dictionarie in Latin
and English verie profitable for yong Beginners," by J.
Withals. it is a charming-looking little book, octavo, only
half an inch thick, light and supple as a pocket-book, with its
matter in double columns, the English first, and the "catch-
words" of this still in black letter. Wynkyn de Worde
printed it in its early editions, and it was printed again and
again by others, down to 1599. "A Little Dictionarie for
Children," says J. Withals, as a running title all along the
pages of it; but he gives the puzzled little Elizabethan chil-
dren no alphabet to guide them, and only divides his articles
into what appears to him to be subjects. "The Times," he
says, as a promising heading to one of these ; then under it he
puts such odd times as " A meete tyme. To sit a sunning, A
fielde beginning to spring, A fielde beginning to wax greene,"
and so forth. In " Certaine Phrases for Children to use in fa-
miliar speeche," J. Withals is as quaint to the very end.
" Away and be hanged ! " he puts ready for his little Tudor
schoolboys, rendering it "Abi hinc in malam rem." And, " I
am scarselye mine owne man," " Vix sum apud me." " Evans.
What is fair, William ? WilL Pulcher. Evans, What is lapis,
William ? Will. A stone. Evans. That is good, William." So
it is ; and in J. Withals may be seen the very manner of the
acquisition of it.
John Baret, in 1573, most fitly joins and ornaments this
600 THE LIBRARY M^AGAZINE.
group. The title of his Dictionary is " An Alvearie " (a bee-
hive) ; and he, in a manner sets out the development of the
Gloss, even from the area of his own experience. " About
eyghteen years agone," he writes, " having pupils at Cam-
bridge studious of the Latin tongue/' they " perceyving what
great trouble it was to come running to mee for every word
they missed .... I appoynted them . . . every day to write
English before ye Latin, and likewise to gather a number of
fine phrases out of Cicero, Terence, Caesar, Livie,€tc., and to
set them under severall tytles, for the more ready finding
them againe at their neede . . . ." when as "within a yeare or
two they had gathered togither a great volume," he called
them his diligent bees, and their great volume an alvfearie. It is
curious, this, as being plain, though not unexpected, witness.
So, also, does John Baret throw other curious light, and mark
some progress. "A Goast " shows his method. Thus —
A Ghoast, an image in raan*s imagination. Spectrum^ tri, n. g., Cic. Pluuntasme,
vision. La semblense des choses que nostre pensee ha conceue ;
in the Latin part of which there will be noted the first ap-
pearance of a declension and an authority. This attractive
work began by being a triple Dictionary — English, Latin,
French ; and in later editions grew to a quadruple Diction-
ary, with Greek added. The French, however, as with Rich-
ard Huloet, is omitted again and again ; and " as for Greeke,"
says John Baret himself, " I coulde not ioyne it with every
Latin word, for lacke of fit Greeke letters, the printer not
having leasure to provide the same ! " And it is a confession
far too pretty not to have this small resuscitation.
By these examples, French, Latin, Greek are proved to have
been imperative to the home-life of (educated) mediaevals ;
and " neat Italy " — for all that Rome, the heart of it, was
somewhat out of favor — was not to be unrepresented by the
Dictionary-makers under Elizabeth. John Florio, who was
English except by extraction, who was teacher of French aQd
Italian at Oxford, and, on the accession of James the First, ap-
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, 6oi
pointed tutor to the poor Prince Henry, his son, published
-an Italian and English Dictionary in 1 598. Italian first, he
put, and put no more ; but within ten years, Giovanni Tor-
riano, a fellow-teacher and an Italian, in London, seeing (it
may be supposed) the value of Baret's Latin and French and
Greek lists — cumbrous and inefficient as they were— provided
Florio's book with a second and better half, viz., English words
first and Italian after, in the present full manner ; thus bring-
ing bi-lingual Dictionaries up to a standard from which, to be
complete, there could be no departing any more.
"Lettere di scatola," says John Florio; letting him speak
for himself, " or Lettere di spetiale, great letters, text charac-
ters, such as in Apothecaries' shops are written on their boxes
that every man may read them afar off» and know what they
contain : Used by Metaphor for to speak plainly, without
fear." Also, John Florio gives column after column of Italian
proverbs, of which here are two, both touching his craft : —
Le parole non s'infilzano— Words do not thriddle themselves.
I fatti son maschi, le parole son femine — Deeds are masculine, words are women.
A splendid volume by Cotgrave, a French and English Dic-
tionary, folio, clean, exact, of most accurate printing, advanced
to the three index letters at the head of each column, in the
perfect form of to-day, was published in 161 1. "A Bundle of
Words," Cotgrave calls it, in a fatherly, fondling way, when
asking Lord Burleigh, In his preface, to look upon it with
favor. And he puts his 'errata at the very beginning, before
ever he opens his bundle, because ^' I (who am no God, or
angel) have caused such overslips as have yet occurred to
mine eye or understanding, to be placed neere the forhead of
this Verball Creature." The novelty in this " Verball Crea-
ture," or the stride made by it, is the grammar appended, with
the French verbs conjugated in the manner still used to-day.
Aller, says Cotgrave, in a mode bald enough ; but his English
explanation of the word is a glory. It says, " To goe, to walke,
wend, ttiarch, pace, tread, proceed, journey, travell, depart,"
6o2 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
with forty or fifty picturesque illustrations, 5Uch as^AUerd
S. Bczet, To rest in no place, continually to trot, gad, wander
up and down ; "such as " Tout le monde s'en va a la moustarde
— 'Tis common vulgar, Divulged all the world over (said of a
booke), waste paper is made of it, mustard pots are stopped
with it (so much the world esteems it)." This is a small sam-
ple, but it shows, amply, that the '* Verball Creature "it is
pulled from is a " Bundle of Words " that would bear much
more unpacking and much more close overhauHng.
Another genuine English Dictionary must be taken from
the shelf now. It could scarcely present itself in more entic-
ing guise. It is smaller even than Withals's Latin and-Eng-
lish Dictionary was ; it is thinner, narrower, more supple,
more suited still to be one number of a Portable Library, and
the one never likely to be left behind. Being English ex-
plaining English, this diminutive size seems curious — until
there is consideration, It is that "hard " English words even
in this day of John Bullokar, the author, were still few ; that
John Buljokar's columns and pages were consequently few,
to match. " I open the significations of such words to the
capacitie of the ignorant," he writes, writing from " my
house at Chichester in Sussex, this 17 day of October, 1616."
" It is familiar among best writers to usurp strange words "
now ; yet " I suppose withali their desire is that they should
also be understoode, which I . . . . have endeavored by this
Booke, though not exquisitely, .... to perform." Yet it is
exquisitely performed. "A Girl," says the performer — \i\
proof of his exquisiteness — " a Roe Bucke of two yeares " —
for he is far too earnest in his desire for consistency to put
any explanation to Girl except that which is very *' hard "
indeed. "Have a care," he says, too, warningly (and wam-
ingly, without a suspicion of it), " to search every word accord-
ing to the true Orthography thereof ; as for Phoenix in the let*
ter P, not F ; for Hypostaticall in Hy, not Hi." And he g^ives
a note of Natural History (amidst some scores) that mt|St be
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, ^^ >6o3
turned to before his pages are closed and he is laid aside. A
Crocodile, he says (after a column and a half of description of
it) " will weepe over a man's head when he hath devoured the
body and then wil eate up the head two. . . I saw once one of
these beasts in London, brought thither dead, but in perfect
forme, of about two yards long ; " in which detail of personal
experience he shows what was tolerated, and even expected, in
a Dictionary in his time ; and he gives what is, in this time, a
very enriching flavor.
John Minsheu, first publishing in 1599, but appearing in his
better known form in 1617, only one year after BuUokar, must
here have his greeting. " Some have affirmed," he says cap-
tivatingly, at thd very onset, *' that a Dictionarie in a yeere
might be gathered compleet enough. I answer that m con-
ceit it may be ; " and, conceit being far away enough from his
own composition, his answer carries with it every satisfaction.
So does his Dictionary. It was, again, like Cotgrave's, and
Florio's, and Baret's, and "Master Huloet's," an immense
work ; folio. It marked more progress, too. It was the first
book ever published in England that appended a list of sub-
scribers ; and in matters appertaining solely (as the foregoing
does not) to Dictionary-growth, it was the first that tried to
.fix the derivation of words : that aimed at regulating their
sounds by putting accents; that gave some chapters of con-
nected Familiar Conversations, or scenes, hoping them to be
" profitable to the learned and not unpleasant to any other
reader."
His Dictionary was, mainly, to teach Spanish ; the edition
of 1597 has Spanish first (for there had been reasons, for a
good many years in that i6th century, why Spanish should
want compassing by the English; and there were reasons
under James the First, when Minsheu went to the press again,
that Spanish should be still well in courtly memory) ; so Min-
sheu says : " I accent every word in the whole Dictionar)'- to
cause the learner to pronounce it right, otherwise when he
.6o4 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
speaketh he shall not be understoode of the naturall Span-
iard." " Lunch, or great piece," is his arrangement in his
latter half, where he has English first, " vide Zouja." /' A mer-
Maide, vide Serena/* " A Taunting Verse, vide Satyra." " A
Tippling Gossip, vide Bevedora." This vide occurringf at
every one of the thousands of English words, without the art
of book-making having advanced sufficiently for it to be seen
that a note at the beginning of the division would have made
such trouble and cost unnecessary.
A vastly different Dictionary was published by Henry Cock-
eram, in 1623. He thought that " Ladies and Gentlewomen,
young schollers, clarkes, merchants, as also strangers of any .
nation," desirous of " a refined and elegant speech," would
like an " Alphabe'ticall and English Expositor" of "vulgar
Words," " mocke words," " fustian termes," " ridiculously used
in pur language," so that they might look- into such an Ex-
positor " to receive the exact and ample word to expresse **
what they required. Accordingly, he tells them that Rude is
vulgar, and Agresticall the choice word they ought to use for
it, or Rusticall, Immorigerous, Rurall ; also, that To Weede is
vulgar, and .the choice word To Sarculate, To Diruncinate, To
Averuncate ; further, that to speak of To knocke one's legs in
going, is vulgar ; it should be called choicely To Interfeere.
He puts down a " Glosse, a short exposition of any darke
speech;" he makes his Glosse in the shape his period had
worked it into, an Exposition of very dark speech indeed.
His Natural History is quite on a level with what he had seen
in Dictionaries before. " The Barbie," he say^, as a specimen, -
•*a Fish that will not meddle with the baite untill with her
taile shee have unhooked it from the hooke."
But Thomas Blount, of the Inner Temple, barrister, in anoth-
er little octavo published in 1656, elbows this Henry Cockerani
aside, and has good reason for clamoring for attention. H6
wrote his Dictionary, he said (" Glossographia " in the title),
" for all such as desire to understand what they read," and to -
AMONXi THE DICTION4RJES, 60S
save others from being, what he was, "often gravell'd." He
had " gained a reasonable knowledge in the Latin and French,"
he declares, " and had a smattering of Greek and other
Tongues;" uselessly, evidently; for these are some of the
words he says are those that '* gravell'd '* him : — Basha, Ser-
aglio, Turbant, the Salique Law, Daulphin, Escurial, Infan-
ta, Sanbenito, Consul, Tribune, Obelisk, Vatican, Dictator.
" Nay," he breaks out, ** to that pass have we now arrived,
that in London many of the tradesmen have new dialects :
the Vintner will furnish you with Alicant, Tent, Sherbet, Cof-
fee, Chocolate ; the Tayler is ready to make you a CapK>uch,
Rochet, or a Cloke of Drap de Berry ; the Barber will mod-
ify your Beard into A la Manchini ; the Haberdasher is ready
to furnish you with a Cassok ; the Semptress with a Crabbat
and a Toyiet." England had no Protectorate in respect of its
English words, then, clearly — however carefully Cromwell
might have been guarding English rights; and Puritanism
found itself without a moment to spare to set a purist at the
liead of language.
Thomas Blount, however, has another claim, in dictionary
history, for distinct mention. When his " Glossographia "
was only two years old, namely in 1658, he received deep
offense. Edward Phillips, the son of Anne Milton, Milton's
sister, publishing a folio dictionary, the "New World of
Words," made Blount bring up his guns to try and shiver it
to pieces, thereby ushering warfare into lexicography ; and,
giving such Jife to it, it has broken out, on one score or
afiother, at the publication of almost every dictionary since.
Phillips copied out of Blount's little octavo wholesale ; copy-
ing blunders and all, even to blunders of type, so that he stood
there (in sheets, but not penitent) convicted. Many errors he
made without copying, too ; and simply for want of under-
standing ; and for these, as well as the others, Blount pounces
down upon him vigorously— Blount with all his quills high.
He says, quoting Phillips, " Gallon (Spanish), a measure con-
6o6 ' THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, .
taining two quarts. Our author had better omitted this word,
since every alewife can contradict^ him." He says, quoting
Phillips still, "Quaver, a measure of time in musick, being
the half of a crotchet, as a crochet the half of a quaver, a
semiquaver, etc. What fustian is here 1 Just so, two is the
half of four, and four the half of two ; and semiquaver is
explicated by a dumb, etc ! " This suffices ; anger not being a
pleasing spectacle,- nor inefficiency either. Besides Phillips
acquired wisdom enough to correct his errors — ^about forty
years after he had made them, and when poor Blount was dead !
' — and, as he did do this, it is but mercy now to — shut him up,
and put him by.
Echoing about still, however, are adverse criticisms of this
unpleasing roundhead, as another volume is taken down.
" Phillips had neither skill, tools, nor materials," said the
anonymous author of the " Glossographia Anglican Nova,"
publishing it in 1707. It is not \i\s> book, however, on which
the fingers fall. Space is getting miserably shoi^t; there are
nearly two centuries of dictionaries yet to be accounted for ;
in the throng, many a CoHq, a quarto, an octavo must bej passed
untouched, and even unnamed, by ; and this is one of them.
Here is the bulky folio, though, the valuable folio, of Dr.
Stephen Skinner; published in 167 1, before Phillips had put
on his sackcloth, and when Skinner, too, was indorsing the
verdict that he ought to wear it. This must be handled for a
moment, and have a little open spreading. It is a laborious
etymological dictionary; large as full, full as large; it con-
tains elaborate explanations of English words in Latin ; it
contains the etymologies of these words from the Latin, Greek,
French, Anglo-Saxon, Italian, Spanish, Teutonic ; with Min-
sheu's derivations, and Spelman's derivations (as far as they
existed), to compare ; and it forms a whole that is a wonder,
especially when it is considered that the authpr was in full
practice in London as a physician, and died at the early j
of forty-four. His manner was this: —
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, 607
-Platter : I. Fr. Plat ; Hisp. Plato ;' It. Piatto, Piatta ; Teut. Platte ; Ik Lat. Patina ;
Gr. . . . .
omitted here, say, " for lacke of fit Greek letters, the printer not
having leasure," etc. ; and omitting, likewise a long definition
of what a plate is in Latin — the real language of the book. It
^vas quite concise; quite unornamented and undescanted
upon; just brief and sheer, straight up to the point; and it
-was precisely because it was this, that it had such value. Espe-
cial literary interest, moreover, will never fade away from it. It
was with Johnson in that lodging in Holborn, in that " hand-
some house in ^ough Square; Fleet Street," in that *' upper
room fitted up like a counting-house " where he and his six
copyists spent those nme years engaged upon his dictionary ;
and nothing, up to that date, was in existence so suited to the
purpose. In company with the " Etymoligicon Anglicanum"
of Junius, it gave Johnson his etymologies ready to his hand,
and saved him several years of unpalatable labor.
Nathan Bailey, appearing in 1721, was a fixed auxiliary to
Skinner, and has claims to notice yet. more pressing. Reach-
ing him (and skipping Coles, and Cocker, and Kersey, to do it
— the which skipping is done ruefully, because of the rich
provender they almost beg to be cropped away from them) —
there can be a glance at once at Bailey's title. The " Univer-
sal Etymological English Dictionary," it is ; and in that word
" Universal " is the sign that distinguishes it. Nathan Bailey
had the genius to see that an art is no art that does not take
in all sides of it ; that in^is art there ought to be a represen-
tatiopof all words — easy, as well as " hard " ; " fustian," as well
as euphuistic ; current, as well as those out of date, and being
the first lexicographer who saw this, he was the first lexicogra-
pher to try and carry it out. His success was immense, and im-
mediate. There were five editions of him ; there were ten edi-
tions of him ; there were fifteen ; there were twenty ; there were
twenty-four. There were varieties of him, and many editions of
each. At first he was octavo (but as broad in the back as he
t
6o8 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE.
ought to be), with wood-cuts — in which idea, also, he was an In-
novator— to show matter, such as heraldic coats, difficult to ex-
plain ; then he was without the cuts, at the lowered price of 6s. ;
then he was in folio, in which commodious size he was the best
help Johnson had of any. Having a folio copy interleaved,
Johnson's notes were made on the blank sheets ; and it stood, a
secure and acknowledged foundation. The manner of Bailey,
as shown in his work, overruns with character. " A cat may
look at a king," he says, in black letters : proverbs being a
part of his scheme, ar^d his heart full in it : " This is a saucy
proverb, generally made use of by pragmatical persons, who
must needs be censuring their superiors, take things by the
worst handle, and carry them beyond their bounds; for
though peasants may look at and honor great men, patriots, and
potentates, yet they are not to spit in their faces." "Sea-
Unicorn, Unicorn-Whale," he says, in delightful continuation
of his predecessors* Natural History; he being a thriving
schoolmaster, and teaching only 150 years ago, let it be
hinted : ". A Fish eighteen foot long, having a head like a
horse, and scales as big as a crown-piece, six large fins like
the end of a galley-oar, and a horn issuing out of the forehead
nine foot long, so sharp as to pierce the hardest bodies." Can
it not be seen how ignorance at home ought not to be sur-
prising, and how, when the schoolmaster went abroad, there
was plenty for him to put down in his note-book ?
And now, is there to be anything of Johnson ? What has
been said, has been said with little skill, if there is not clear
understanding b}'' now that he was, glaringly, wanted. Bailey
was the standard, there must be firm recollection, and re-
mained standard for thirty years. There was Dyche trying
to run level paces with him, and a B. N. Defoe, and Sparrow,
and Martin, and two or three known only by the name of
their publishers — ^to have nothing here but this short enum-
eration there was even John Wesley. John Wesley's ideas of
a Dictionary were such that he had the modesty to place hiod*
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, . 609
self only in duodecimo ; only in a hundred pages; only with
one column to a page ; with which circumstances. John
Wesley's modesty ended. " The author assures you," he
*brags, " he thinks this the best English Dictionary in the
world " ; and the sleek conceit of him (lexicographically)
would almost show cause why he should not have place in
serious business at all. " Many are the mistakes in all the
other English Dictionaries which I have yet seen," he adds,
•* whereas I can truly say I know of none of this " ; and as he
has thus pointed his finger at " mistakes " — at ignorance, his
pointing is his passport, even if there were nothing more in
it than the delicious manner in which it is done. But there is
far more in it. For science was awakening, when Wesley
was preaching — and writing a Dictionary. Cook was circum-
navigating the globe ; Banks was laboring at his botany ;
Solander was with them ; philosophy, on every hand, was
drawing her robes around her, and taking philosophic shap-
ing. With specimens, human and brute, being brought home
from voyages triumphantly achieved, with drawings and
measurements to show other objects not so conveniently
preserved, it would no longer do to have Dictionaries, or say,
Verbal Creatures, stuffed full of fins like galley-oars, of croc-
odiles' tears. Ignorant men, consulting these, became more
Ignorant; scientific men, consulting them, could only turn
from the columns and give — according to their temper — a
laugh or a sneer. So Johnson had to be set to work. He
was a scholar; he was an academic ; he was a man of letters.
His pen could run — circuitously, it is true, with overmuch of
pomp ; but the bound of it had vigor ; its stateliness had
caught the public eye. And a little knot ot publishers,
Acutely seeing the commercial side of this, had interviews
with him. negotiated with him, let him know that he was the
man. Poor Johnson! He had, he says in his preface, "the
dreams of a poet " ; he was " doomed at last to wake a lexicog-
rapher " ! He wrote, having " little assistance of the learned.
L. M. — 20
6l O • THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
and without any patronage of the great; pot-in the soft ob-'
scurities of retirement or under the shelter of academic
bowers, but amidst inconvenience and distraction, in sickness
and in sorrow." Yes. His " Tetty " died during the nine years
his Dictionary occupied him ; he was not able during the nine
years to remain in one home. He had to leave that lodging
in Holborn, where he aad six copyists sat in an upper cham-
ber fitted up like a counting-house ; he had to get another
lodging in Gough Square. Worse than all, he " soon dis-
covered that the bulk of my volumes would fright away the
student ; thus to the weariness of copying I was condemned
to add the vexation of expunging"; and "I have not always
executed my own scheme, or satisfied my own expectations *' ;
and he had to collect materials by " fortuitous and unguided
excursions into books," out of " the boundless chaos of living
speech " ; and he knew that ** among unhappy mortals is the
writer of Dictionaries, the slave of science, doomed only to
remove rubbish," and that, though "every other author may
aspire to praise, the lexicographer caii only hope to escape
reproach"! Yes. And let the sigh come out again, Poor
Johnson ! " Lexicographer," he writes, when he has worked
up to that word in his two giant volumes — ^that are half a yard
high, that are nearly a foot wide, that are nearly a finger
thick, that weigh pounds and pounds — " Lexicographer " ;
and he puts to it the celebrated definition, "A writer of dic-
tionaries; a harmless drudge that busies himself in tracing-
the original, and detailing the significance of words." And
can it cause wonder? Leaving that, however, which was per-
sonal to Johnson, let notice be taken solely to Johnson's
work. Attention must be called to that spelling of "diction-
ories." It is an error crept in. It is an earnest of a thousand
errors — and weaknesses, and omissions, and false notions,
and unnecessary verbiage, and failure to hit — that also crept
in, in spite of all the learning of Johnson, and all his researclv
nd all his exhausting care. Able as he was, concentrated u
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, 6ll
he could make himself, he could only go as far as the knowl-
edge of his day had gone; he could only see as far as his
human eyes would let him see. So he omits predilection, re-
spectJible, bulky, minetic, isolated, mimical, decompose, etc.,
of accident ; he shall not put in, he says of purpose, such
words as Socinian, Calvinist, Mahometan ; as greenish, and
the family of ish ; as vileness, or any ending in ness ; as dully,
or any ending in ly ; such are not wanted. John Ash, a close
successor of his, and a very blundering copyer, as Phillips
was of Blount, is received as a lexicographical joke always,
because, whilst writing such things as *' bihovac, rather an
incorrect spelling for biovac," and for not givingthe right
word, bivouac, at all, he puts down " esoteric (adj.), an incor-
rect spelling for exoteric, which see." But Johnson had not
esoteric or exorteric, either. Science had not advanced suffi-
ciently to make those words required for her vocabulary ; or
else he forgot them. Johnson thought, also, it was philology
to write down ^"exciseman, from excise and man"; and
" feather-bed, from feather and bed " ; and " looking-glass,
from look and glass," and so forth. It seemed expedfent to
him, too, as an example, to say of network (after philologizing
it very helpfully, from net and work), "anything reticulated
or decussated at equal distances, with interstices between the
intersections." It never occurred to him that retitulate and
decussate, and interstice and intersection, would each one re-
quire as much searching for as netwofk, and, being four
words for one, would give four times the trouble. Then there
was that class of definitions he would never consent to have
expunged, of which excise is a well-known illustration.
"Excise," he wrote, "a hateful tax levied upon commodities,
and adjudged not by the common judges of property, but
wretches hired by those to whom excise is paid." After re-
marking which, Johnson's immen>e work, laden to the mar-
gins with its glorious quotations, has also to be hoisted up on
to the shelf— taking a heavy lurch to do it, — and Johnson'
work has, very reluctantl5^ to be let go.
6l2 ' THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
He had successors of all sorts, in shoals, they have coanted
20,-40, 60, 80, 100, and more. There was Bu.chanan — to touch
one or two of the most notable, here and there. There was
Johnston, particular in his pronunciation, and getting (for
one) Sirrah pronounced Serra, whilst his contemporaries in-
sisted it should be Sarra. There was Kenrick, the originator
of the London Review, and the libeller of Garrick. There
was Entick. There was Perry; There was Nares. There
was Sheridan, telling his public to say Wen'z-da, and Skee-i,
and Skee-i-lark, and Ghee-arden, and Ghee-ide, and so on ; he
being sure of his position because he had read three or four
hours a day to Swift, had heard Chesterfieid"and the Duke of
Dorset speak, and knew pronunciation had been uniform in the
time of Queen Anne, and had only been_defaced by ''the ad-
vent of a foreign family," viz., of course, the Hanoverian line.
There was Walker, saying (on Sheridan's report), how Swift
used to jeer the people who called the wind winn'd, by " I
have a great minn'd to finn'd why you pronounce it winn'd."
and how he was met by the retort, " If I may.be so boold, I
should be glad to be toold why you pronounce it goold."
There was Scott. There was George Mason, raving about
Johnson's " uniform monotony of bombast ; " his " ridiculous
blunders " exceeding 4,300 ; his " numberless literary transgres-
sions" ; his "culpable omissions" ; with his own splendid re-
nunciation, on his own part, of the wish to " plunder poor
Johnson of his multifarious literary infamy " ; with his ugly
.little phrase that "the Rambler in an article I should be most
ashamed to own the penning of." There was Jodrell. There
was Richardson, proclaiming Johnson's Dictionary "a failure,
his first conceptions not commensurate to his task, and his
subsequent performance not even approaching the measure
of his original design " ; proclaiming himself — no ! — S2^fmg,
" he may be arrainged for a vainglorious estimate of himsetSl
whilst it is quite clear he thinks too glorious an estimat?
every way impossible. There was Todd. There were Web-
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES. "^61 3
ster and Worcester; American, both; remarkable, in their
early days, for so much quarreling, that a hillock of pam-
phlets carried on the strife for months, setting down testi-
monials, anti-testimonials, advertisements, amounts of sales,
narratives, etc. ; and give opportunity to Dr. Worcester to say
of some of Dr. Webster's words, ** it has been my intention
scrupulously to avoid them. . . . You coined them, or stamped
them anew, to enrich or embellish the language. . . . They
are Ammony, Bridegoom, Canail, Leland, Naivty, Nightman
Prosopopy " (and more). . . . " I am willing that you should
for ever have the entire and exclusive possession of them."
This is enough. There is conception by now, perhaps, of
the mass of Dictionaries there is for the student to roam
amongst ; and the giddy bewilderment likely to come from
the consultation of column after column of them, of page
after page, of author after author pressing into notice by the
lively score. It shall be concluded that this is so. What,
then, will be the giddiness of bewilderment when there is the
announcement, now, by way of conclusion, that there is no
Dictionary of the English language in existence as yet at all ?
It will sound prodigious ; it will sound stupendous ; it will
sound of the sort that will entail a reference to a Dictionary
at once (any one will do ; that one nearest at hand) to try
and select a word that shall fitly express absurdity or the
wildest intrepidity. Yet this will only be — until there is con-
sideration. What — ^as a beginning of such consideration —
have all these Dictionaries, into which there has been a peep,
amounted to ? There has been ignorance, in many, when they
are touched on the score of utility (their raison d'etre), not
charm of reading; there has been superfluousness , there has
been folly ; there have been errors and omissions, and pla-
giarisms, and personal warpings, and irrelevant detail, that
make up as curious a chapter in literary history as is any-
where to be found. And what, on the other hand — ^to con-
sider more — is it clear by now what a Dictionary ought to be ?
V
^h" the library magazine.
The Philological Society, at the instiga^tion of Archbishop
(then Dean) Trench, so long ago as 1857, essayed to ans\ver
this question. Its members decided to sound, and dig, to lay
deep and sure foundations, for a Dictionarj'^ that should in-
clude all English words, in all centuries, in all meanings, with
a quotation to support each of these in each and every stage
— a quotation, moreover, with book, chapter, and verse ap-
pended, that it might, for all time, be open to verification.
They called upon all lovers of the English language to aid
them in collecting these quotations from all English books.*
They appealed to all who were competent, and who felt the
impulse to be more than mere collectors, to aid them in
arranging these countless quotations ; in combining them
into word groups, and special sense groups, and chronological
series, ready for an editor's manipulation. Then they saw
that an editor, like a master architect, could build upon this
broad and enduring foundation ; could combi;ie and harmon-
ize, and complete all these conspiring efforts; could rear
aloft upon them at length the fair fabric of. the Dictionary that
ought to be. It was a proud scheme. It would result in a
complete history of each word, it was seen — ^and intended.
The birth should be shown, the growth, the death — where
death had come. Clearly, up to the date of the publication
of such a Dictionary, the English language, without bias,
would have representation through and through; also, after
the date of such a publication, the further additions of further
centuries to. the English language would only need interpola-
tion, in edition after edition, to let the complete representa-
tion evermore go on. But adverse circumstances arose: the
first nominated editor — enthusiastic, brilliant, lovable — Her-
bert Coleridge, died. The shock to the nascent Dictionary
was sharp and severe ; and though Mr. Furnivall, zealous in
forming the Early English Text Society, the Chaucer and
other societies — founding them chiefly that, the welfare of the
Dictionary might be promoted — did all that was in his power
AMONG THE DICTIONARIES, 615
•
to ke,ep the work heartily in hand, there came a chill to the
warm spread of it and it almost burnt down. Happily this
depression is past. It was only momentary, to lead to better
energy and better consolidation ; it was only till there had
been sufficient recovery to look at the undertaking anew; and
now that the Philological Society has secured the acceptance
of its plan by the University of Oxford — has secured its exe-
cution at the cost and with the typographical resources of the
University press — now that, in its late president, Dr. Murray,
it possesses once more a master-builder especially competent
to the mighty task, and willing to give his life to its comple-
tion, there can be no possible fear felt as to the result. At
his call 8o3 volunteers have united their efforts to complete
the gleaning and garnering in of quotations ; at his call twenty
scholars are lending their aid to rough-hew these into pre-
paratory form, twenty more have placed their special knowl-
edge at his service, in case of special need. The right spirit
is in this method of attacking the subject, clearly. As a re-
sult, as much as two-thirds of the preliminary labor is an-
nounced as done. Further, twelve months hence Dr. Murray
is in full hope that he will be able to present the first-fruits
of work the seed of which, as has been seen, was sown a quar-
ter of a century ago. And though all this, possibly, is too
well known in literary circles, is attracting too much literary
interest, to have made any reference necessary to it here,
yet whilst among the Dictionaries, it would have been gauche
— it would have been ungrateful — to have left it out.
From The Cornhill Magazine.
WILLIAM BLAKE.
A strange and difficult life, and the production of much art-
work in poelry and painting of which the merit has been
fiercely debated, give interest of a peculiar kind to the story
of William Blake. Pictor Ignotus he was styled years ago.
6l6 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
and to a portion of the public an unknown painter he still re-
mains. Probably the amount of uncouth design of which he
must perforce be accused, and the volume of incomprehensi-
ble verse in which he expressed a part of his aspirations, have
largely contributed to delay the universal admission of suc-
cess to the designs which are not uncouth and the verse
which is not incomprehensible. The debate about the merits
of William Blake has never been of a satisfactory kind. Some
people have been too enthusiastic, and many have been too
ignorant. We ow^e much, however, to the late Mr. Gilchrist,
to Mr. Rossetti, Mr. Swinburne, and one or two writers who
have yet more lately expressed themselves. None of these
gentlemen are to be charged with the worst exaggerations.
All are patient and sympathetic students to whom Blake's
genius has opened itself — Mr. Gilchrist undoubtedly foremost
among them, and always the chief. And indeed there are
few persons who can take up the study of Blake — his life and
hfs poetry still more than his design — without submitting in
some sort to a spell, a fascination, such as Blake personally
exercised upon the best of those who came near to him in the
flesh. Probably the strongest proof of Blake's genius — des-
pite his many deficiencies and his occasional wildness — is
to be found in the inevitableness of the charm he exercises
over all minds that are not quite hopelessly commonplace.
To know Blake isto be glad to be with him. To know a lit-
tle of his designs and nothing of his life and of his poetry, may
perhaps be to deride and undervalue him. But a more com-
plete knowledge of him, and of the various ways in which his
spirit was manifested, brings about the rare joy that it is
proper to feel in presence of a sweet nature and of a high
mind.
The essential unworldliness of Blake is one of the most in-
teresting of his characteristics ; he was unworldly, not in the
sense of the theologian who is more occupied with points of
doctrine than with the facts of life, but as one upon whom
WILLIAM BLAKE. 617
the deepest facts of life have a strong hold — ^as one who is in
love with Nature, and with beauty wherever it is seen, who
values and delights in the simplicity of children, appreciates
entirely the matters of sex, and because he is wiser than
clever men is himself as simple as a child. His unworldliness
was of the kind that sees toward the bottom of things,
through the appearance of things.* His long brooding medi-
tation had deeper results than the surface observation with
which many painters and writers must needs be content. He
watched and considered, now with sweetness and now with
indignation, men's chequered destiny. .In his mind, in the
end, it was the sweetness that triumphed. He lived obscure
and died in indigence — was born over a shop in Broad Street,
Golden Square, and died, an old man in a mean court out of
the Strand. In his age, and in his poverty, and in his expe-
rience that the world had brought him few of its recognized
goods, he could yet say to a child, as his blessing, ** May God
make this world as beautiful to you as it has been to me."
So much was his own life, as has been well said, " instinctive
and wholly interior " — so faithful was he to a conception of
life untainted by the bitterness of evil chance.
The Broad Street, Golden Square, of Blake's childhood —
the middle of the last century, for he was born in 1757— was
not quite so dull a place in which first to -see the light as it
would be now* For the neighborhood has greatly fallen.
Mr. Gilchrist — who must have had much of that rare love of
imaginative men for cities and the associations of cities — has
properly reminded us that the Golden Square neighborhood,
the neighborhood immediately east of what is now the lower
part of Regent Street, and yet immediately west of Soho
proper, held social status at least equal to the Cavendish
Square neighborhood of our own day. Wardour Street, the
busy manufactory of new old furniture ; Poland Street, with
its small printing-offices, its coffee-houses, its dwellings ap-
portioned in many tenements to the lodgings of theatrical
6l 8 THE LIBRAR Y'MA GAZINE.
artists not yet celebrated and of dressmakers never to be in
vogue ; Golden Square, itself, with its one or two foreign
hotels, its minor hospital, its mansion devoted to the book-
binder or the fencing-master, all this was then fairly " fash-
ionable," if not precisely " aristocratic." And Broad Street,
like the Whigmore Street, or the Mount Street, or North
Audley Street, of to-day, was a street chiefly of good shops,
varied by a few private houses, instead of the decayed if spa-
cious thoroughfare which we see at present, where a barber
who occasionally sells acheap violin to a member of the roy-
alty or of the Princess's orchestra, has a shop next to that of
a furniture dealer's at which you pick up brass fenders bought
at country sales, and where next again comes the French
washerwoman's — ^the blanchisseuse de fin — ^whose appren-
tices are ironing delicate linen in the open room as you pass
by. Thus, though Blake's first associations were prosaic —
since he was a draper's son — ^they were not sordid nor mean.
It is strange, however, to think of the wonderful artist and
poet, the man of high imagination, brought up among even
these surroundings. A poetic spirit of weaker quality would
have found itself crushed by them. On Blake the}'^ had no
effect, for it was in the main truly that in his maturest years,
he was able to write, " I assert for myself that I do not behold
the outward creation, and that to me it is hindrance and not
action." Where other people saw the sun rise — a round disk
like a guinea — Blake saw ** an innumerable company of the
heavenly host, crying holy ! holy ! holy ! " — and praising God
— not indeed for Broad Street, Golden Square — but for the
wealth of Nature and beauty that were so much outside of it.
But Blake's pre-occupation with spiritual matters, with the
lasting essentials of life, did not prevent him from observing
keenly the people he met, and from judging their characters
with a rapid correctness which belongs only to the man of the-
world, and to the deeper man of the world, a great poet. A
story of his boyhood confirms us in this belief. He was fooi^
WILLIAM BLAKE. . 619
teen years old when it was finally decided that he should be
educated as a professional engraver, and it was at first pro-
prosed that a quite noted engraver of the day, one Ryland',
should become his master. Father and son went to Ryland's
work-room, to see the engraver at work. ** I do not like the
man's /acei" said William Blake to his parent, on coming away;
"it looks as if he will live to be hanged." Twelve years after-
ward, the then prosperous engraver fell into evil ways — com-
mitted a forgery — and was hung as the boy had predicted.
Blake's dislike to Ryland's countenance had had the effect of
causing his father to seek some other master. The one se-
lected was James Basire, the most distinguished member of a
family of engravers, a man whose sterling but necesarily un-
inspired work is worthy even nowadays of quite as much re-
spect as it receives. It is amusing to remember how Blake,
affectionate and ardent, earnestly upheld it long after he had
ceased to be Basire's pupil. For him, Basire's name was the
symbol of all that was good in recent engraving, and the more
popular Wollett's the symbol of all that was bad. Of course
Blake's zeal outstepped his judgment here ; the real beauty
of William Wollett's work, obtained by delicate observation
and patient hand, no one who is removed from the controver-
sies of the moment will care to gainsay. Masters of classic
grace and of elegant pastoral — masters like Berghem, Claude,
and Richard Wilson — he was born to interpret. But Blake
said that Wollett did not know how to grind his graver ; did
not know how to put so much labor into a hand or foot as
Basire did; did not know how to draw the leaf of a tree.
" All his study was clean strokes and mossy tints."
At James Basire's, in Great Queen Street, nearly opposite
Freemasons' Tavern, .young William Blake's prentice-hand
began to grow into the hand of a master. Also he was sent
into Westminster Abbey and various old churches to make
drawings from the monuments and buildings, which Basire was
employed by Gough, the antiquary, to engrave, '* a circum-
620 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
stance he always mentioned with gratitude^ to Basire," and
one which, as Blake's best biographer has rightly discerned,
was much adapted to foster the romantic turn of his imag'ina-
tion, and to strengthen his natural affinities for the spiritual in
art. The character of Blake was fast developing : there were
seen already those many-sided sympathies with art "which
made him engraver, painter and poet. The task oi the en-
graver, however artistic an one, was too slow and too little
. spontaneous to content Blake wholly. A copyist, even of the
most intelligent and learned kind, he was not satisfied always
to remain. He would not only reproduce — he must directly
create. And so we come upon the first of his inventions in
design and upon the first of his poems. In both, with what-
ever faults of execution, he showed himself original ; but at
first, perhaps, more particularly in poetry. The poetry of Na-
ture and of natural sentiment, that a generation or two later
was too sweep all other poetical effort away, had then hardly
begun in England. Blake composed his earlier verses years
before Burns addressed the public of Cilmamock ; years be-
fore William Cowper, Esquire, of the Middle Temple, had
issued his" Poems " — still longer before the "-Lyrical Ballads "
which, in 1798, Cottle, the Bristol bookseller, gave to but few
readers, had proceeded from the close association and friend-
ship of Wordsworth and Coleridge.
A freedom of natural sentiment was in these earliest poems
of Blake's — a happy and inspired carelessness as to the way
the thing was said, if only the feeling at the bottom of all did
get itself expressed — very remarkable indeed in a generation
which had for its models poetry quite obviously artificial,
poetry in which thin thought and shallow feeling were wrought
into fineness of phrase. But yet these earliest poems are not
the poems by which Blake secures his immortality. They are
not the poems which thoughtful and tasteful folk will most
care about, nor are they the obscure if profound work whidi*
as days went on, Blake himself, it may be, got to cooiider'-
WILLIAM BLAKE, 62 1
His highest productions. A little time had yet to pass be-
fore Blake's poetic genius found full expression — before
there came to him both the best theme and the artless art to
treat it. He had to pass through this period of studentship
at the newly formed Royal Academy, he had to be a loyer and
he had to be an independent artist, before his mind was ready
with the " Songs of Innocence," or could be delivered later of
the " Songs of Experience."
Blake's marriage was a marriage of consolation. He had
thought himself in love — he had. perhaps been actually in
love— with that mysteiious being whom the sentimental
dramatist and the sentimental novel-writer described as " an-
other." And " another" had been careless about the young
painter and poet ; " another " had been obdurate and unkind.
Having suffered his addresses for a certain season — having
talked and walked with him in unconventional ways which
bred great hopefulness in his mind — she suddenly tired of it.
And the young lover was left, not pining in silence, but some-
what loudly lamenting. A girl, who was more of a bystander
than an acquaintance, said very frankly, that she "pitied him
from the bottom of her heart," and William Blake began to
love her for her pity, and she accepted his love. Catharine
Sophia Boucher, bom of humble parents in the then remote
suburb of Battersea, was a good-looking brunette, with a fine
figure, with industrious hands, an active mind, and little or no
education. She could not sign her name in the parish register
kept at Battersea church, where she and Blake were married ;
but she was capable of learning, and for many long years after
he first met her — from his youth to the time of his old age,
when she alone watched by him in his last moments — she was
a pleasure and a help to Blake. A little of the spirit of the
artist seems to have been in her. As time went on, she was
found capable of making a very few designs in the Blake
manner, and both during Blake's life, and, we suppose, after
his death, she colored some of the prints which he published
623 THE LI BRA R Y MA GA ZINE.
— if almost private issue can be called publication — along- with
his poems. She did not, it is true, color them very well, and
the Blake collector likes to have his copies colored by the
more skilled hand of the original inventor ; . but still she
seconded him to the best of her powers — had always a wise
interest in her husbaiid's work, and a full belief in him.
Employed to engrave designs after Stothard and others in
the Wits' Magazine — which was by no means a wholly comic
miscellany, but politely intended rather for people who had
wits than for witty people — Blake fell into various employ-
ment. In 1784 he made his second appearance as an exhibitor
at the Royal Academy, and in the following j'ear he likewise
exhibited. His father was now dead, but Blake was living in
the street of his birth — Broad Street — in partnership for a
time with one Parker, as it seemed necessary to be print-
seller as well as artist. Parker and he disagreed — ^the part-
nership was dissolved — and Blake moved a short way from
Broad Street, to Poland Street, near the top on the eastern
side. He was very poorly off, and Mrs. Blake, in household
matters, had to practice the severest economy. There had
already long been evident much in Blake's character that
was incompatible with the attainment of material success.
The man who on the death of his brother Robert, whom he
had greatly loved, had been able to declare that that brother's
spirit, loth at first to leave the earth, had at length clapped
its hands for peaceful joy at departure, as it passed upwards
through the ceiling, was a man whose imagination was' not
likely to be of the kind admired by the ordinary picture
buyer. That indeed was the crazy side of Blake — ^a craziness
absolutely harmless except as far as concerns the material
prospects of the person who is a prey to it — but such occa-
sional craziness in Blake was inseparably united to the fine^
ness of his imagination. The force of his vision of spiritual
things brought with it, almost as a necessity, these faQcies»
and both incapacitated him for popular work. Both w«Msli
■■: ' :^. -I
. WILLIAM BLAKE. 623
have told against him perhaps at any time, but never more
decidedly and surely than in the latter half of the eighteenth
century, when intellect was constantly skeptical and hardly
at all imaginative — when there was the least disposition and
the least ability to make allowance for the vagaries of a seer
of visions and a dreamer of dreams.
Unencouraged then, and uncommissioned, by the public —
thus far in the cold and dark of general neglect — the simple
man set himself to the accomplishment of a congenial task,
and the " Songs of Innocence " were gradually written and
furnished with their appropriate designs. Of late years
'* Songs of Innocence " have been given to the public in the
form of common print, like the work of every other poet, who
has written and published, since printing was known. But it
was not so that Blake sought to present his poems to that
limited world for which alone he expected to cater. He
laboriously engraved the verses, as he engraved the designs,
and the ornamental borders, and having printed it all off —
picture, verse, and ornamental border — he set himself, a^
copies were wanted for sale, to fill in the picture and the bor-
der with wash and stroke of color, and this plan, first con-
ceived for the " Songs ol Innocence," he adhered to throughout
his life. The pecuniary reward of such a plan was not neces-
sarily so slight as in Blake's experience it turned out to be.
A painter-poet of our own day could make it yield a sufficient
harvest of money, if he tried. Curiosity would be roused
about it ; there would be ecstatic brethren to sing its praises
in society ; it would be written about in the weekly news-
papers— especially if it we^^e not going to be exhibited. But
with Blake, the presence of these beautiful designs — ^their
outlines printed indeed, but their colors filled in by hand, so
that no two copies could be alike — ^with Blake, the presence
of these beautiful designs did not so greatly enhance the price
of the verse. Whoever chose to buy the wonderful work
could buy it at a price that was absolutely insignificant
624 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
Moreover, the demand for it was always limited, thoug-h it
never quite ceased. In each department of Art that Blake
essayed in the " Songs of Innocence," he was without doubt
triumphant. He made homely and beautiful designs, poems
which in their order of merit are yet more unique than the
drawings, and in the treatment of the ornamental borders he
showed himself a fine decorative artist. There is present in
the designs, as we know them by the necessarily uncolordd
examples in Gilchrist's " Life," something that is common to
a group of eighteenth century artists, and much that is only
Blake's. Fuseli said that Blake was good to steal from.
Blake, later in his life, charged Stothard with stealing from him
in "The Canteibury Pilgrims; "and with many of Blake's other
designs Stothard's have much affinity. In both men's 'work
there is apparent the easy and simple grace in movement and
costume which belonged to the end of the eighteenth centur5%
and which — often, however, with some touch of the masque-
rade— ^is with us again to-day. To those who do not know
Blake himself, to say that the grouping of figures in the sim-
ple costume of the period very slightly idealized, very slig^htly
classicized — as in the "Echoing Green" for instance — is
Stothard-like, is to convey a first general idea. But in such
a drawing as that of " The Lamb," wherein a naked child ex-
tends his arms, welcomingly, to creatures made and loved
like himself by God (for that is the moral of the poem), it is a
- pure naturalist who conceives the situation and expresses it
in line — his only reminiscences being, seemingly, of Floren-
tine art. In the landscape, too, whether it be the thatched
roof of the cattle shed, or the thick-spreading elm tree, or the
bit of bending willow, there is more of naturalism than would
have been quite acceptable to the orderly art of Stothard.
And with all appreciation of Stothard's art — of its more con-
stant suavity, its greater general correctness—we are bound
to hold it, in its rendering of the gesture of the figure, less
expressive than Blake's. It is more occupied with an ex-
WILLIAM BLAKE, 625
temal gr?ice. There is less emotion in it. The designs for
the " Songs of Experience," that after some lapse of years folr
lowed the earlier series, are — as fitting accompaniments to
the poenis themselves — at once bolder and more obscure,
with figures of gesture more fearful or more enraptured, with
a passionate abandonment, never sought for, and never
wanted, in the " Songs of Innocence."
And now we have come to the brief consideration of these
two collections of poems. The two collections of designs
may be considered apart, but the poems must be considered
together. The mood in each collection is so different, yet it
is the same nature that is at bottom of the passing mood.
The " Songs of Innocence " were written when the young
manhood of Blake, filled with the joy of his work, had hardly
realized how much of failure there was in the world — still less
how much of failure was coming to him. In the " Songs of
Itinocence " the spiritual man entered into the heart of ^
child, and sang, in joyous temper, of the life of children in
country and town. The " Echoing Green " is a piece of de-
lightful music made to celebrate the pleasures of the place
where village children make holiday. "Holy Thursday"
sings pleasantly and touch ingly about the charity children at
St. Paul's. The introduction to the series — the poem begin-
ning " Piping down the valleys wild " — ^tells by an allegory
how Blake was singing for children and for those who cared
for them : a piper, he says, was piping to a child, and the
child made him repeat his tune, and " sing his songs of happy
cheer," and told him finally, in sign of satisfaction, that he
must sit him down and write, *' in a book that all may read."
'* So he vanished from my side," says William Blake, in the
character of the piper, —
So he vanished from my side,
And I plucked a hollow reed,
And I made a rural pen,
And I stained the water clear.
And I wrote my happy songs
1 Every child may joy to hear.
626 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
The "Songs of Experience" wefe written only a few years
after, but in a temper widely different. It would be particu-
larly interesting if some one of the few people who know
Blake profoundly and minutely, and who have derived a
part of their knowledge from old men still living who came
into intimate contact with him — ^John Linnell is one of these
— it would be interesting, we say, if some one so qualified
would tell us what brought in so comparatively short a time
a change of temper so complete. The problem is one which
Mr. Gilchrist's admirable book does not absolutely solvie.
Blake himself must have been conscious of the thoroughness
of the change — conscious too, as we have declared before, that
the same nature lay behind the varying moods. For by a
method particular to himself he may almost be said to have
called attention to the change — to have empfiasized the differ-
ence. To begin with, his very titles establish a sort of an-
tithesis between " Innocence " and " Experience." Clearly
the one is to be contrasted with the other. Again, at least
two of the separate poems have their titles repeated ; the
title of something in the first publication is found again in the
second. "The Chimney Sweeper" and "Holy Thursday"
are the cases in point. Both are poems of the city, and
naturally so ; for, first, the country never suggested the con-
trasts which are here in question, and, secondly, the " Songs
of Ejq)erience " are little occupied with the country at all.
The " Chimney Sweeper," as we find it in the two volumes,
presents the contrast most sharply ; from the allegro of the
first song we proceed suddenly to a depth " deeper than ever
the andante dived." The first tells of a little boy — one Tom
Dacre — ^who
cried when his head.
That curled like a Iambus back, was shaved,
and to whom the speaker, a little boy sweep also, spoke reas-
suringly :
And so he was quiet, and that very night
As Tom was a-sleeping he had such a sight ;
That thousands of sweepers, Dick, Joe, Ned, and Jackt
Were all of them locked up in coffins of black.
WILLIAM BLAKE. p27
And by came an angel who had a bright key,
And he opened the coffins and set them all free *
Then down a greeh plain, leaping, laughing, they run.
And wash in a river, and shine in the sun.
And the angel speaks very hopefully to the chimney
sweeper, telling him chiefly that if he were a good boy he
would have " Gtxi for his father, and never want joy." The
two promises expressed Blake's conception of heaven; the
sense of the reality of the first was constantly with him.
Now, *'The Chimney Sweeper" in "Songs of Experience,**
breaks in upon this innocent peace. Even the little child,
who speaks in the poem, catches the shadow of thd writer's
gloom. He says that his father and his mother are gone up to
the church to pray, having taken him from the heath where
he was happy, to make him the little black slave of his master.
They clothed him in '* the clothes of death," and by the hard
fate to which they condemned him, they taught him to " sing
the notes of woe." Somehow, as Blake so subtly saw, the
youth of his spirit asserted itslf. They could not quite crush
out of him his childhood and its instinctive joy. But they had
done their worst, and there was the bitterness of it.
And because I am happy and dance and sing,
fThey think they have done me no injury.
And are gone to praise Ood and his Pnest and King,
Who make up a heaven of our misery.
In the two " Holy Thursdays," again, two different views
are taken of the lives of children. The one is the view sug-
gested to an easily-satisfied man by the spectacle of the
charity children under the dome of St. Paul's. He sees, com-
placently, "their innocent faces clean." They are to him
"these flowers of London town." To him they have "a
radiance all their own." But in the second " Holy Thurs-
day " Blake wants to know whether it is " a holy thing " to see,
in a rich and fruitful land, " babes reduced to misery " ?
Is that trembling cry a song,
Can it be a song of joy.
And so many children poor
It is a land of poverty.
623 .•- THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
And the moral, to the poet, still simple in his bitterness, is
that things are very wrong :
For where'er the sun does shine
And where'er the rain does fall,
Babes should never hunger there,
Nor poverty the mind appal.
. Having stated which truth, or truism, in his strongest poet's
way, and so done his part, he ends — leaving the matter to the
political economists, who, as it would appear^ have not, during
these hundred years, succeeded in settling it.
But the strongest and most passionate note uttered in
** Songs of Experience " is one which is uttered only there, and
there only once. . It is in the poem which he calls simply " Lon-
don " — in it, before his mental eye, the evils of the town are
concentrated, are brought to a focus. It seems that as he
walks in London the faces that he sees make him wretched.
His view, however it may be morbid and exaggerated, shows
at all events one side of a truth^ — he sees, in every face he
meets, " marks of weakness, marks of woe." There is some-
thing sad to him in "the cry of every man " — ^the infant's, the
chimney sweep's, the ill-fated soldier's. But most it is a wom-
an's cry that strikes upon his spiritual ear.
Most through midnight streets I hear ^
How the youthful harlot's curse
Blasts the new-born infant's tear,
And blights with plagues the marriage hearse.
His feeling here has waxed too strong for his power of ex-
pression. He is so intense that he becomes obscure. But his
obscurity with his volume of passion, is worth, many times
over, the lucid mediocrity of less inspired bards.
Perhaps we have now succeeded — as far as brevity allowed —
in making clear to some the order of beauty, both of design
and of song, which is to be found, if it is properly sought, in
the finest works of Blake — in the things by which he will
certainly live. That is what we wanted to do. In other places
it is easy and convenient to find accounts of his later and
more voluminous writings, of his more ambitious desigiis;
WILLIAM BLAKE. 629
such a great series as that, for instance, which he executed
for the " Night Thoughts " of Young ; such poems of his own
as those included under the name of the " Prophetic Books,"
some of them strange visions and strange prophecies, which
we take to be more curious than finally satisfactory.
~ To return, with however short a treatment, to the story of
his outward life. He lived long in Lambeth aftei: he was in
Broad Street, Hercules Buildings, the abode, if we mistake
not, of another neglected genius, the Triplet of " Masks and
Faces." Hayley, the biographer of Romney, and hirnself quite
a considerable poet in his own day — people estimated him, of
course, a good deal by his riches and by the excellence of his
country house. Hayley encouraged Blake tor awhilp, and
induced him \o remove to Felpham in Sussex, at the foot of
that Sussex Down country which Copley Fielding afterwards
painted, and which Mr. Hine, in our own day, is painting with
even more wonderful subtlety. Hayley lived in that country-
side— had the good house of the district — it was there that
the too frequent painter of the " Divine Emma " came on his
annual visit. And ^Hayley gave Blake commissions, during
Blake V residence there. But at length the almost inevitable
fussiness of a wealthy dilettante of absolute leisure began to
annoy Blake very much — began to disturb and to thwart him.
He wrote to London friends that he felt bound to* return. He
looked for the day of his deliverance, and at last it came. In
London, at that period, Mr. Butts was his best patron: the
friendly and always business-like purchaser of so many of
Blake's designs. Interesting accounts between them are fur-
nished in Mrs. Gilchrist's new edition of her husband's book.
Returning to town, and living long in South Molton Street,
Blake was associated more or less with Flaxman and Stoth-
ard ; he was considerably wronged, it seems, by Cromek ; and
he had the faithful friendship of John Linnell. Linnell lived
then at a remote farmhouse on the far side of Hampstead, and
there Blake used very often to visit him. unbending, giving
630 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
hiilisell out in genial chat. It must have seemed pretty clear
to the poet by that time that no wide popularity was coming
to his verses — that no great prices, such as the most impudent
of incapacity cheerfully asks in our own day, were ever' to be
got for his pictures. But he, and his wife with him, went con-
tentedly on — she, believing altogether in her husband; be,
believing altogether in the paramount importance of his
spiritual" world, the comparative insignificance of material
things. Poverty closed round him. He had no studio rich with
the spoils of the East and of Italy, and adroitly enhancing to
the innoctent purchaser the value of all work done in it. He
had now a few bareish rooms in Fountain Court, out of the
Strand. There ill health and enfeebled age fell upon him. He
engraved what plates he could — realized what inventions he
could — sometimes even when confined not only to his rooms,
but to his bed. Getting out, now and again, he fetches his own
beer from some public-house at the corner — meets, under those
circumstances, an artist who is just sufficiently celebrated to
be careful with whom he is seen, and not exalted enough to be
indifferent to what may be thought of the company he chooses
to keep. And the just sufficiently celebrated artist d®es not,
under those circumstances, think it prudent to speak to him.
Blake goes home, only a little amused by the incident, to the
rooms in Fountain Court.
There he was known by, amongst other artists, an artist
then quite young, and now venerable, Samuel Palmer. Mr.
Gilchrist wanted Mr. Samuel Palmer's impression of Blake,
and in a very graphic, touching, and significant letter, Mr.
Palmer gave it. . This is how he concludes : —
He was one of the few to be met with in our passage through life who are not in some
way or other "double minded " and inconsistent with themselves ; one of the very few
who cannot be depressed by neglect, and to whose name rank and station could add no
luster. Moving apart, in a sphere above the attraction of worldly'honors, he did not
accept greatness, but confer it. He ennobled poverty, and by his conversation and
the influence of his genius, made two small rooms in Fountain Court more attractive
than the threshold of princes.
Such is the testimony of one who knew him--of one who
FRANCIS BRE T HARTE, 63 1
was able to appreciate him — was William Blake. And so died
on the 1 2th of August, 1827, watched chiefly by his wife, the
great inventor, the seer of visions so powerfully and so terri-
bly direct, engaged at the last in "composing and uttering
songs to his Maker." His wife, Catherine, thought them so
beautiful that the poor old man had need to 'tell her his
belief, that they were not his songs ; he was but the instru-
ment that uttered them. A lowly neighbor who went away
when the old man had finally sunk, declared that she had
been at the death of an angel. Was there then, in that hum-
ble room, any vision to gladden him like to his own most
beautiful and most impressive design, "the Morning Stars
singing for joy " — the expression of an aspiration of his life, at
last, after long years, to be realized ?
Frederick Wedmore, in Temple Bar.
FRANCIS BRET HARTE.
It is constantly said that frontiers have ceased to exist, that
oceans are bridged over, that steam and electricity have anni-
hilated distance, and that every throb of the great human
machine reverberates in both hemispheres. If this is true in
matters political, financial or commercial, how much more in
the domain of imagination, science and art ! — for we hail with
fresh interest every new effort, triumph or discovery, irre-
spective of the accident of its birth. It is, therefore, no
wonder that we Europeans instantly responded to the double
attraction exercised by so gifted an author as Mr. Bret Harte,
when in his writings he not only gratified our taste for the
beautiful, but likewise that innate craving of every mind for
new scenes, new characters, and new emotions.
Quite lately a new and complete edition of his works,* clas-
sified and revised by himself, has enabled the public to
♦ The Complete Works of Bret Harte, collected and revised by theauthon 5 vols.,
Chatto & Windus.
632 ^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
appreciate the fertility of his talent both as an autTior and a
poet, and to judge of his labors as a whole ; while until now
they had only drifted to us in the shape of contributions to
magazines or isolated volumes.
, When, about fourteen years ago, the name of Bret Harte
first became known in Europe, his reputation was made, and
we accepted it without protest, although it burst upon us as
suddenly as we are told it blossomed full-grown in his native
land, the United States. In his literary career he seems to
have met none of the discouraging rebuffs which so often
chill the efforts of beginners ; he did not linger with waver-
ing and timid footsteps on the uphill road where so many
slowly and tardily achieve success. The young author
grasped his pen with no hesitating fingers, and before it was
generally known that a new aspirant to literary honors had
entered the lists, these honors were his, and he was proclaimed
a master without ever having been a pupil. We do not mean
to say that the critics did not fasten their fangs on some of
his contributions, but they only added to his popularity bj'
creating around his name that notoriety which is like the
baptism of fire to the untried soldier. Through the whole of
America and Europe his " Tales of the Argonauts," " Eastern
Sketches," " National Poems," " Spanish Idyls," were favora-
bly received and promptly translated. They brougljt to the
blase reader a fresh and racy element, impelling at the same
time the conviction that truth lurked under those seemingly
fantastic pictures of the Far West ; of those Califomian shores
which have been the dream of so many, the goal of a few ; the
unknown land of golden hopes, of ardent ambitions, and too
often, alas! of deadly disappointment.
Bret Harte wrote of things he had seen, of men he had
known ; wrote, as is so rarely done, of what he h^felt or
experienced. They cannot be all creatures of his ir
tion, those lawless miners, unscrupulous gamblers,
adventurers, or hungry emigrants, uniting the strong^est
FRANCIS BRE T HAR TE. . 63 3
ers of endurance, tjie most heroic fortitude, to the degrading
passions of the brute, and the sanguinary vindictiveness of
bandits, who acknowledge no master, no law, no God. With
a keen eye, a searching scrutiny, he seizes and retains every
feature, every salient tone of the story he relates ; he paints
the mise en scene in short but powerful and graphic sketches :
a few words only and before our mind's eye pass the desolate
Sierra, the rushing torrent, the snowy peak, the dilapidated
shanty, the dark and lonely road. . . . When the actors ap-
pear they are living men and women, not puppets ; their mirth
is riotous, their manners are rough, their passions fierce, but
the warm blood courses through their veins, and now and
then leaps to their brow. Whatever their failings, their vices,
or their crimes, they always remain faithful to their nature
and individuality, and move in perfect harmony with the sur-
roundings in which they are framed.
It has been said that, judging Bret Haite from the majority
of his writings, it may be gathered that he has on the whole
a poor opinion of humanity ; that in his genius there is a
satirical not to say cynical vein, which leads him ever to select
for his subjects the seamy side, to dwell more on what is
wrong than on what is right, and with disdainful impartiality to
reserve alike his blame and his approval. We doubt it ; but
should it be true, and should it be a fault, it would lay perhaps
less in the judgment which he withholds, than in the nature
of the society which he portrays, and to which he owes his
unparalleled originality. His artistic tact tells him that there
is a wider field for his peculiarly happy and genuine mode of
expression, when his models are chosen from a time when
men were untrammeled by opinion, when might was right,
when the local coloring was crude and vivid, rather than
from those later days when undaunted perseverance and
rare energy had achieved the miraculously rapid transforma-
tion of California into a civilized community instead of a law-
Ill^ gathering of gold-seekers, the scum of other nations
30^4.
634 THE LIBJ^AJ^Y MAGAZINE.
united by the lust of thie glittering dust, and ever divided by
murderous thoughts of greed and rapine. Who would blame
Bret Harte for preferring the picturesque ruffian^ the Spanish
colonist, the wild Irishman, to the refined commonplace suc-
cessors of those first explorers qf the young country? He
does not pretend, and doea not care, to introduce them other-
wise than as they really are ; but then he possesses the price-
less gift of seeing the silver lining to the darkest cloud; he
knows the " open sesame " to locked hearts ; he can win a
smile from sullen lips, a glance from proud, defiant eyes ; he
can strike the spark of feeling even in the most degraded
of human beings. If he does select his heroines from among
the least favored of their sex, plain to ugliness, uncouth, rc-
pellant, sinned against or sinning, crushed out of all sem-
blance of what is lovable in women — ^what matter .> Out of
some hidden source of kindliness in his own heart he with
subtle touch suddenly elicits an unexpected burst of devotion,
self-sacrifice, love, or passion, which at once places the poor
lost wretch on as high a moral ground as her more immacu-
late sisters. It is the same with his male characters.' He takes
the rudest life, the most lowering associations ; he places in
their midst a man devoid of moral sense or common honor,
committing crimes without hesitation or remorse, and lo ! that
man also places his foot on the road of Damascus ; a light
bursts upon him — the touch of baby fingers, a woman's tears,
a comrade's dying words — and with the same dogged listness-
ness, heaven alone counting the cost, he gives away his hopes
or his life, perchance as unconscious of being a martyr and a
hero as he was of having been an outlaw.
Have you seen Edwin Booth, the admirable American trage-
dian, the intelligent interpreter of Shakespeare, act Ring
Lear.^ On the storm-beaten heath, warring alike with the
elements and his own growing madness, the actor has a
gesture of unspeakable pathos when, with what appears unooiH
scions tenderness, he draws his royal cloak around the slUr-^
iL
SRANCIS BRET HARTE. 635
ering form of the boy buffoon sobbing at his knee. It is the
same spirit of innate, almost involuntary, kindliness which
seems to prompt Bret Harte to claim — nay, to compel— our
pity and our interests for the outcasts of civilization, the
•bankrupts in happiness and virtue, disinherited from their
cradle of all that makes life worth living.
In biographies of the American novelist it has been implied
that he himself belonged to the wild race of adventurers he
appears to know so well, and that, born on the lowest rungs
of the social ladder, he rose by his own exertions to the posi-
tion he now fills. It is, however, impossible to be acquainted
with Mr. Bret Harte without being at once convinced of what
is, indeed, the fact — that he tomes from a good stock ; that
his early surroundings were both intellectual and refined;
and that, whatever may have been the associates of his youth
and manhood, he must as a child have learned at his mother's
knee those lessons of tact, gentle breeding, and perfect man-
ners which can never be forgotten.
He did not enrich his country with the labors of his pen
alone. During the troubled times of the war of secession he
served on the frontier, and later on was appointed secretary
of the mint. His military career, though brief, was eminently
successful. Among us he is deservedly liked and admired,
and receives the same cordial reception in the circles where
his literary and conversational powers are appreciated, as
from those who in barrack or garrison hail him as a fellow
soldier.
For a time he was consul for the United States at Crefeld.
near Dusseldorf ; he was not very long ago transferred in the
same capacity to Glasgow, leaving many regrets and many
friends behind him. There is little doubt, however, that he
must soon be called to fill a more important post. In this
short notice we do not dwell on facts so universally known
as his busy editorship of the Overland Monthly, and Pro-
fessorship of Belles Lettres at the University of California
636 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
It seems almost presumptuous to give pre-eminence tp any
particular selection from among Bi'et Harte's works ; still, we
own to a preference for some of the shorter sketches and
minor poems. Among the latter there are a few lines called
" What the Wolf really said to Little Red Riding HcM3d,"»
which are unrivaled for grace^ simplicity, and delicacy of
intention. It seems barel)'- credible that the pen which wrote
"Relieving Guard," "What the Bullet Sang,*' "Fate," with
their stern, forcible, dramatic depth, could change to such
idyllic tenderness.
" The Luck of Roaring Camp " is commonly called the
most perfect of all the Calif ornian tales. It truly deserves its
world-wide popularity, but we confess to a partiality for two
others equally rich in pathos, feeling, and humor, and which
possess a strangely captivating charm : " Tennessee's Partner,"
the story of a love passing the love of woman, true unto
death and beyond death; and "The Outcasts of Poker Flat,"
where two women who should never have met — one because
so pure, the other because so lost — die in each other's arms,
all unconscious of their great disparity, wrapped in the white
icy mantle of snow which shrouds in its stainless embrace the
innocence of the maiden and the shame of the fallen. Read-
ing those tales, one cannot help wondering what the man who
wrote them must have known himself of friendship and of
pity. Next to these will it ever be possible to forget " Mliss,"
"Higgles," "The Rose of Tuolumne," and many more which
there is no space to mention ?
Is it not the highest triumph of the poet and the novelist,
after having in turn moved you tojaughter or to tears, to retain
an imperishable hold on your memory.^ This triumph is
Bret Harte's, and will remain his as long as he writes with his
keen perception of truth, his shrewd humor, and that loyalty
and tenderness of feeling which are so exclusively his own.
He has at various tunes been compared with other authors —
Dickens in England, Merimee in France, etc. These paraUel»
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM. 637
drawn between literary men, if flattering to one or both, are
rarely correct, and more especially in this instance. Bret
Harte stands quite alone on the ground he has chosen ; his
greatest claims to popularity are his individuality, his origi-
*nality, his avoidance of beaten tracks and conventional
grooves. His works are stamped with a hall-mark that dis-
tinguishes his sterling qualities from any others, and he has
no more chosen to imitate any particular style than it will be
possible for others to appropriate his.
The public of both continents is now impatiently awaiting
a new volume fropi the gifted pen that has already given the
world so rich an intellectual feast. The golden vein cannot
bp exhausted, the muse must not be silent, for it is more espe-
cially to the aristocracy of talent and genius that the motto
applies, " Noblesse oblige,"
M. S. V. DE v., in Belgravia.
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM.
I s^ree with Charles Lamb : " Everybody should have a
hobb)%" even though, lik€ Lamb's friend John Tipp, that
hobby should be only a fiddle. John Tipp of the old South
Sea house, Elia tells us, " thought an accountant the greatest
character in the world, and himself the greatest accountant
in it. And John was not without his hobby. The fiddle re-
lieved his vacant hours " — as it has done those of wiser and
greater men than John Tipp. I could point at this moment
to one of the most valuable and hard-worked of public ser-
vants who found in his hobby, a fiddle, " refreshment and
almost rest " during the sixty years of his busy and most use-
ful official life, and now, at upwards of fourscore, finds in it a
pleasant change from that " arrear of reading " which in his
well-earned leisure he is trying to reduce.
More fortunate than John Tipp, I have had more than one
hobby. How we get our hobbies is matter of curious specu-
638 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,.
lation. Some, I suspect*, are born with us, and we are in-
doctrinated with others from accidental circumstances, while
my chief hobby was, I think, the result of that beautiful system
of compensation on the part of providence of wliich, as we
pass through life, we see so many proofs.
I was always so extremely short-sighted that I was quite
unfitted to take part in the majority of those athletic sports,
such as cricket, in which boys delight. Indeed, there was
only one branch of them in which I was at all an adept, and
in these refined days I almost blush to refer to it : I was said
to handle the gloves very nicely.
The consequence of my infirmity was, that almost as soon
as I ceased to be one of the " spelling" public I became one
of the reading* public ; and on our holidays at school, instead
of investing my small weekly allowance at the " tuck shop,"
I used to borrow from the small circulating library in the
neighborhood materials for an afternoon's reading. I suppose
I began with the " Mysteries of Udolpho," the " Scottish
Chiefs," etc. ; but before I left school in 1819I had read and
re-read all Scott's novels that had then appeared.
When I left school, and, by the kindness of the late Lord
Farnborough,^ received an appointment in the Civil Service,
my wise and good father, disregarding Shakespeare's con-
demnation of " home-keeping youths," and believing that a
youth who was released from his office and official restraints at
four o'clock there was no place like home to keep him out of
mischief, gave up to me the small room in which his, if limited,
still well-selected library of the best English writers was
shelved, and made it mine, the room of which I was hence-
forth to be lord and master, with full liberty to invite to me
there and at all times such friends as I pleased. I can never
be too grateful for this thoughtful kindness. Perhaps my
tendency to very varied if not omnivorous reading may be
attributed to the fact that my father, who was a diligent readeK
of the Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews, had a complete set'
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOICWORM. 639
of them ; and these, with the Literary Gazette, which I began
to take in on my own account, became great favorites with me.
My father was an inveterate walker, and yet so punctual a
man of business that I do not believe during the many years
he held his then office he was ever five minutes after ten, or
ever missed his liour's walk before ten, or his hour's walk
after four; and he strongly enjoined me to keep up my health
by regular daily pedestrian exercise.
Hence my two hobbies, my love of books, my love of walk-
ing, made up my great hobby which I venture to designate
bookstalling, and to the pursuit of that hobby I owe not only
much enjoyment, but in a great measure the rather curious
collection of literary treasures which during fifty years of
bookstalling I have gathered round me. I wonder how many
hundred miles I walked during the fifty years from i8i9to
1869, during which I pursued, with greater or less activity, my
gleanings from old bookstalls.
Fortunately for me catalogues are now showered upon us
thick as autumnal leaves in Vallombrosa ; though I agree
with a late dear friend of mine who was the exception to
Chaucer's dictum that the greatest clerks are not the wisest
men, arid was at once the greatest clerk and the wisest man I
ever. knew, and who, speaking to me once on the formation
of a library, expressed his belief that the majority of his most
valuable books had been picked by him from the shelves of
the booksellers, and not ordered from their catalogues, since
from a catalogue you only get the title of a book, often very
imperfect and deceptive, while turning over the pages of the
book itself for a few minutes shows its scope and object suf-
ficiently to enable you to decide how far it is worth your
buying.
After all, a bookstall is only an open shop where you can,
without troubling the owner, turn over such volumes as may
strike your fancy; and with this additional advantage, that
the books are not only generally priced, but the outdoor
640 X THE LIBRAE V MAGAZINE,
prices are, as a rule, considerably lower than those penciled
in mysterious symbols, known only to the bookseller, on the
shelves of his shop. It is matter for curious speculation bow
many of the " rarissimi " in the famous Roxburghe Library,
which sold in 181 2 for upwards of ;^22,ooo,and would in these
days have produced three times the amount, had been picked
up by the noble duke from the bookstalls which he delig-hted
to visit. For he did visit them, and, with the view of him-
self bringing home any rarities he might pick up, he had the
hind pocket of his overcoat made large enough to contain a
small folio. This I state on the authority of one who knew
him well, the late Francis Douce.
A great portion of the library of the late Lord Macaulay
had been collected by the same means. I remember meeting
him many years since, very far east, and his then telling me
that he had been looking over the bookstalls in the neighbor-
hood of the City Road and Whitechapel.
I remember the great historian telling me the curious inci-
dent which put him in possession of some French memoirs
of which he had long been endeavoring to secure a copy, but
without success. He was strolling down Holywell Street
when he saw in a bookseller's window a volume of Muggle-
tonian tracts. Having gone in, examined the volume, and
agreed to buy it, he tendered a sovereign in payment. The
bookseller had not change, but said, if he (Mr. Macaulay)
would just keep an eye on the shop, he would step out and get
Jt. I remember the shop well and the civil fellow who kept it.
His name, I think, was Hearle, and he had some relatives of
the same name who had shops in the same street. This shop
was at the west end of the street and backed on to Wjxh
Street ; and at the back was a small recess, lighted by a few
panes of glass generally somewhat obscured by the dust of
ages. While Macaulay was looking round the shop a ray of
sunshine fell through this little window on four little duodeci-
mo volumes bound in vellum. He pulled out one of them
\
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM, 641
to see what the work was, and great was his surprise and
delight at finding these four volumes were the very French
memoirs of which he 'had been in search for many years.
Macaulay spared no pains, no personal exertion to secure
a book he wanted. I remember a bookseller who resided in
Great Turnstile telling me, many years ago, that one morning,
when he began to take down his shutters, he saw a stout-built
gentleman stumping up and down with his umbrella, who, as
soon as the shop was fairly opened, walked in and asked for a
book which was in the catalogue which the bookseller had
sent out the day before. He eventually found out that the
purchaser was Mr. Macaulay, who had come all the way from
Kensington, thus early, in order to secure the volume in ques-
tion.
Let me go back for a moment to Holjrwell Street, and tell
another story about Hearle's shop there, outside of which
there was always a goodly array of books of all kinds. A dear
and accomplished friend of mine, who took special interest in
the political history of the closing half of the last century,
had long been anxious to secure a copy of a certain collection
of political tracts, published either by Almon or Debrett, the
precise title of which I do not at this minute recollect. There
was not a bookseller in the United Kingdom known to have
a large stock who had not been applied to for a copy ; and a
literary friend of his who was traveling in the United States
(to which so many, books of this character are consigned),
was commissioned to secure a copy at any price. But all was
in vain. The anxious searcher after the book in question had
given up all hopes of obtaining a copy when, strolling one
afternoon through Holywell Street and casting his eyes on
the volumes ranged outside Hearle's shop, he was startled and
delighted to see the long-sought-for collection of tracts. I
need scarcely add that he at once secured the precious vol-
umes, ahd,,although not provided with the capacious pockets
of Roxburghe's Duke, carried them away with him in triumph.
L. M. — 21
642 THE IIBRAR V MA GAZINE,
It was perhaps two or three years after I was first attacked
with bibliomania, and, adopting to a certain extent Chaucer's
opinion—
That out of olde bookes in good faithe
Cometh all this new science that men lere —
had begun to turn my long walks to good account among the
bookstalls, that I had the good fortune to meet Leigh Hunt
several times at dinner at the house of a mutual friend. I
shall never forget the delight with which I listened to his
after-dinner talk, especially the first time I met him. Of
course he monopolized the talk. On that occasion his dis-
course was nearly akin to Elia's quaint and charming essay
" On Grace before Meat," and he discoursed on the propriety
of " a grace before Milton, a grace before Shakespeare, and a
devotional exercise proper to be saic^ before reading the
* Faery Queene.' " But I remember I was somewhat startled by
a hint as to "grace," not only before such super-sensual enjoy-
ments as those which I have named, but before others of less
intellectual character and more allied to what I heard Crabbe
Robinson describe as ''the animality of our nature." When
I read lately what his and my old friend Cowden Clarke said
of his conversational powers, I felt that he had done Leigh
Hunt no more than justice. " Melodious in tone, alluring in
accent, eloquent in choice of words, Leigh Hunt's talk was
as delicious to listen to as rarest music."
I remember on one of these memorable occasions being star-
tled by what seemed to me "a parlous heresy " on the part of
Leigh Hunt. The subject of his after-dinner oration on that
occasion was books, and old books especially; and in the
course of his varied criticisms and opinions he declared " no
one had ever found an)rthing worth having in the * sixpenny
box ' at a bookstall."
When he had wound up, and there was a lull in the 1
sation which followed, I ventured to dissent from this <
and though I am bound, in justice to the eloquent poet.
rx^nver-
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM. 643
he did not snub the short-sighted nervous stripling who had
! ventured to differ from him, the objection urged against his
heterodoxy only confirmed him in it. I was recently reminded
of this incident by coming across one of the very books which
I had so picked up out of a " sixpenny box " and had quoted
in support of my view — an early copy of Thomas Randolph's
•' Aristippus, or the Jovial Philosopher."
" Never find anything at a bookstall in the * sixpenny box ' " !
A greater mistake was never made. Some years ago a very
able critic was stopped in the preparation of an article on a
very interesting historical question for want of a certain pam-
phlet on the subject which, when published some twenty or
thirty )'^ears before, had excited great attention. All the book-
sellers had been canvassed without success. At last he adver-
tised for it, naming, as the price he was willing to give, about
as many shillings as it was worth pence. He had a copy within
eight-and-forty hours, with a large **6d." penciled on the title-
page, showing that it had been picked out of one of these
despised receptacles for curiosities of literature.
Not find anything worth having in the " sixpenny box " at
a bookstall ! Psha ! When the collected edition of Defoe's
works was piiblished some thirty years ago, it was determined
that the various pieces inserted in it should be reprinted from
the editions of them superintended by Defoe himself. There
was one tract which the editor had failed to find at the British
Museum or any other public library, and which he had sought
for in vain in " the Row" or any bookseller's within the reach
of ordinary West-end mortals. Somebody suggested that he
should make a pilgrimage to Old Street, St. Luke's, and per-
haps Brown might have a copy. Old Brown, as he was famil-
iarly called, had great knowledge of books and book rarities,
although perhaps he was more widely known for the extensive
stock of manuscript sermons which he kept indexed accord-
f^^ing to texts, and which he was ready to lend or sell as his cus-
644 THE LIBRAE V MA GA ZINE,
text "Knbv/ ye not that there is a prince and a great man
fallen this day in Israel?' he is reported to have sold on the
death of the Duke of Wellington, and it is said he might have
disposed of hundreds more if he had had them in stock. But to
go back to my story. The editor inquired of Brown whether
he had a copy of Defoe's tract. " No," said Brown, " I have
not, and I don't know where you are likely to find one. But
if you do meet with one, you will have to pay pretty hand-
somely for it." " I am prepared to pay a fair price for it/' said
the would-be customer, and left the shop. Now old Brown had
a " sixpenny box " outside the door, and he had such a keen
eye to business, that I believe, if there was a box in London
which would bear out Leigh Hunt's statement, it was that box
in Old Street. But as the customer left the shop, his eye fell
on the box, turned over the rubbish in it, and at last selected
a volume which he found there. " I'll pay you for this out of
the box ! " " Thank you, sir," said Brown, taking the proffered
sixpence; *' but, by the bye, what is it.^" "It is a tract by
Defoe," was the answer, to old Brown's chagrin. For it was
the very work of which the purchaser was in search. Who,
after this, will back Leigh Hunt's unfounded dogma that you
will never find anything worth -having in a sixj)enny box at a
bookstall ?
But there are other hiding-places than those of which I
have just Been speaking, where curious out-of-the-way books
ma)'^ be found. At small brokers' shops, one drawer of a
chest is frequently left open to show that it contains books
for sale. I have before me at this moment a curious little
black-letter i6mo, containing early English translations of
Erasmus, which a shilling rescued from such company as it
was then in.
As the accounts of these curious English versions in Lown-
des are very imperfect, I venture to give a short notice of
them. They are four in number, the first and fourth beii^
unfortunately imperfect.
A
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOQKWORM. 645
No. I is.the first part of the " Garden of Wisdom " selected
by Richard Taverner. It wants the title and first four folios,
and ends on verso of folio xlviii. with the words " Here endeth
the fyrst booke " and '* These bookes are to be sold at the
west dore of Poules by Wyllyam Telotson."
No. 2 is " The Seconde Booke of the Garden of Wysedome,
wherein are conteyned wytty, pleasaunt and nette sayenges
of renowned personages, collected by Rycharde Tauerner.
Anno MDXXXIX. Cum privilegioad imprimendum solum,"
and ends on the verso of folio 48 " Prynted at London by
Richard Bankes. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.'*
No. 3 is '• Flores aliquot Sententiarum ex variis collecti
scriptoribus. The Flowers of Sentces [.wVr] gathered out of
sundry wryters by Erasmus in Latine and Englished by Richard
Tauerner. Huic libello non male conveniunt Mimi illi Pub-
liani nuper ab eodem Richardo uersi. Londini ex aedibus
Richardi Tauerner, anno MDXL.," and ends on verso of B.
iii., " Printed in Flete strete very diligently under the correc-
tion of the selfe Richard Tauerner by Richard Bankes."
No. 4, the last, is "Proverbes and Adagies gathered out of
the Chiliades of Erasmus by Richarde Tauerner. With newe
additions as well of Latyn proverbes as of Englysshe. Ed-
wardus Whytchurche excudebat anno MDXLV." This is
unfortunately imperfect, wanting all after folio Ixx.
A quaint writer is Master Richard Taverner, and his Eras-
mus tracts repay the attention xA students of early English.
My next prize from a similar source was one of greater
curiosity and value. As I was hurrying to my office one
morning, some forty years ago, I espied on the top of a chest
of drawers outside a broker's shop, opposite the Royal Mews
in. Pimlico, a pile of books. I looked over them, but there
was only one which interested me — a small thin folio, which
on opening proved to be an early Latin manuscript. The
worthy broker said it was "very old and very curious," and
asked a larger sum for it than I was prepared to pay without
646 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE,
a fuller examination than I had then time to give to it. So I
left it, but was vexed with myself for the rest of the day'that
I had done so, fearing it might have been sold when I return-
ed homewards in the afternoon. Fortunately it was still on
the top of the drawers when I returned ; and although I had
until then never indulged in the luxury of buying manu-
scripts, the result of my further examination was to show me
that the broker was right, and that the manuscript was curious
as well as old, and I risked a sovereign, or a sovereign and a
half, which was the price asked for it, and secured it, as it con-
tained a collection of Latin stories with moralizations; and I
came to the conclusion that it was an early manuscript oi the
world-renowned " Gesta Romanorum." But m}'^ learned friend^
Mr. Thomas Wright, a great authority upon all such matters,
who saw it soon after I had bought it, pronounced the manu-
script to be of the thirteenth century, and confirmed my opin-
ion as to the interest and value of it, for it was obviously an
English collection, the scene of many of the tales being laid
in this country. At his suggestion I transcribed a number of
the tales and sent them to that interesting German antiquarian
journal, edited by Moriz Haupt and Heinrich Hoffman, enti-
tled Altdeutsche Blatter (Leipzig, 1836-40), the precursor of
Wright and Halliwell's curious collection, the Relil[iuiae An-
tiquae. The tales so transcribed will be found at pp. 74-82 of
the second volume. My impression is that when transferred
to the British Museum, which it was at the earnest solicitation
of Sir Frederic Madden, the manuscript was ascertained to be
one of Odo de Cerington. But on this I cannot, after so
many years, speak with certainty. But I must be pardoned if
I make a short digression before I tell the story of my third
prize from a broker's shop.
In the year 1846 I addressed a letter to the editor of a well-
known periodical suggesting an article which I thought
might be suitable to it, and in consequence of his invitation
called upon him at his office to talk the matter over with him-
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM, ^A7
That was a day"lapidi candidiore' notare." It was the first
time I met one who became one of my most dear and most
honored friends. How often have I regretted that I had not
known him before ! At that interview 1 was charmed and
struck by his strong common sense aud thorough right-
mindedness ; but it was only when it was my privilege to
know him intimately that I became aware that, great as were
the good qualities in him which I had at once recognized,
they were but as straw in the balance as compared with his
kindly and affectionate nature. Advisedly I do not mention
his name, that 1 may not be suspected, of self-glorification.
Those who know me, and who knew the excellent man to
whom I refer, will easily recognize him, and will judge the
emotion with which, after our friendship had extended over
some twenty years, I read these touching lines from his ex-
cellent son : " My dear father loved you too well for me to
let you learn from the newspapers that he died this morning."
Peace to his memory. It is very dear to me.
' At this our first interview our business matter was soon
settled, and after a long gossip on books and men I left the
oflace quite delighted with the acquaintance which I had
made.
My next interview with him was at a bookstall in the neigh-
borhood of Drury Lane, which, after a long and pleasant chat,
ended with his inviting me to call upon him and renew our
gossip at home, an invitation as cordially accepted as it was
heartily given. As I soon found my old friend, for he was
nearly twenty years my senior, interested in many points of
literary history, on which I was curious and he learned, my
visits became very frequent, and to me very instructive. Who
was Junius.^ was one of these, and I shall not readily forget
the pleasure with which he one day received a copy of an
early Wheble edition of the letters, which he had long been
looking^ for without success, and which I had a day or two
before picked out of a " sixpenny box."
648 THE LIBRAE Y MAGAZINE.
A few weeks later it was my good luck to pick up a Junius
tract which my old friend had not got, and which he was de-
lighted to see ; but before I left him he said to me, with that
characteristic frankness which was one of his charms: "I
can't tell you the pleasure you give me by thinking of me in
this way, and how pleased I am to get these additions to my
collection. But you can double my obligation to you." I
stared, and he explained. It would be by letting him pay for
whatever I did so pick up for him. I saw it was his wish, so
consented at once upon condition that if I bought him any
book which he already possessed he would at once tell me so,
and I would keep that for my own collection. The treaty was
at once concluded, and from that time I gave him the choice
of every Junius book I got hold of.
No, not every one. My "Vellum Junius," which came off a
stall in Maiden Lane, and which Joseph Parkes persuaded
himself was the veritable vellum copy bound for Junius, but
which is more than doubtful. I must some day, but not now.
tell the story of Lord Brougham showing that copy to the
late Lord Lansdowne, and of the curious conversation that
followed.
But to*retum to books and brokers. One summer's even-
ing, strolling along the Blackf riars Road, after a fruitless search
for literary treasures in the New Cut, I saw a few books at a
broker's, and on turning them over I found a quarto volume
containing five tracts connected with the charge made by
Lord Sandwich against Wilkes of having written the " Elssay
on Woman," when there is, I fear, little doubt that he must
then have known, as well as know now, that that infamous
production was written by Potter, son of the Archbishop of
Canterbury. Of course I purchased the volume, and a few
days after took it to my old friend, who was a great admirer
of John Wilkes and knew more about him, his real character,
foibles, weaknesses, and strong religious feelings, than I
believed at that time did any half-dozen men in England put
tog^ether. - '
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM. 649
I had determined, as I went along, that on this occasion I
would have the pleasure of giving him a book which would,
I was sure, delight him. He was delighted at the sight of it,
and as he turned over the leaves kept asking " Where did
you pick it up ? What did you give foi it ? " ** You shall know
all about it if you will let me give it to you," was my answer.
He consented, and I don't know which of the two was the
more pleased ; and when I told him where I had found it and
the price — eighteenpence ! — he very irreverently hinted that I
had the luck of the Prince of Darkness as well as my own.
But I was not always blessed with that " joint-stock luck "
with which I was credited. More than once have I been in-
terrupted in the course of my small literary efforts by my
inability- to act up to the wise suggestion of one of great
experience who laid it down as a rule "not to take anything
for granted,'* in consequence of failing to get sight of the
- particular book which would have settled some point at issue,
and this not always a rare book. For instance, one evening
wanting to see the original of a passage translated from one
of the *' Colloquies " of Erasmus, 1 was first annoyed at not
being able to lay my hands on my own copy, and, secondly,
still more annoyed when, as time was an object, I started off
at once to Hol5rwell Street, sure, as I thought, to find one at
Poole's, or if he should fail, which is rarely the case, at one
of his neighbors* : but neither from Poole nor any of his
brother booksellers there, nor Bumstead nor Baldock in
Holbom, nor anywhere, could I get a copy of this compara-
tively common book, and I returned home re infecta. When
I afterwards came across my own copy, my interest in the
point had vanished.
In my early days of book-hunting there was no book more
frequently to be met with, at prices varying from one shilling
to half a crown, than Theobald's " Shakespeare Restored."
But when, interested in the quarrel between Pope and Theo-
bald and the merits of their respective editions of Shakespeare
650 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
both of which I bad, I wanted, in order to investigate the
matter thoroughly, to get a copy of " Shakespeare Restored/'
I Runted London through, I might almost say, in vain ; for
the only copy I found was in the possession of one who asked
at least ten times as much as it was worth, and wanted to
make a favor of parting with it at that price. I declined to
accept his favor, and have now a nice copy at a tithe of what
he asked me.
But a marked change in the character of the stock of every
bookseller has taken place during the last half-century. No
longer does
The folio Aldus load their bending shelves.
Though dapper Elzevirs, like fairy elves,
Show their light forms amidst the well-gilt twelves.
I do not believe that at the present day twenty-five per cent
of the quartos, certainly not of the folios, are to be seen on
their shelves compared with what there were formerly.
The explanation given to me by many dealers in old books
some six or seven years since, when I was looking out for a
certain folio, which I remember as by no means a rare book,
was that these large books took up too much room in their
shops, that now nobody liked large books, especially folios,
and that what had not gone to America had been what is
technically called " wasted," i. e. sold to the buttershops. The
folio to which I have just referred is Nalson's " True Copy of
the Journal of the High Court of Justice for the Tryal of King
Charles I. as it was read in the House of Commons, and attested
under the hand of Phelps, Clerk to that infamous Court.'*
Until 1872, when I published in Notes and Queries a little
paper entitled " The Death Warrant of Charles the First : An-
other Historical Doubt,'* I do not know of a writer on the
subject of the death of that monarch who was aware that the
warrant for his execution — ^a strip of parchment measuring
some eighteen inches wide by ten deep, on which there are
about a dozen lines of writing and some threescore seals and
signatures — a document familiar to everybody from the nu-
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM^ ' 65 1
merous facsimiles which have been made of it — a document
second to none in existence in interest and importance — brief
as it is, abounds with erasures, some of them in passages of
vital importance.
Having repeatedly seen this warrant, I had long been aware
of this -fact, and I cannot now say positively what it was that
determined me to see if \ could throw any light on the origin
of these erasures. My impression is, that while pointing them
out to somebody to whom I was showing the warrant, the
thought suddenly occurred to me that seeing how short the
document was, and looking at the erasures, I came to the con-
clusion in my own mind — which was afterwards confirmed by
an experienced public writer — that it would have taken less
time to write out another fair copy of it than ta make the
erasures and corrections which now appear upon it.
I knew, of course, that Nalson was the great authority to
be consulted with respect to the proceedings of the so-called
High Court of Justic j ; but although I have Disraeli's Com-
mentaries and many other works connected with Charles the
first, I had not Nalson. Neither had the library of the House
of Lords nor that of the House of Commons. I consoled my-
self with th6 thought I shall be sure to find it at the Athenae-
um. No, it is not even in that best of club libraries. Thence
I turned to Burlington House — no Nalson in the library of
the Society of Antiquaries. I next tried the Royal Institution,
of which I am not a member, but by the courtesy of Mr. Vin-
cent, the careful editor of Haydn's indispensable " Dictionary
of Dates," I had an opportunity of running my eyes over the
pages of Nalson in that library.
Now I am something like the boy who could only read out
of his own book. I can only work comfortably in my own
room and with my own books about, and what I had seen of
Nalson showed me pretty clearly that if I were to go thor-
oughly into the inquiry which I had proposed to myself, I must
secure a copy of that book. What efforts I made to procurf
652 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
one, it were long to tell. But, alas ! all were in vain ; and
probably this good intention would have been added to the
number of proverbial paving-stones which 1 have laid down,
but for the kindness of a gentleman, an entire stranger to me,
who, happening to hear from Salkeld, the worthy and intelli-
gent Bookseller of Orange Street, Golden Square, that I was
in search of a copy of Nalson, said he had one, wanting the
portrait and plate of the trial, which was at my service. That
gentleman was the late Mr. John Sof)er Streeter, a distin-
guished medical practitioner of Bloomsbury, editor of the
Icones Obstretricae of Moreau, and other valuable works ; and
I deeply regret that this public recognition of his thoughtful
kindness conies too late. He died in 1875.
This act of courtesy is only one of many similar kindnesses
which I have from time to time received; and lam convinced
that what Chaucer said in his noble description of the Scholar
of Oxenforde : —
And gladly wolde he leme and gladly teche —
might be said, with a slight verbal alteration, of all true lovers
of books : —
Full gladly would they give and gladly tak«.
I have several curious old German books given me some
half century since by one of my earliest and most revered
friends, Francis Douce ; and my collection of books in con-
nection with Mrs. Serres, soi-disant Princess Olive of Cum-
berland, owes much of its completeness to similar acts of
considerate courtesy. I am indebted for more than one of
these to the liberality of Mr. William Lee, the author of the
interesting " Life and Newly Discovered Writings of Daniel
Defoe." My kind old friend, so long the distinguished heap
of the British Museum, the late Sir Henry Ellis, took frMi a
volume of pamphlets his copy of the "Princess Olive's Pre
of her Legitimacy," inscribed on the title-p^e in her
writing (I copy literatim) " with the Princesses* respects f ox^
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM. 653
your acceptance," and to the last page, " Princess being an
present at Crawford Street, No. 7, may be seen at one anyy
morning.** I am indebted for several others to gentlemen
who were entire strangers to me, but who sympathized with
my endeavors to discover whether there was any fragment
of truth in the claim originated by Mrs. Serres and afterwards
brought forward by Mrs. Ryyes.
Oddly enough, I first took up that inquiry, which has
resulted in what a noble and learned lord has good-naturedly
characterized as " Serres on the brain," in consequence of
the gift from Lord Brougham, when at a visit to him at
Brougham in 1858, of Mrs. Ryves's " Appeal for Royalty,*' and
was encouraged to pursue it by the late Lord Chief Baron
Pollock telling me how much he envied my pointing out that
the certificate of Mrs. Serres's birth, whose mother, it should
be remembered, was the daughter of a Fellow of Trinity who
was never married, by a Polish princess who never existed,
en Tuesday, April 3, 1772, must clearly be a forgery, inasmuch
as the 3rd of April, 1772, fell on a Friday and not on a Tues-
day. The mistake of the writer was not knowing that the
old style, under which the 12th of April would have been on
Tuesday, was altered in 1752.
But asking forgiveness for this digression, and going back
to the matter of books — ^though, for obvious reasons, I scarcely
like to write it — I really believe it is almost more blessed to
give than to receive. There is nothing more delightful than
to put into the hands of a book-loving friend a volume one
feels sure he will prize and enioy.
When I had picked up, as I did occasionally, an old Caro-
linian tract, and added it to the remarkable collection of them
- which my almost brother John Bruce had gathered together,
I am sure his satisfaction could not exceed mine ; and great
^ , as were the pleasure and heartiness with which my frequent
i^^ correspondent Professor De Morgan — whom it was my mis-
^^^j fortune neverto have known personally— expressed his thank^^
I
6S4 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
for two or three early books on arithmetic which I had dis-
covered in some sixpenny boxes, and added to his collection, I
am sure I was as much pleased as he was.
It is undoubtedly a real source of satisfaction to feel that a
volume which has any special interest connected with it is in
proper keeping. When, on the evening of one of the soirees
given by the President of the Royal Society, I had rescued
from a miserable lot of dirty old books in a back slum near
Clare Market a copy of Sprat's " History of the Royal Society,"
which contained unmistakable evidence that it had once be-
longed to Sir Isaac Newton, what was more natural than that
on that evening I should place that copy in the hands of the
- noble lord who then held the office which Sir Isaac had for-
merly occupied, and that- that volume should find a home in
the Society's library?
Again, what more natural than that, having, as the result
of an afternoon's bookstalling, brought home a copy of Bish-
op Burnet's " Funeral Sermon on the death of Queen Anne,"
as fresh as if it had just come from the press, I should place
it in the hands of Mr. Macaulay, whom I was then seeing
almost daily in my room at the House of Lords, where he was
working up materials for his " History of England "; and I had
the pleasant duty of bringing under his notice the records of
the House, which had not then been calendared. About that
time I should have given him another interesting book, a
Dublin edition of a certain well-known English classic which
I told him I had lately secured. He thought I was wrong in
my impression about it. So in the course of a few days, being
anxious to set myself right, when he had seen all the papers
he was then prepared to go through, and near about to leave,
I recalled his attention to the book. The result was that he
poured forth an oration delicious to listen to, full of distinct
proofs
That what's impossible can't be.
And never, never comes to pass ;
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM. 655
that no such book containing what I had stated it did contain
could exist ; and when he had brought his brilliant discourse
to an end shook hands and bade me good-bye, convinced, I
have no doubt, in his own mind, that he had convinced me
because, in the face of all he had said, I had not impudence
sufficient, even if he had waited, to pull the book in question
out of that pocket in which I had brought it with me for the
purpose of giving it to him. I would have given much to
have had present a shorthand writer who could have taken
down that wonderful specimen of Macaulay's power of talk.
I never heard anything at all to be compared with it but
once. That was during a stroll over Weybridge Common
with that warm-hearted friend and profound scholar, the great
Saxonist, John Mitchell Kemble ; when he descanted upon
his great theme, the Saxons in England, the nature of. the
** mark," and other cognate points, with such overpowering
eloquence that I could scarcely tear myself away from him
when the trai» came that was to bring me hack to London.
I remember two things he mentioned on that day. The first
was that he never wrote down a single line of any paper or
boak-^the " Saxons in England " for instance — until the paper
or book was arranged and composed in his own mind. The
second, that. among other illustrations ol ancient tenures, for-
est rights, etc., which he had picked up at Addlestone (where
he was then living, and to which the old forest of Windsor
had formerly extended), was the custom of deciding how far
the rights of the owner of land extended into the stream, on
which his property is situated, by a man standing on the brink
with one foot on the land and the other in the water and
throwing a tenpenny hatchet into the water; where the
hatchet fell was the liipit. This he had learned from an old
man born and bred in the forest who remembered having once
seen it done.
Such of my readers as know Jacob Grimm's "Deutsche
Kechts-Alterthumer " will remember that a similar practice i<^
656 THE LIBRARY MAGAZmE.
recorded in that vast monument of legal archaeology* I often
^ wonder that no young barrister has had the courage to trans-
late this work. Probably it would not be remunerative in the
shape of pounds, shillings, and pence, but it could not fail to
give him a high position in his profession ; or what would be
unquestionably more popular, use the book as Michelet did in
his " Origines du Droit Francais," make Grimm's work the
basis of a clear and interesting history of the antiquities of
English law.
But if books occasionally disappear like certain classes of
insects, like them also they as suddenly reappear, of which I
have myself experienced several curious proofs. Talking of
books and insects, I should like to know why it is that so
many bookmen and antiquaries, like Douce and Albert Way,
have been entomologists. That inquiry -has connected with
it a good story about Francis Douce and Cobbett which must
wait some more fitting time to tell.
Reverting to the curious reappearance of books, and to the
manner in which, after having given up all hopes of obtaining
some much-desired volume, no sooner is one copy found than
a second one turns up, I had a curious experience with respect
to one of my Junius volumes. I had long been looking out
in vain for a copy of " The Vices, a Poem in Three Cantos,
from the original MS. in the presumed handwriting of the
author of 'The Letters of Junius,' 1828," and which a well-
known Junius collector had repeatedly advertised for without
success, when taking up one of Wilson's catalogues, alwa3rs
worth going through, I saw in it, to my great delight, " The
Vices." But my delight was somewhat diminished when I
recollected I had had the catalogue some days, but had been
too busy to read it. I started off at once to Great Russell
Street (it was before he removed to King William Street), but,
as I feared, the book was gone. On asking Wilson who was
the lucky purchaser, he named a nobleman, then a member of
the House of Commons, who, he said, he was sure wonld wiU
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM, ' 657
lingly lend it to me for a few days if I asked him. As I had
not the advantages of being known to the fortunate purchaser,
it was not till I had received reiterated assurances of his
' invariable kindness in such matters that I summoned up reso-
- lution to follow this advice. My application was most prompt-
ly and courteously granted. I at otice went through the book,
and came to the conclusion that it was not by Junius, but by the
notorious William Combe, the author of " Doctor Syntax," of
that precious repository of Georgian scandal in nine volumes,
the " Royal Register," the " Diaboliad," etc. The book con-
tains a facsimile of the original MS., with, a facsimile of one
of Junius's Letters ; but as of the many Junius claimants
there is not one whose claim is not based on identity of hand-
writing, I place no faith in such supposed identity. Of course
I returned the book almost immediately, and had no sooner
done so than I saw in* a catalogue from some bookseller at
Islington another copy marked at rather a high figure. This
I secured, and it is now before me, and I see by a memoran-
dum in it my attention was first called to " The Vices " by Lord
Brougham, when he mentioned to me the " Verses addressed
to Betty Giles" which form so important a feature in the
magnificeht volume on the " Handwriting of Junius " by M.
Chabot, with preface and collateral evidence by the Hon.
Edward Twisleton, of which I have a presentation copy from
the editor, to whom I had lent for this book a letter from
Lord L5rttleton dated " Maestricht, November 27, 1771," which,
by showing, as it does, that Lord L)rttelton had been and was
then traveling on the Continent, completely negatives his
claim to be the writer of the Letters of Junius which were at
that very time publishing in the Public Advertiser. That letter
was one of several by him which I purchased at a second-hand
book and print shop in the Blackfriar's Road.
But a second instance in my own experience of this turn-
ing up, about the same time, of a duplicate copy of a book
which had been long and anxiously looked for, is the mor**
658 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
curious, inasmuch as the volunre to which I am referring is of
greater raiity and literary importance than "The Vices/' I
refer to the then very rare and most interesting collection of
NeapolLtan.fairy tales, " II Pentamerone del Cavalier Giovan -
Battista Basile.**
My interest in the " Pentamerone " was first excited by the
references made to it in Edgar Taylor and Mrs. Austin's
admirable selection from it in their ** German Pppular Stones "
so admirably translated by them from the collection of the
Brothers Grimm and so wonderfully illustrated by George
Cruikshank, and of which my copy — ^vae mihi! — has been
thumbed away by two generations of juvenile readers : that
book stimulating the curiosity as to the history of fiction, suhI its
cognate subject nursery literature, which had been awakened in
me by the admirable articles so entitled in the Quarterly from
the pen of the late Sir Francis Palgrave ; and I mastered Ger-
man enough to wade through the three little Almain quarto
volumes of the original " Kinder-und Haus-Marchen," pub-
lished at Grottingen in 1822. There I learned more about the
*' Pentamerone," and tried hard to secure a copy of it, but
waited long before that most courteous and clever of caterers
for such literary wants (of whom more anon), Tom Rodd, got
me that which I now possess, which is of the edition printed
at Naples in 1674.
But during the ten or fifteen years which elapsed before I
got this copy of Basile, the idea which I had entertained of
mastering the Neapolitan dialect and translating Basile's
stories into English had passed away, and I had other work
in hand ; and I only secured the book in case, at some future
time, I might take up again the idea of preparing an English
version of iU
Within a month of getting this copy I was offered another
— and, strangely enough, at a shop also in Newport Street,
and within fifty yards of Tom Rodd's. I, of course, secured
that, and had the pleasure of giving it to Crofton Crpker, the
GOSSIP OF AN OLD BOOKWORM, 659
author of the " Fairy Legends and Traditions of the South of
Ireland," who, like myself, had long been on the look-out for
one.
What a number of old friends and pleasant associations in
connection with them will the sight of an old book some-
times recall to our minds ! I have already mentioned the ac-
complished authors of the " Lays of the Minnesingers " and
of " Maistre Wace his Chronicle of the Norman Conquest,"
Edgar Taylor and Crofton Croker. To these I must add the
name of Felix Liebrecht, the learned translator and annotator
of Dunlop's " History of Fiction," a book which I commend
to the attention of any publisher or editor of a new edition of
Dunlop. I owe my knowledge of this accomplished scfiolar
to Sir George Lewis, who, when Liebrecht visited England
some five-and-twenty years since, did me the kindness to
give him a letter of introduction to me. Strangely enough,
I did not then know that he had translated the "Pen-
tamerone " into German. His translation in two volumes,
with a preface by Jacob Grimm, was published at Breslau in
1846. English antiquaries are indebted to him also for a work
of special interest to them, but which, I have reason to think,
lis not known so generally as it ought to be. I allude to " Des
Gervasius von Tilbury Otia Imperialia. In einer Auswahl neu
herausgegeben und mit Anmerkungen begieitet, 8vo, 1856."
It is dedicated to Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, and the fifty or
sixty pages of the original text of Gervase are accompanied
by upwards of two hundred pages of most valuable notes.
I had also the pleasure of numbering among my friends the
late John Edward Taylor, the English translator of the " Pen-
tamerone," published in 1848 with illustrations by George
Cruikshank, and of rendering him some small service in con-
nection with it. He had heard me say that my friend and
near connection, the Rev, James Morton, Vicar of Holbeach,
the learned editor of the *' Ancren Riwle" and other semi-
Saxon 2ttjd early English poems, liad a Neapolitan glossan'-
66o THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
and Taylor asked me if I could borrow it for him. I wrote at
once to the vicar, and the answer was one confirmatory'- of
what I have already insisted upon. Mr. Morton i>resented
me with Galiani's " Del Dialetto Napolitano " and the accom-
panying two volumes of the same author's " Vocabolario
Napolitano-Toscana," in order that I " might have the pleasure
of lending them " to John Edward Taylor.
But perhaps the most curious and valuable recovery of a
book long sought for occurred to the late Mr. Gren villa,
whose most munificent bequest of his extraordinary library
to the British Museum entitles him to the gratitude of all
scholars. I mention the fact on the authority of my late hon-
ored friend, Mr. Amyot, the secretary, friend and biographer
of Wyndham, and for so many years treasurer of the Society
of Antiquaries and director of the Camden Society, Among
the choicest books in his library, Mr. Grenville possessed one
of two volumes of an excessively rare fifteener, I think, the
*' Mazarine Bible," printed on vellum and magnificently bound.
Of course he was very anxious to get a copy of the missing
volume also on vellum, but he hoped almost against hope.
After many years, however, he had the unexpected and almost
unexampled good fortune to get not only a copy on velhim,
but the identical copy, as shown by the binding, which had
been so long separated from the one in his possession. Mr.
Grenville, when showing the books to Mr. Amyot and to
Samuel Rogers, who was there at the same time, told the his-
tory of his good fortune.
Amyot said it was the most remarkable coincidence he had
ever heard.
Rogers did not quite agree to this, and proceeded to mention
the following, which he thought still more remarkable :
An officer who was ordered to India went, on the day before
leaving England, to his lawyer's in Lincoln's Inn Fields. The
day being wet, he took a hackney coach, and when he got
"S he was paying the driver, dropped a shilling. He looked
out.
»ked I
~ tUNEIFORM WRITING. 66
in the mud and slush for it in vain, and so did the coachman.
On his return home after some years' service he had again
occasion to go to his lawyer's in Lincoln's Inn Fields. When
leaving, he recollected his lost shilling, and by some unac-
countable impulse began to look for it, when, strange to say,
just at the very spot where he had paid the coachman, and
on the very edge of the curbstone, he found —
" The shilling ! " was the hasty conclusion of my excellent
friend.
" Not exactly," said Rogers, " but twelve-pennyworth of
coppers wrapped up in brown paper ! "
Siimuel Rogers is said to have been great at what Arbuthnot
called '* The Art of Selling Bargains," of which curious tract,
with its unquotable and Swiftian leading title (for which the
curious reader is referred to Arbuthnot's works, vol. ii. p. 156),
. I once picked up an original copy which I presented to a
worthy member of the Stock Exchange fully capable of en-
joying the humor of it. But probably^ the reader may now be
of the bpinion that " now 'tis time that we shake hands and
part," at least for the present. So be it !
W. J. Thoms, in The Nineteenth Century.
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
Cuneiform Writing was in use in Asia previous to the time
of Alexander the Great, in those countries which the Euphra-
tes and the Tigris drain, and also in the western and the south-
western part of what is now called Persia. So remote is the
civilization that flourished in these valleys that Xenophon
describe!^ the ruins where the ten thousand encamped as
being those of an ancient city.
The name cuneiform (Latin cuneus, wedge) has been given
to the writing on account of the shape of its characters, which
♦ Read before the Cincinnati Literary Club.
; 662 THE LIBRAR V MAGAZINE.
is that of a double wedge. • The French employed the same
term, but the Germans have formed a compound of their
own, Keilschrift, which has the same meaning. Other terms
proposed from time to time, but without finding much fa-
vor, are arrow-headed, nail-headed (French tete-a-clou), and
Sphenogram (from Greek (Jcp?;^, wedge). This writing (the
different kinds of which we shall mention hereafter) is found
upon high rocks which have been smoothed, frequently ac- '
companied by figures.
For example, the Persian inscriptions at Behistun have
protraitures of Darius, four attendants and nine^ captives
bound. A tenth captive is represented as lying upon his back
with his hands raised suppliantly. This writing, with and
without drawings, is also found on bricks, cylinders, and tablets
of clay, on stones and alabaster; in a word, ever)''thing seems
to have been called into service, that these marks, for ages
afterwards inexplicable, might be cut or impressed thereupon.
Excavations at Nineveh, Babylon and elsewhere have brought
to light many such specimens. As with us printing andwrit-
, ing vary in size according to the end desired, so there is
cuneiform writing, of which the wedges' are several inches in
length, and, on the other hand, it is sometimes so fine that
the naked eye cannot discern the separate characters. The
writer examined this second kind as found upon a cylinder
brought from Babylon. This cylinder was made of black
clay, and was one inch long and three-fourths of an inch in
diameter. There was a hole through it lengthwise. Perhaps
it had been suspended from the neck as a charm ; and tliio
seems to be indicated by the translation of the inscription which
was, according to George Smith, as follows : " The^eal (or
amulet) of a man named Kizirtu, son of the woman Satumaui,
belonging to the family of Ishtar and Nana." The characters
on soft substances were made by pressing one corner of the
stilus upon the material and drawing it along gradually
towards the surface. In all probability cuneiform writing fell
CUNEIFORM WRITING. ' 663
into disuse before the Achaemenian kings ceased to reign, and
it was not long after the end of this dynasty that it was a
sealed letter to the world. At least one classical reference to
it is found, namely, in Herodotus, 4th bk. 87 chap. It reads thus :
" It is said that Darius surveyed the Bosphorus and erected
upon its shores two pillars of white marble, whereupon he
inscribed the names of all the nations which formed his army,
on the one pillar in Greek and on the other in Assyrian." In
the same chapter it also reads : " The Byzantines removed
these pillars to their own city, one block remained behind ; it
lay near the temple of Bacchus at Byzantium, and was covered
;with Assyrian writing." Herodotus meant Persian writing,
internally very different from Assyrian ; both, however, are
cuneiform. Pliny, in Natural History, bk. 7, chap. 57, says :
"I always thought that letters were of Assyrian origin."
This only means that they came from some place in Asia at a
distance from the coast ; for the name Assyria was used in-
definitely, just as the name Ethiopia, in later times, was given
to all the interior of Africa of which we had no knowledge,
The existence of the inscriptions and figures at Behistun
must have been known to many. The rock on which they
are engraved is on the highway from Babylonia to the East.
This rock, almost perpendicular, rises to a height of 1,700
feet. At a height of 600 feet are these chronicles of the ex-
ploits of Darius. It is due to this that they are remaining to
the present day, for if they had been easily accessible, the
iconoclastic spirit of Mohammedanism would have quickly
destroyed them.
In 1618 an embassador of Philip III. of Spain copied, while
at Persepolis, a line of cuneiform writing from one of its ruins,
convinced that it was a lost language. From that time vari-
ous accounts and also transcriptions were brought to Europe.
Scholars who thought it worth their while to pay any atten- *
tion to these peculiar marks began to guess, as one who
would spend a few leisure moments in giving hap-hazard an-
664 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE.
swers to a riddle, never dreaming that this was a language.
One thought they were talismans, and another astronomical
signs ; a third was of the opinion that the architect had tried
to see how many different kind of strokes he could make, and
a (our^h ascribed them to the action of worms upon the stones-
All this failed to satisfy any one, and the conclusion was in-
evitable that here was a language that was jealously guarding
its secrets from man.
Scholars now began to treat it with some degree of serious-
ness, though by no means commensurate with the task set
-before {hem. A few resemblances, real or fancied, were
caught at by the too eager student, generalizations quickly
followed and the results thereof heralded abroad. Fortunately"
scarcely two agreed, so that error was not strengthened by
unanimity. Some of the widely divergent views called this
language Grecian, Runic, Samaritan, Hebrew, Arabic. One
went so far that he translated the inscriptions as passages
from tne Koran, and another read them as an account of the
exploits of Tamerlane. We may smile at such a diversity of
opinion among scholars, and put them down as mere pre-
tenders to the name, but we had better first pause lest we con-
demn our own day and generation ; for even now the Etruscan
language remains undeciphered, and like a lost child whose in-
distinct utterances each questioner interprets differently, and
thinks that he has discovered therefrom where its home is,
so philologists have in turn made the Etruscan akin to the
Latin, the Grecian, the Irish, the Teutonic, and the Hebrew
languages, and have even enrolled it as belonging to the Tura-
nian family.
In the last century Karstenniebuhr, the father of the his-
torian, did the first effective work towards reaching certain
results, by making accurate copies of the inscriptions at Per-
sepolis. He also ventured the assertion, afterwards proved to
be correct, that there was not one, but three kinds of cunei-
form writing, and, consequently, the inscriptions were trilin-
CUNEIFORM WRITING, 665
g^al. Although he did not decipher a letter, yet of the first
kind, the simplest, he distinguished 42 different signs. This
first kind has received the name of " Persian Cuneiform
Writing," and the following remarks, until the contrary is
stated, will be applicable to it only. The next step taken was by
Tychsen, who discovered that a diagonal wedge served to
divide words. Munter, a Dane, followed, who proved that the
language was to be read from left to right. It was in 1802^
that Grotefend of Hannover, laid before the academy of that
place his truly great discovery, which was the Rosetta stoiie
of cuneiform wfiting. Grotefend, as he himself said, had
no profound acquaintance with Oriental languages. He had
devoted himself, heretofore, mostly to Latin and the early
languages of Italy. What he accomplished in this other de-
partment was by means of a series of shrewd conjectures
controlled by good judgment. His mode of procedure we
shall briefly describe. Grotefend took two of the trilingual
inscriptions as published by Niebulhr in his book of travels.
He assumed that the conjectures of Niebuhr, Tychsen, and
Munter were correct, and, furthermore, that inscriptions with
figures of kings must tell of the deeds of kings, and that their
titles must be found therein. Tychsen had already stated this
as a probability. Grotefend was now wholly left to himself.
After closely scrutinizing the two inscriptions he met with a
certain combination of very frequent occurrence. It occu-
pied the second place at the commencement of each inscrip-
tion, and also of paragraphs, which were indicated by a vacant
space intervening. He inferred that this combination meant
king, and that the word preceding must be the name of the
king. In the two invScriptions the combination preceding
king was different, consequently the two inscriptions referred
to different monarchs. Again this combination for king was
in several places followed by itself, and again repeated with a
change in the ending. What else could this be than the plural
of king» thus giving a title common to eastern monarchs^
666 ^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
" king of kings " ? The name of the king on the first inscrip-
tion we shall designate as A, on the second as B, accordingly
the first one read : " A king, king of kings," the second, " B
king, king of kings." But after *' A king, king of kings," fol-
lowed the same words as those with which the second begfan
except that one combination of wedges intervened, which we
shall call X. It then read " A. king, king of kings, X. R kii]^,
king of kings." Now X. must indicate the relationship be-
tween A. and B., which would most probably be son. It was
taken for granted then, that X. meant son. The first inscrip-
tion read: "A. king, king of kings, son o^ B. king, king- of
kings," and this was again followed by the sign for son; of
course the following word must be the name of the father
whom we shall call C. C, however, was not followed by the
title " king of kings " or even " king." Likewise the second
inscription read : " B. king, king of kings, son of C.,"not fol-
lowed by a title ; therefore C. did not occupy the throne. It
was known that the buildings in Persepolis had been erected
during the Achaemenides. Grotefend then went over the list
of these kings as given by Greek historians, and applied the
different pairs, where son succeeded father, to the characters
of the inscription. The only pair that answered all the con-
ditions was that of Xerxes, son of Darius, son of Hystaspes,
a Persian noble but not a king. The opening of the first in-
scription was : " Xerxes, king, king of kings, son of Darius.
king, king of kings, son of Hystaspes." Of the second,
" Darius, king, king of kings, son of Hystaspes."
Grotefend next set himself to work to ascertain the Persian
pronunciation of these three proper names. He succeeded
chiefly by aid of the Zend, and thus established the phonetic
value of nearly one-third of the forty-two letters of .the Persiaa
alphabet.
The principal kinds of cuneiform writing, with the families
to which they belong, are as follows : Persian (Aryan) ; Medfim
(Turanian) ; Assyrio-Babylonian (Shemetic). These arc file
CUNEIFORM WRITING. (^7
languages of the tii-'lingual inscriptioiis. Under the Achaeme-
nian rulers, it was necessary for the sovereign to issue his
decrees in all these languages, as now the Turkish Pasha
makes use of Persian (Aryan) ; Turkish (Turanian), and Arabic
(Shemitic). Grammatically ancient Persian resembles San-
skrit most, and is connected with modern Persian. Its char-
acteristics are (i) the alpliabetof forty-two letters ; (2) the ob-
lique wedge to separate words. Rawlinsoa, an Englishman, has
been the most successful investigator in this kind of cunei-*
form writing, for Grotefend achieved almost nothing after his
first happy conjectures.
The Median (Turaniaa) is never found, with but one excep-
tion, save as a transcript of Persian. In inscriptions, it always
has the second position, unless this happens to be the place
of honor. Hence, those to whom this language belonged were
inferior to the Persians and superior to the Shemites, whose
language occupied the third position. This pointed to the
Medes, who, although they were conquered, yet enjoyed
certain political rights under the Persians, not granted to the
Shemites.
In the Median, tlie characters represent not letters but
syllables^ consisting of a single vowel, of a consonant and a
vowel, or of two consonants with a vowel intervening. Of
these there are in groups, 100 of which are known to a cer-
tainty, the others are prpblematical. Assyrio-Bablyonian
(Shemitic) is the oldest of these. It, as well as all cuneiform
writing, is read from left to right, contrary to that which one
would expect in a Shemitic language ; although it is not the
only exception to the rule, that Shemitic languages are read
from right to left.
Over 600 characters have been classified, varying from one
to twenty wedges. The language is syllabic like the Median
and also ideographic. By ideographic we do not mean like
the hieroglyphics of Egypt. These are indeed ideographic,
but symbolic or enigmatic. To illustrate: the figure of a
668 THE LIBRA R V MAGAZINE.
jackal means cunning, of a lamp life. The ideographs of As-
syrio-Babylonian are literal, the outline of a hand means
handy of the sun, sun. The sign of to drink is made up of the
sign for mouth zxi^ that ior water. The resemblances of these
mentioned can be traced, though that is not the case with
very many. However, that which is the peculiar* feature of
their kind of cuneiform writing is pol)rphony. Hincks ,
defines it thus : " Polyphony implies that a character may
represent more than one sound, when employed as a phonetic
ingredient in a word ; but it implies also that those sounds
have no phonetic resemblance to one another." This we
supplement by adding that the same character may be used
as ideographs for different ideas. In the majority of in- '
stances, it is only the connection that can decide whether a
certain combination of three wedges represents the syllable
mat, kur, sat, ot sad, or means land, mountain, property, to con-
quer, to take possession of, A different combination of three
has the phonetic values of ud, ut, tarn, tav, par, lak, and the
ideographic values of day, sun, sun-^ise, to rise (of the sun>
and lo see.
Polyphony was first discovered by Rawlinson, but it seemed
so improbable that the learned world looked askance at all
translations of Assyrian or Babylonian writing. In 1857, the
Royal Asiatic Society submitted a transcript of a long inscrip-
tion of Tiglath Pileser to four Assyrian scholars, Rawlioson,
Talbot, Hincks, and Oppert. These prepared independent
translations and sent them to the society sealed. They were
compared and found to be identical, with the exception of the
proper names. If time permitted we could easily prove to aa
unbiased mind the existence of polyphony even to the extent
mentioned above. Any one acquainted with phonography
knows that a combination of signs may stand for half a doizen j
or more different words, and it is the connection that decides I
for which one of these it does stand. J
The Assyrio-Babylonian literature seems to be exhattit-l
CUNEIFORM WRITING, 669
less. The libraries found in the ruins of the old palaces, and
especially in that of Assurbanipal, contain most valuable doc-
uments pertaining to chronology, history, mythology, and
religion ; legal and astronomical treatises, accounts of com-
mercial transactions, copies of poems, royal proclamations ;
also disquisitions pertaining to grammar and lexicography. Of
the last the syllabaries have been especially valuable in ex-
plaining the syllabic and ideographic values of signs. These
are about half an inch thick and two or more inches in length,
having from two to four parallel columns. In some cases
both sides are T^rritten upon. A few historical remarks will
explain the use of these : —
In Gen. x. 10, it is said of Nimrod (the son of Cush, the son
of Ham), " The beginning of his kingdom was Babel and Erech,
and Accad, and^alneh, in the land of Shinar." In Gen. xi. 2,
it is said of the descendants of Shem, " As they journeyed
eastward (as in the margin) that they found a plain in the land
of Shinar, and they dwelt there." The monarchs of this land,
subdued by the Shemites, called themselves " Kings of Sumir
and Accaid," or " Kings Of Accad." And this term Accad, or
Accadian, is now used to designate the language and popula-
tion of primitive Chaldaea. These Shemites adopted not only
the arts, sciences, and literature of this conquered people, but
also the characters in which they wrote, i. e., the cuneiform
characters of an agglutinative language. The Accadian lan-
guage soon afterwards became extinct. Assurbanipal (Sar-
danapalus) the " Grand Monarch of Assyria," was a friend of
letters, and gathered into his library at Nineveh all the literary
treasures of Babylonia and Assyria. The study of Accadian
was, as a classical language, under him revived, and, in order
to facilitate this by explaining the meaning and composition
of unusual or antiquated combinations these syllabaries were
made. This library of Sardanapalus at Nineveh, called the
Mound of Kou)runjik, was discovered by Layard in 1850, who
sent several boxes of fragments to England. Much has been
670 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. .
accomplished in cuneiform investigation, but enough is left
to give occupation to scholars for decades.
W. O. Sproull, Ph. D.,
ENGLISH AND AMERICAN ENGLISH.
Few of the subjects with which modem science has had,
and still has, to deal, are more interesting than the inquiry
into the changes which a language gradually and, as It were,
unconsciously undergoes, even among a people occupying
one and the same region, and apparently exposed, to few and
slight changes from without. No one who consider;s the var-
iety of dialect within our own country ^at the present time, or
the evidence of continual change in the English tongue, from
the time when it was first known as a written language, can
fail to perceive that, apart from external influences (though, of
course, such influences have not been wanting in England), a
language is in a state of continual flux — ^in pronunciation, in
the use and meaning of words, i^ manner of expression,
idiom, and in various other respects.
The characteristics which distinguish the dialects of the
northern from those of the midland and southern counties of
England, or even the dialects of adjacent counties (as Lan-
cashire and Yorkshire, Somersetshire and Devonshire, or
Dorsetshire and Hampshire) from each other,^were manifestly
not the growth of a few years, but of centuries. The progress
of our language from the earliest Anglo-Saxon days to our
own time is, of course, accorded in the literature of the nation,
which, carefully studied^ reveals not only the more obvious
influences oi such causes as the Norman coaquest and the
sequent intercourse with France, but also the subtler chaises
which belong to the inherent growth of our language.
It is easy to perceive also how the spread of education luis
had its influence — and a very powerful influence — ^in check*
ing changes which otherwise would have been ni|Hd. Ifc
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH. 67I
find, for instance, that in earlier times, books written in the
English of the day, being read by few, had small influence in
stereotyping, as it were, the use of words or phrases. But
the writings of later times, and especially those of the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries (above all, the translation
of the Bible in the reign of James I.), have had a most
marked effect in preventing rapid changes in the language.
The reason is obvious. Few read the earlier works, many
read the later, and still more hear them read or quoted, and
more still come into contact with those who have read them.
Sp that the words and modes of expression in the later works
remain current from generation to generation, while many
of those in the earlier works have become obsolete.
Yet it is to be noticed that even this influence, potent
though it unquestionably has been, ha6 not prevented change
altogether. In fact, it is clear that with the lapse of time its
power must diminish. In the eighteenth century, for instance,
— ^but still more in the latter half of the seventeenth century
— modes of expression used in James's Bible and in the Book
of Common Prayer (which, though older, may be regarded as
belonging to the same era in our language) were still employ-
ed in ordinary life ; and the fact that they were so often heard
in church, chapel, and conventicle, helped to retain them in
such usage. But when once an expression had fallen out of
use — which would happen even in the case of some expres-
sions once familiarly employed — Bible reading and the weekly
use of prayers, collects, epistles, gospels, psalms, and so forth,
could, not restore it to general circulation. The number of
words, modes of expression, idioms, etc., which have thus
passed out of use necessarily increases with the lapse of time,
and in time, of course, the book which had for a longer or
shorter time prevented so many expressions from becoming
obsolete, would become obsolete itself. A new translation
would, in other words, become necessary — not. as in the case
of the present revised translation, because of increased
6/2 THE LIBRA R V MAGAZINE.
knowledge of the original and increased facilities for inter-
preting it, but because the language of the Bible would have
ceased to be the language of the people.*
It may be interesting to consider the various ways in which
words, phrases, and expressions have fallen out of use since
the time when the present English version of the Bible was
prepared.
Some modes of expression seem to have died out without
any very obvious cause. For instance, in the time of James
I. the words "all to" were used where we now say "alto-
gether." So completely has the former usage passed away,
that most persons understand the words "and all to brake his
skull " (when read aloud) as if they meant " and all to break
his skull ; " in reality, of course, the words mean "and utterly
crushed his scull." Other words and phrases have lost their
original meaning in consequence of the growth (usually in
literature) of another significance. For instance, as the word
" comprehend " gradually approximated in meaning to the
word " understand," with which it is now almost synonymous,
its old usage, shown in the Bible expression " the darkness
comprehended it not " (that is, the darkness did not inclose
and overmaster or absorbt the light), was gradually lost ; at
the present day, no one would think of using the word in its
older and, in reality, more correct sense. In other cases,
words have acquired a meaning almost opposite to that which
they had when the Book of Common Prayer and the present
English version of the Bible were prepared. Thus, we now
use the word "prevent" as almost synonymous with "hin-
der"; but it is used in the opposite sense in the familiar prayer
* It appears to me a circumstance to be regretted that those who. have been at so
much pains to revise the Bible, should not have been bold enough to present their
revised version in the English of our own time, instead of the old-fashioned EInglish
of the time of Elizabeth and James. This, perhaps, is the first occasion in the histoy
of Bible translation when men have expressed Bible teachings in a Uuigiuig« such at
they do not themselves speak.
t Con intensative, and prekendo to grasp or seize.
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH, 673
beginning "Prevent us, O Lord, in all our doings." So the
"word "let," which formerly corresponded very nearly with
•* hinder " or " prevent " (as at present used), now implies the
reverse ; so that there was nothing strange originally in the
prayer that we might not be " let or hindered," though now
the expression is certainly conjtradictory and perplexing (es-
pecially to the younger church-goers). Some words and
phrases, without having taken a new meaning, or even lost
their old meaning, have fallen out of use in ordinary speech
or in prose writing, but are still freelyused in poetry. Other
phrases or usages have come to be regarded as ungrammatical
— such, for instance, as the use o£ the word "often " for "fre-
quent." (" Take a little wine for thy stomach's sake and thine
often infirmities.")*
As regards pronunciation, it would be difficult to follow
and interpret all the changes which have taken place. Of
some changes, indeed, we have no recorded evidence, while
of others the evidence is but vague and doubtful. If the
spelling, instead of being left f\^ee to individual fancy in for-
mer times, had been fixed as now, it would yet be (as it cer-
tainly is at present) no guide whatever to pronunciation.
And, in passing, it may be noticed that the advocates of a
phonetic system of spelling might find a strong argument in
the circumstance that such a system would enable the philol-
ogist of the future to trace the various changes which pronun-
ciation will hereafter undergo ; while had such a system been
adopted in the past, we could form now a fair idea of the way
in which our xincestors during different centuries of our past
history spoke the English language of their day.
There are, however, some indications which afford tolera-
bly sure evidence as to particular changes which the pronun-
ciation of certain words has undergone.
* Compare Jaques*s words. '* It is a melancholy of my own, compounded of many
simples, extracted from many objects, and, indeed, the sundry contemplation of my
travebt, in which my often rumination wraps me in a most humorous sadness." \r
passing, note here the obsolete use of the words sundry and humorous.
L. M.—22
674 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
For instance, remembering that many of our w6rds have
been derived directly from the French, but have been spelled
almost from their introduction, in an English manner, we can
infer what was the ordinary sound-value of particular letters,
singly or together. Thus, since the French words " raison "
and " saison " are represented in English by the words " rea-
son " and " season," we may infer that the diphthong " ea "
originally represented the sound which it still represents in
the word "great." For we can be tolerably sure that the
change has been in the English, not in the French, pronun-
ciation of these words. There is no reason for supposing that
in French the letters "ai " represent the sound "e," as do the
letters "ea "in "reason" or "season." -In fact, " ai " never
could represent the sound " e." We infer then, that the change
has been in the English, and that two or three centuries ago
the words " reason ** and " season " were pronounced " rayson "
and " sayson," as they still are in Ireland (not, as is commonly
supposed, because in Ireland the pronunciation has been cor-
rupted, but because there the old-fashioned pronunciation
has been retained). We find thus an explanation of certain
words and passages in old writings that otherwise seem per-
plexing. For instance, Falstafif says in reply to the request of
Hal and Poins for "a reason," "What, upon compulsion
Give you a reason on compulsion ? if reasons were as plenty
as blackberries I would give no man a reason on compulsion ! "
a meaningless rejoinder, at least compared with the same an-
swer when the word " reason " is pronounced like the word
" raisin."* So the " nipping and eager air," spoken of in
* There are reasons for thinking that in many cases the letters " ee,*' as well as
** ea," had the sound " ai '* in Shakespeare's time. Thus the two lines-
She was a wight if ever such wight were
To -suckle fools and chronicle small beer —
probably forming a rhyming couplet. So also, probably the lines
If we do meet again, we'll smile indeed ; ^""^v
If not, 'tis true this parting was well made.
As the word " indeed '* is pronounced " indade " in Ireland, there is. reason
•■egarding it as belonging to the same category as saison, raison, mane, baste, tay, ^c.
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH, 675
Hamlet, becomes intelligible only when the word "eager" is
pronounced " aygre," and so seems to be identical with the
French " aigre," sharp or biting. If further evidence were
required to show that formerly the letters " ea " represented
the sound of **a " as in " fate," it would be found in the fact
that in Pepys's Diary the word '• skate " is spelled in one place
" skeat," in another, " scate." It is clear, again, that the
word "beast "was pronounced " bayst," though the play on
the words " best " and " beast " in " Midsummer-Night's Dream"
(see the comments on Pyramus and Thisbe as represented by
Bottom, Quince, and Company) is not made much clearer by
the change. Still " bayst " is nearer in sound than " beast " to
the word " best," even as now pronounced, and probably best
was formerly pronounced with a longer and more open " e "
sound than now.
In passing, we may ask how the word " master " was origi-
nally pronounced, for this word was often spelled " mester,"
though oftener " maister " and " maystre." Derived from the
French " maitre " (contracted from " maistre," as in the old
French), we can have little if any doubt that the word was
originally pronounced "mayster," which would as readily be
corrupted in one direction into " mester " and " mister," as,
in the other direction, into the modern pronunciation, " mas-
ter " (" a " as in " father," not as in " fat "). It is probable that
the Scottish pronunciation of the word is much nearer to that
prevalent in England three centuries ago, and still nearer that
prevalent in the time of Chaucer and Gower, than is our
modern English pronunci?ition.
In a similar way other vowel sounds might be discussed,
but this would take me too far from my subject — ^which, in-
deed I have not yet reached. Before passing to it let me note,
however, that consonantal as well as vowel sounds have un-
dergone alteration in England during the last few centuries.
We have evidence of this in the familiar passage in "Love's
Labour's Lost," where exception is taken by the pedant to the
6/6 THE LIBRA K Y MAGAZINE,
pronunciation "nebour" for "neighbor," "cauf "for "calf,"
and so forth, showing that formerly the letters "gh" in
" neighbor " and other such words were sounded (probably
gutturally, as in the Scottish " lough," etc.)» and that the letter
*' 1 " was sounded in many words in which it is now silent.* It
may be noticed, however, that " 1 " had became silent in some
words in past times to which it has now been restored. For
instance, most persons now pronounce the letter ** 1 " in the
name Ralph, probably because the name is oftener seen than
heard ; formerly this name was always pronounced Rafe or
Rahf. So, it is clear from a well-known passage in the play
of Henry VI. (only in small part from Shakespeare's hand)
that the name " Walter " was formerly pronounced "Water,"
— as indeed might almost have been inferred from its former
abbreviation into Wat — for, if it had been pronounced Wal-
ter, the natural abbreviation would have been Wally ot Wal'r
(as Captain Cuttle called Walter Gay). The prophecy that
the Earl of Suffolk would " die by water " would certainly not
have been regarded as fulfilled when he was beheaded by the
order of Captain Walter, if the name had not been pronounced
" Water " in those times.t
These considerations respecting the changes which our lan-
guage has undergone — perhaps nowhere more than in the
♦ There arc good reasohs for believing that the letter " r " was formerly pronounced
much more fully than at present. Certainly our modern *^ r" could not properly be
called the " dog's letter," as the nurse in ** Romeo and Juliet ** tells us it was called
(** r is for the dog,*' etc.). We may thus explain the play on words in the passage
where Celia ridicules the affected pronunciation of Monsieur Le Beau. ** Fair prin*
cess," he says, '* you have lost much good sport '* (not pronouncing the " r** rollingly,
as was doubtless then the fashion, but " spo't " : to which Celia replies, ** Spot ! of
what color?" to the perplexity of Le Beau, as to that of many readers of Shake-
speare. In passing, it may be noticed that many passages in Shakespeare are rendered
obscure by changes of pronunciation. Thus where Beatrice says : ** The Count is
neither sad, nor sick, nor merry, nor well ; but civil Count, civil as an orange, and
something of that jealous complexion,'* we are apt to overlook the play on the words
*' civil" and " Seville."
t The passage runs thus : —
Suf. Look on my George, I am a gentleman ;
Rate me at what thou wilt thou shalt be paid.
IVhii. And so am I ; my name is Walter Whitmore.
How now ? Why start'st thou ? What, doth death affright ?
sENGLISH, ANI? AMERICAN- ENGLISH, 677
neighborhood of the metropolis — have been suggested to my
iwinci by certuin remarks made by an American writer — Mr.
F. B. Wilkie, of the Chicago Times — respecting our English
way of pronouncing the English language as compared with
the American method, which he regards as on the whole more
correct.
I must premise that Mr. Wilkie'swork, •' Sketches beyond
the Sea," though it opens in a tone very unfavorable to the
English people, shows considerable fairness, on the whole.
English manners are not, perhaps, calculated to impress
Suf. Thy name affrights mc. in whose sound is death.
A cunning man did calculate my birth,
And told me that by water I should die.
Yet let not this make thee be bloody minded ;
Thy name is Gualtt'er^ being rightly sounded.
IV/iit. Gualtier or Walitr^ which it is I care not, etc.
This reference to the sound of the word leaves no doubt that it was formerly pro-
nounced Water. (So Gualtier is sounded Guautier,-and has come to be spelled Gau-
thier )
And here it may be asked whether the word " halter " was not formerly pronounced
hatUer (rhyming with daughter^ watery etc.). For Lear's Fool sings :
A fox when one has caught her,
And such a daughter
Should sure to the slaughter.
If my cap could buy a halter,
So the fool follows after.
'* After,** probably pronounced as by the vulgar in our own time, a^ter. That " f "
before **t*' was silent in common speaking, seems shown by Wat Whitmore*s remark
to Suffolk : ^* Come, Suffolk, I must waft thee (wa't thee) to thy death.'*
Nursery rhymes may perhaps seem an unlikely source of information respecting pro-
nunciation, yet there are good reasons for believing that many old usages are preserved
in those ancient rhymes. In particular, we may be sure that the rhyming if not per-
fect, would be such as to appeal readily to the ear. Now, in Jack and Jill we find
** after *' rhymed to " water."
In passing, it may be noticed that in Shakespeare's time the " 1 " in " would " and
"should "was probably sounded. For if ** would " were then pronounced as in our
time, " wou'd,'' we should scarcely find ** wouldest *' abbreviated into ** wouPt," as in
** Usunlet," act v. s. i.:
Woul't weep ? woul't fight ? wouPt fast ? woul't tear thyself ?
WouPt drink up esil ? eat a crocodile ? etc.
In further illustration may be quoted the old lines on the vanity of human pride,
inscribed on the ruined gate of Melrose Abbey, from which we learn that either the
** 1 •* was sounded in ** would " or dropped in " gold " :
The earth goes on the earth glittering with gold :
The earth goes to the earth sooner than it would, etc.
678 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
strangers favorably at a first view. It may not be generally
true that, as Mr. Wilkie says, " one who visits a strange coun-
try encounters first its most repellent qualities," — in fact, the
contrary is sometimes the case ; but this is certainly true of
England and the English. Mr. Wilkie is justified in saying
that his " fault-finding is confined to what may be termed the
external character of the English," and in adding7 " that there
, is no partisanship in his views, because he has nowhere failed
to denounce the weaknesses and follies of his own country-
men whenever the opportunit)'^ to do so fairly presented it-
self." Of this the following humorous passage, which bears
in some degree on the question of the American way of speak-
ing English, may be cited in illustration : —
If there be any particular thing which is calculated to make an American homesick,
to make him feel he is indeed in a foreign clime, it is the entire absence of profanity."
(Would this were as true as it is complimentary 0 ** Except what I may have over-
heard in a few soliloquies, I have not heard an oath since my arrival in England. The
cabman does not swear at you " {he does, though, when he has a mind ?)*' nor the
policeman, nor the railway employe, nor anybody else. Nobody in an ordinary con-
versation on the weather, or in asking after some one's location, or inquiring after
another's health, employs from three to five oaths to every sentence. It*s rather dis-
tressing to an American to get used to this state of things ; to talk to a man for three
or four minutes, and never hear a single * d n ' ; to wander all day through the pop-
ulous streets and not hear a solitary curse ; to go anywhere and everywhere and not
be stirred up once by so much as the weakest of blasphemies. What wonder that the
average American becomes homesick under such a deprivation, and that he longs for
the freedom and curses of his perrary home ? *'
Mr. Wilkie, finding that many words are pronounced other-
wise in England than in America, and starting with the
assumption that the American usage is correct where such
differences exist, arrives at the conclusion that England "is
rapidly losing its knowledge of English." " I have no less an
authority than Earl Manville," he says, " for the statement
that educated Americans speak the English language far better
than educated Englishmen." I have yet to learn that Earl Man-
ville is a very high authority on this particular question, wheth-
er from his exceptional knowledge of the English language,
or from the opportunities he has had of comparing the way
in which that language is spoken in England and in America-
ENGLISH, And AMERICAN ENGLISH, 679
Not for the present considering pronunciation^ and taking
the English of those who are recognized as the best writers
in that language as the best, it is, I believe, incontestable that
on the whole a thoroughly educated Englishman speaks the
language more correctly than even the best educated Ameri-
cans ; only it is to be noticed under what reservation I make
this assertion There are usages which have become recog-
nized in America, and are adopted by the best American
writers, and which are thus correct in that country, though
not in accordance with the rules which — tacitly or otherwise
— English writers follow. They are correct in this sense, that
they are in accordance with general custom, " quem penes
arbitrium est, et jus et norma loquendi." And although it
may be admitted that some few of these usages belong in
reality to the English of two or three centuries ago, it cannot
be denied that many, if not most of them, are recent. I am
here speaking of the form and construction •f the language,
not of pronunciation. As to this, it must be admitted that
there is room for doubt respecting many of those points in
which the two countries differ. As regards a few doubtful
words, it would be scarcely worth while to inquire, but there
are whole classes of words which are differently pronounced
in the two countries, and it is in many cases doubtful whether
the older (which may be considered the true pronunciation)
has been retained in the old country or in the new.
" I have no doubt whatever," sa)rs Mr. Wilkie, "that were
a wall built between England and America, so that there could
be no intercourse, in two or three hundred years a native of
one country could not understand a word spoken by the
other." Setting aside the manifest exaggeration here, and
supposing for a moment that, contrary to all experience, so
short a time as three centuries would suffice to render the
English of America unintelligible to the people of England,
and the English of England unintelligible to the people of
America, it would-be altogether absurd to infer, with Mr.
680 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
Wilkie» that " this would be because England is rapidly losing
its knowledge of English." Nor is there the least reason for
supposing, as Mr. Wilkie does, that it is because '' England
has no dictionary, or, what amounts to the same thing, has a
dozen," that the language undergoes continual change. . No dic-
tionary, however excellent,^can stereotype a language, either
as to the usage of words or their pronunciation.* In America
changes are taking place at least as fast as in England,
probably faster. Mr. Wilkie found, he says (though one
wonders where he can have obtained such experience), that
there are in England about as many standards of pronunciation
as there are people who have anything to say. He is refer-
ring all the time, be it understood, to educated Englishmen.
Yet he can point only to a few words, most of which are
seldom used; whereas any Englishman who has traveled
much in America could cite dozens of words, all in ordinary
use, which are*diversely pronounced there by educated per-
sons. Thus, I have heard the word "inquiry" pronounced
" inquiry, " quandary " pronounced " quAndary," " vagary "
" vagary, "t ^'towards and "afterwards" pronounced with the
stress on the last syllable, "very" and "American" pro-
nounced " vury " and " Amurican " (u as in " furry "), and so
forth, by educated Americans ; while other educated Ameri-
cans pronounce these words as they are usually pronounced
in England. "Gladstone says issoo" remarks Mr. Wilkie,
" when other intelligent men say tsshuJ* He might have added
that Lord John Russell used to say " obleeged," as many old
folks do still, and that the question was once raised in the
House of Lords whether the word " wrapt " should be pro-
nounced to rhyme with " apt " or with " propt." As a matter
* If Mr. Wilkie had been at the pains to look over the introductory matter m
** Webster's Dictionary/* he would have found that in quite a number of cases wheitt
ho— Mr. Wilkie-^nds fault with English pronunciation, Webster is against hiai.
t We see here the e£fects of the tendency in English speaking to throw back lbs
accent. In England we have ** c6ntrary ** now instead of " contrary ** as in SI
speare's time: compare also the nursery rhyme *' Mary, Mary, quite oontitey/*
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH. ^ 68 1
of fact, however, Mr. Gladstone does not say " issoo," but
" issyou," which is probably correct ; at any rate, as much can
be said in its favor as in favor of " ishyou." Of course " issoo "
and " isshu," the two pronunciations given by Mr. Wilkie, are
both as utterly wrong as " Toosday " or " Dook," modes of pro-
nunciation, by the way, which are very commonly heard in
America.
As the point is considered next by Mr. Wilkie, though not
next in logical sequence, I may consider here his reference to
the pronunciation of certain proper names in England which
are spelled (and he considers should be pronounced) very
differently. Of words of this kind he cites : —
" Colquhoun — pronpunced Calhoun — (really pronounced
Cohoon) ; Cockburn, pronounced Cobum ; Beauchamp, pro-
nounced Beechem; Derby, Darby j Berkley, Barkley; Hert-
ford, Hefford (where can he have heard this } rtartford. of
course, is the accepted pronunciation) ; Cholmondeley, Chum-
ley; Bouverie, Booberie (an unknown version); Greenwich,
Grinnidge ; Woolwich, Woolidge ; Harwich, Harridge ; Lud-
gate, Luggat; (by cabmen possibly); High Holborn, Eye
Churn (cabmen, certainly) ; Whitechapel, Witchipel (never) ;
Mile End, Meelen (possibly by a Scotch cabman) ; Gloucester,
Gloster; Leicester, Lester; Pall Mall, Pell Mell."
He might have added ** Marjoribanks, Marchbanks ; Caven-
dish, Candish ; Salisbury, Salsbury," and a host of other names.
But he mistakes greatly in supposing (as he appears to do)
that these divergences between pronunciation and spelling
have had their origin since America began — whether we
regard America as beginning in the days of the Pilgrim fath-
ers, or of the war of Independence. Some of them are at
least five hundred years older than the States. But without
expecting from every visitor the antiquarian knowledge nec-
essary to establish the antiquity of the older of these modes
of pronunciation, we might fairly expect that a literary man
should be acquainted with the fact, that Shakespeare knew no
682 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE. .
trisyllabic Gloucester or Salisbury, that with him, Warwick
wasWarrik, Abergavenh)'- Abergany, and so forth.
If aught of blame is deserved for the continued use of old-
forms of spelling when the old modes of pronunciation have
passed away,or for any divergence (no matter how caused)
between pronunciation and spelling, we may meet the Amer-
ican with a tu quoque ; we may say to himy- *
Mutato nomine, de te
Fabula nairatur. ^
For either within the brief duration of our cousin's own his-
tory, the pronunciation of many proper names has diverged
from their spelling, or else those names were originally mo.st
incorrectly spelled. How otherwise does it happen that the
true-born American speaks of Connetticut instead of Connec-
ticut, of Cincinnatah instead of Cincinnati of Mishigan, Miz-
zouri (in the South and West, Missouri is called Mizzoorah),
Sheecahgo, Arkansaw, Terryhote, and Movey Star, instead
of Michigan, Missouri, Chicago, Arkansas, Terre Haute, and
Mauvaises Terres (pronouncing thie last two words as French.)
Taking other than proper names, Mr. Wilkie seems scarcely
to have caught in many cases the true English pronunciation.
For instance, one of the most marked differences between
English pronunciation and that with which Mr. Wilkie would
have become fahiiliar at Chicago, is found in the sound of the
vowel "a" in such words as "bath," "path," "class," etc.
Now, although he mentions in one place that the " a " in the
word " classes " is pronounced like the " a " in " father" (which
is right), he adds even there that the sound of the word is
almost like "closses," which is altogether wrong; while else-
where he says that the "a" is pronounced like the "a" in
" all," or as " aw." He gives " nawsty " as the English pro-
nunciation of the word " nasty." He says, " an. Englishman
must inform some of his acquaintances during each day some-
thing about his bath, the a being sounded like a in -alL Of
course, no educated Englishman ever pronounces the "a**.m
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH. 683
" bath/' " path/* etc., like the " a " in." all "; nor. indeed, have I
ever* heard an uneducated Englishman so speak, though it is
likely enough there may be dialects having this pronunciation.
In fact, the story of the clergyman who, when asked whether
he would be bishop of Bath or of Wells, answered " Bawth,
my Lord," and so became the first bishop of Bath and Wells,
whether true or false as a story, serves to show that the word
is sometimes pronounced " bawth." But certainly this is not
the usual way of pronouncing it in this countiy. To Ameri-
can or rather -to Western ears there must, it should seem, be
some resemblance between the . sound of " a " in " class,"
" path," etc., as Englishmen pronounce the vowel, and the
sound of the vowel "o"; for I remember that when once in
Illinois I asked where the " office clerk " was, the office dock
was shown to me. It is, by the way, somewhat difficult to
understand how the "e " in the words clerk, Derby, Hertford,
etc., has come in England to have the sound of " a " in class,
father, etc. So far as I know, this usage is nowhere followed
in America.* But the pronunciation of "a" in bath, class,
etc., like " a " in " father," though it seems to have sounded
strange in Mr. Wilkie's Western ears, is common enough — is,
indeed, the accepted usage — in the Eastern States. It is also
the usage sanctioned by Webster.
It is hardly necessary to say that Mr. Wilkie represents the
omission and misuse of the aspirate as though they were as
comipon amongst the educated as among the uneducated
classes of this country. A hasty reader might, indeed, rashly
infer from some passages in Mr. Wilkie's book that there is a
diflference between the ignorant and the decently educated in
this respect. For instance, in a rather overdrawn scene in
Westminster Hall, a policeman tells Mr. Wilkie and Mr. Hat-
* The" fact that the proper name Clark (which Is unquestionably the equivalent of
clerk) has been for hundreds of years in use in Eng^land, shows that the pronunciation
Clark is hundreds of years old. So also the existence of an American Hartford
showA that the Pilgrim Fathers called Hertford Hartford. Probably the " a " in such
words as Clark, farm, etc., had originally the sound of " a ** in "^ care." Indeed, if
we consider the French origin of these words we see that this must have been so.
684 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
ton to "pass into the 'all ; " to which, not Mr. Wilkie, but the
Englishman, Mr. Hatton, replies, " Pass into the 'all ! I say,
bobby, my boy, you dropped something. You dropped an
aitch. But never mind ! You just go into the House, and
you'll find the floor covered with ^//r^^f-y dropped by the mem-
bers. You can find there twice as many as you've lost here.
Pass into the ^a — a — all! " But then it is only to be inferred
from this, that by associating with his American friend, Mr.
Wilkie, Mr. Hatton had learned to speak more correctly, than
other Englishmen. It was in this way that Americans ex-
plained the fact that Mrs. Trollope used the aspirate correctly.
And to this day it is the prevalent (and almost universal)
opinion in America that all Englishmen, educated as well as
uneducated, drop their atiches, and insert atiches vrhtrt none
should be. I have been gravely assured time and again by
Americans, claiming at any rate to be decently well informed,
that I have no trace left of the " English accent," which they
explain as chiefly to be known^by omitted and misused aspir-
ates. They neither know, for the most part, that the omission
or misuse of the aspirate is as offensive to the English as to
the American ear (more so, indeed, for to the American it is
simply laughable, while to the English ear it is painful), nor
that the habit is to all intents and purp>ose^ incurable when-
ever it has once been formed. An Englishman who, owing-
to imperfect education or early association with the ignorant,
has acquired what Americans regard as the English accent,
may indeed learn to put in a sort of aspirate in words b^^n-
ning with aitch, but it is an aspirate of an objectionable kind
— fully as offensive as an aspirate in 'heir, 'hour, and 'honor.
Thackeray touches on this in one of his shorter sketches.
The habit of using aspirates in the wrong place may perhaps
be more easily cured ; but as this habit is only found among
the very ignorant, while the habit of dropping the aspirate is
much more widely spread, the opportunities of testing the
•matter by observation are few. Many who drop their aiiclux
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH. 685
know at least where the attches should be, and by an effort put
in unduly emphatic aspirations ; but probably very few, and
possibly none, of those who put in aitches where none should
bj, are able to spell. From a story told me by an American,
it would even seem that those who thus wrongly insert aitches*
have ears too gross to recognize the difference between the
-x:orrect and the incorrect pronunciation. He told me he
offered an English boy in his employment ten cents to say
'* ^UK" " onion," '* apple "; on which the boy said, " Hall right,
hegg, honion, happle ; 'and us hover the ten cents : ** " No," he
replied, " you are not to say hegg, honion, happle, but egg,
onion, apple." ** Well, so I did," was the cheerful response ;
"j^ou say hegg, honion, happle, and Hi say hegg, honion, hap-
ple." But very likely my informant exaggerated.
It should be noticed that in one respect th6 English, even
when well educated, are very careless, to say the least, in the
use of the aspirate. I refer to their pronunciation of words
beginning with " w " and " wh." We often hear wAfn, where,
whale, afhd so forth, pronounced like the words wen, were, wail,
etc. Ip America this mistake is never made. They do not
pronounce the words as educated Irishmen often, if not gen-
erally, do, hwen, hwere, hwale, that is, with an exaggerated
aspirate, giving the words with a whish, as it were ; but they
make the distinction between " w " and " wh " very clear. I am
inclined, by the way, to believe that the Irish mode of pro-
nouncing words beginning with " wh " is in reality that which
was in use in former times in England, probably at an earlier
date than that of the Pilgrim Fathers; at any rate, hwat,
hwen, -etc., is thes spelling in old English and Saxon books. ^
There are faults of pronunciation which, so far as I can
judge, are about equally common in both countries. For
♦ In passing, I may remark that the word ache was formerly pronounced aitch^ so
that the word ackfs used to be a dissyllable. Thus Beatrice, in ** Much Ado About
Kothing," says she is exceeding ill — not for a hawk, a horse, or a husband, but for
that which begins them all, " H,** that is, through an ache or pain ; just as two scenes
earlier her fellow-victim, Benedict, says he has the toothache.
686 THE LIBRAR V MAGAZINE,
instance, " sech " for " such," " jest " for *' just,"* " ketch " for
" catch," " becos " for " because," " instid " for " instead,"
sometimes even " forgit " for " forget." But we certainly do
not so often hear " doo " for " due," " soo " for " sue," and so
forth, in England as in America. " Raound " for " round,"
" claoud " for " cloud " is very common in New England ; but
perhaps not more so than in certain districts in England. In
the Southern States, peculiarities of pronunciation are often
met with which had their origin in the association of white
children with negroes. Among these, perhaps the most
remarkable is the omission of the r in such words as door,
floor, etc., pronounced by negroes, do', flo', etc.
Let us next consider the different use of certain )vords and
phrases in the two countries.
Mr. Wilkie says, holding still by his calm and quite errone-
ous assumption, that tjie change is all on one side, " the
difference between the spelling of words and their sound is
not all tl^re is to prove that the English are losing the Eng-
lish language, and suBstituting a jargon that is totally unlike
that speech bequeathed to us by our Saxon and Norman
ancestors. What, for instance, is to be done by a man un-
derstanding and recognizing the English of Macaulay, Long-
fellow, Byron, Lamb, Whittier, Grant White, and the expur-
gated vernacular of the venerable Bryant, who finds that a
street sprinkler in England's English is a ' hydrostatic van ' ;
that rails on a railroad are ' metals ' ; a railroad track is a
line ' ; a store a * shop * ; a hardware-man an ' ironmonger * ?
He finds no policemen here but ' cpnstables.* If he go into
a store and ask for ' boots ' he will be shown a pair of shoes
that lace or button about the ankle. There are no groceries
♦ It is worthy of notice that the pronunciation of certain vowels depends in greiu
part on the consonant which precedes, and in part also on that which follows the vowcL
Thus the u in such is often mispronounced, the u in much never, the u in Just often,
the u in musi^ lust^ and rust never, and the u va judge seldom. In Arnica " jedge*'
for ** judge " is pften heard, however. So no one ever says los for lawty but
say b^^os for because, and ^cas for ""cause*
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH. 08/
or dry-goods stores. Baggage is ' luggage ' ; a traveling-bag
is a ' grip-sack ' " (a word which I have never heard out of
America, and which I believe to be quite unknown in Eng-
land) ; " there are no trunks, but always * boxes.' A freight-
car is a ' goods-van ' ; a conductor on a 'bus or railway is a
'guard*; a street railway is a 'tramway'; a baggage-car, a
' luggage-van ' ; a pitcher is a ' jug ' ; and two and a half pence
is 'tuppence 'apenny.' A sovereign is a 'squid"* ('quid 'or
* couter * would be nearer the mark if we must consider slang
to be part of a language) ; " a shilling, a ' bob ' ; a sixpence, a
•tanner.*" He might conveniently have added for the in-
formation of Americans who wish to understand English
English, and of Englishmen who wish to understand American
English, that in England a biscuit is a " roll," and a cracker is
a " biscuit."
Now, all this, unless it'is intended for an elaborate (and ex-
ceedingly feeble) joke, is absurd on the face of it. To begin
with, it would be difficult to find any authority in the works
of Macaulay, or the other writers named, for street sprinkler,
hardware-man, groceries and dry-goods stores, trjiveling bags,
freight-cars, and street-railways. But, apart from this, nearly
all the words to which Mr. Wilkie objects are much older and
better English than those which Americans have substituted
For instance, the word " shop " is found in English writings
as far back as the fourteenth century, whereas " store " has
never been used in the American sense by any English
writer of repute. Manifestly, too, the word store, which has
a wider meaning, and has had that meaning for centuries, is
not suitably applied to a shop, which is but one particular
kind of store. There can be very little doubt that originally
Americans substituted the word " store " for " shop," for
much the same reason that many shopkeepers in England
choose to call their shop a warehouse, or an emporium, or a
mart, or by some-equally inappropriate name. Again, baggage
and luggage are both good English ; but on the whole the
^^
688^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
word luggage is more suitable than baggage, for goods which
have to be conveyed by train or carriage (one may say that
baggage is the statical, luggage the dynamical, name for the
traveler's impedimenta). Unquestionably there is good au-
thority, and that too in old authors, for the use of both terms.
Of course we have trunks in England, despite Mr. Wilkie's
assertion to the contrary ; we have boxes also ; very few
Americans can tell offhand, and many do not know, the real
distinction between a trunk and a box ; just as few^, either in
England or America, know the distinction between a house
and a mansion. Freiglit-car is a good word enough,— the
freight half of it being better than the other, for the word
car is not properly applied to a van ; but goods-van is in all
respects better: "freight" is a technical term, "goods"
every one understands, and " van " is a better word than " car."
The word "boot," again, i^ properly applied to any foot-
covering (outside the sock or stocking) which comes above
the instep and ankle.
Turning from trivialities such as these, let us now note
some points in which English and American speakers and
writers of culture differ from each other, — first as to the use
of certain words, and, secbndly, as to certain modes of expres-
sion.
In America the word " clever " is commonly understood to
mean pleasant and of good disposition, not (as in England)
ingenious and skillful. Thus, though an Am'erican may speak
of a person as a clever workman, using the word as we dor
yet when he speaks of another as a clever man he means in
nine cases out of ten that the man is good company and well
natured. Sometimes, I am told, the word is used to signify
generous or liberal. I cannot recall any passages from early
English literature in which the word is thus used, but F should
not be surprised to learn that the usage is an old one.* In
* I have been told by an American literary man that twenty years ago the wocd
** clever *' in America always meant pleasant and bright, whereas it is now f^enciaHy
used as in England. But in the West it generally bears the former sense.
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH, 689
like manner the words "cunning '* and "cute " are often used
in America for " pretty (German niedlich)." As I write, an
American lady , Who has just played a very sweet passage from
one of Mozart's s5rmphonies, turns from the piano to ask
whether that passage is not cute, meaning pretty.
The word " mad " in America seems nearly always to mean
"angry " ; at least, I have seldom heard it used in our English
sense. For "mad," as we use the word, Americans say
"crazy." Herein they manifestly impaired the language.
The words " mad " and " crazy " are quite distinct in their
significance as used in England, and both meanings require
to be expressed in ordinary parlance. It is obviously a mis-
take to make one word do duty for both, and to use the word
" mad " to imply what is already expressed by other and more
appropriate words.
I have just used the word "ordinary " in the English sense.
In America the word is commonly used to imply inferiority.
An "ordinary actor," for instance, is a bad actor; a "very
ordinary man " is a man very much below par. There is no
authority for this usage in any English writer of repute, and
the usage is manifestly inconsistent with the derivation of
the word. On the other hand, the use of the word " homely "
to imply ugliness, as is usual in America, is familiar at this
day in parts of England, and could be justified by passages in
some of the older English writers. That the word in
Shakespeare's time implied inferiority is shown by the line —
Home>keeping youths have ever homely wits.
In like manner, some authority may be found for the Ameri-
can use of the word " ugly " to signify bad-tempered.
Words are used in America which have ceased to be com-
monly used in England, and are, indeed, no longer regarded
as admissible. Thus, the word "unbeknown," which no
educated Englishman ever uses, either in speaking or in
writing, is still used in America in common speech and by
writers of repute. Thus, in Harper's Monthly for May, 1881
690 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE, ■
(whose editors are well-known literary men), I find, at page
884, the following sentenceln a story called "The Unexpected
Parting ofthe Bsazley Twins," — " While baiting Lottie's hook,
as they sat together on a log on the water's bank, he told
her, almost unbeknown to himself, the state of his feelings.'*
Occasionally, writers from whom one would expect at least
correct grammar make mistakes which in England would be
regarded as very bad — mistakes which are not, indeed, passed
over in America, but still attract less notice than in England.
Thus, Mr. Wilkie, who is so severe On English English in
" Sketches beyond the Seas,*' describes himself as saying (in
reply to the question. Whether Chicago policemen have to
use their pistols much), " I don't know as they have to as a
matter of law or necessity, but I know that they do as a
matter of fact," and I have repeatedly heard this incorrect
use of "as" for "that "in American conversation. I have
also noted in works by educated Americans the use of the
"that" as an adverb, "that excitable," "that headstrong,"
and so forth. So the use of " lay " for " lie " seems to me to
be much commoner in America than in England, though it is
too frequently heard here also. In a well-written novelette
called "The Man who was not a Colonel," the words — " You
was " and " Was you ? " are repeatedly used, apparently with-
out any idea that they are ungraramatical. They are much
more frequently heard in America than in England (I refer,
of course, to the conversation of the middle and better classes,
not of the uneducated). In this respect it is noteworthy that
the writers of the last century resemble Americans of to-day ;
for we often meet in their works the incorrect usage in ques-
tion.
And here it may be well to consider the American expres-
sion " I guess," which is often made the subject-of ridicule by
Englishmen, unaware of the fact that the expression is good
old English. J+ is found in a few works written during the
last century, and in many written during the seventeenth cen-
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH, 69 1
tury. So careful a writer as Locke used the expression more
than once in his treatise " On the Human Understanding.'*
In fact, the disuse of the expression in later times seems to
have been due to a change in the meaning of the word
" guess." An Englishman who should say " I guess " now,
would not mean what Locke did when he used the expression
in former times, or what an American means when he uses it '
in our own day. We say, " I guess that riddle," or " I guess
what you mean," signifying that we think the answer to the
riddle or the meaning of what we may have heard may be
such and such. But when an American says, " I guess so,-' he
does not mean " I think it may be so," but. more nearly " I
know it to be so." The expression is closely akin to the old
English saying, " I wis." Indeed, the words " guess " and
'* wis " are simply different forms of the same word. Just as
we have "guard" and "ward," "guardian" and "warden,"
" Guillaume " and " William/' "guichet " and "wicket," etc.,
so have we the verbs to " guess " and to " wis : " (in the Bible
we have not " I wis " but we have " he wist ")r " I wis " means
nearly the same as " I know," and that this is the root mean-
ing of the word is shown by such words as " wit," "witness,**
" wisdom," the legal phrase " to wit," and so forth. "Guess "
was originally used in the same sense ; and Americans retain
that meaning, whereas in our modern English the word has
change in significance.
It may be added, that in many parts of America we find the
expression " I guess " replaced by " I reckon " and " I calcu-
late " (the " I cal'late " of the Biglow Papers). In the South,
** I reckon " is generally used,* and in parts of New England
" I calculate," though (I am told) less commonly than of yore.
It is obvious from the use of such words as "reckon" and
" calculate " as equivalents for " guess " that the expression
* The first time I heard this expression it was used in a short sentence singularly
full of Southern (or perhaps rather negro) phraseology. I asked a negro driver at
the Louisville station or depot (pronounced depoe) how far it was to the Gait House,
to which he replied,. " A right smart piece y I reckon,^ ^
6g2 THE URRARY MAGAZINE,
** I guess " is not, as many seem to imagine, equivalent to the
English " I suppose *' and " I fancy." An American friend of
minp, in response to the question by an Englishman (an
exceedingly positive and dogmatic person, as it chanced),
"Why do Englishmen never say 'I gtiess?'" replied (more
wittily than justly), "Because they are always so positive
abaut everything." But it is noteworthy that whereas the
American says frequently, " I guess," meaning " I know," the
Englishman as freely lards his discourse with the expression,
" You know," which is, perhaps, more modest. Yet, on the
other side, it may be noted, that the " downcast " Aroericstn
often uses the expression " I want to know," in the same
sense as our English expression of attentive interest, " In-
deed!"
Among other familiar Americanisms may be mentioned the
following : —
An American who is interested in a narrative or statement
will say "Is that so?" or simply "So!" The expression
"Possible!" is sometimes, but not often, heard. Dickens
misunderstood this exclamation as equivalent to " It is pos-
sible, but does not concern me ; " whereas in reality it is equiv-
alent to the expression " Is it possible ? " I have occasionally
heard the exclamation " Do tell ! " but it is less frequently
heard now than of yore.
The word "right " is more frequently used than in England,
and is used also in senses different from those underst;ood 4n
our English usage of the word. Thus, the American will say
" right here " and " right there;" where an Englishman would
say " just here " or " just there," or simply " here " or " there."
Americans say " right away " where we say " directly." On
the other hand, I am inclined to think that the English
expression "right well " for " very well " is not commonly
used in America.
Americans say "yes, sir," and " no, sir." with a sense diffeco
ent from that with which the words are used in England ; Iml
ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN ENGLISH, 693
they mark the difference of sens^ byva difference of intona-
tion. Thus, if a question is asked to which the reply in Eng-
land would be simply " yes ** or " no '* (or, according, to the
rank or station of the querist, " yes, sir," or " no, sir "), the
American reply would be " yes, sir," or " no, sir," intonated as
with us in England^ But if the reply is intended to be
emphatic, then the intonation is such as to throw the em-
phasis on the word " sir," — the reply is " yes, j/r," or " no,
j/r." In passing, I may note that I have never heard an Am-
erican waiter reply " yessir," as our English waiters do.
The American use of the word " quit " is peculiar. They
do not limit the word, as we do, to the signification "take
leave" — in fact, I have never heard an American use the
word in that sense. They generally use it as equivalent to
* " leave off" or '* stop." (In passing, one may notice as rather
strange the circumstance that the word " quit," which prop-
erly means " to go away from,V and the word " stop," which
means to "stay," should both have come to be used as signi-
fying to " leave off.") Thus Americans say " quit fooling " for
"leave off playing the fool," "quit singing," "quit laughing/'
and so forth.
To English ears an American use of the word "some"
sounds strange — viz., as an adverb. An American will say,
** I think some of buying a new house," or the like, for " I
have some idea of buying," etc. I have indeed heard the
usage defended as perfectly correct, though assuredly there
is not an instance in all the wide range of English literature
which will justify it.
So, also, many Ameticans defend as good English the use
of the word "good" in such phrases as the following: "I
have written that note good," for " well " ; " that will make
you feel good," for " that will do you good " ; and in other
wayis, all equally incorrect. Of course, there are instances in
which adjectives are allowed by custom to be used as adverbs,
as, for instance, " right " for " rightly," etc. ; but there can be
694 THE LI BRA R V MA GAZINE.
no reason for substituting the adjective " gfood " in place of
the adverb "well," which is as short a word, and at least
equally euphonious. The use of " real " for " really," as " real
angry," "real nice;" is, of course, grammatically indefensi-
ble.
The word " sure " is often used for " surely " in a somewhat
singular way, as in the following sentence from " Sketches
beyond the Sea," in which Mr. Wilkie is supposed to be quot-*
ing a remark made by an English policeman : " If policemen
went to shooting in this country, there would be some hang-
ing, sure ; and not wholly among the classes that would be
shot at, either." (In passing, note that the word " either " is
never pronounced eyether in America, but always eetker^
whereas in EJngland we seem to use eithejr pronunciation
indifiFerently.)
An American seldom uses the word " stout " to signify " fat,"
saying generally "fleshy." Again, for our English word
" hearty," signifying '* in very good health," an American will
sometimes employ the singularly inappropriate word " rug-
ged." (It corresponds pretty nearly with our word " rude " —
equally inappropriate in the expression ** rude health.")
The use of the word " elegant " for " fine " strikes English
ears as strange. For instance, if you say to an American,
"This is a fine morning," he is likely to reply, "It is an ele-
gant morning," or perhaps oftener by using simply the word
" Elegant." It is not a pleasing use of the word.
There are some Americanisms which seem more than de-
fensible— in fact, grammatically more correct than our Eng-
lish usage. Thus, we seldom hear in America the redundant
word "got" in such expressions as " I have got," etc. Where
the word would not be redundant, it is yet generally replaced
by the more euphonious word " gotten," now scarcel)'- ever
heard in England. Yet, again, we often hear in America such
expressions as " I shall get me a :
me a dress." " I must buy me that,*'
•• me " forj; myself " is good old En^lii
e often hear in America such
L new book," " I iiave gotten
:," and the like. This use of J
English, at any rate. ' J
^ DOGS OF LITEA TURE, 695
I have been struck by the circumstance that neither the
conventional, but generally very absurd, American of our
English novelists, nof the conventional, but at least equally
absurd. Englishman of American novelists, is made to employ
the more delicate Americanisms or Anglicisms. We gener-
ally find the American " guessing " or " calculating," if not
even more coarsely Yankee, like Readers "Joshua Fullalove " ;
while the Englishman of American novels is almost always
very coarsely British, even if he is not represented as using
what Americans persist in regarding as the true "Henglish
haccent." Where an American is less coarsely drawn, as
Trollope's *' American Senator," he uses expressions which
no American ever uses, and none of those - Americanisms
which, while more delicate, are in reality more characteristic,
because they are common, all Americans using them. And
in like manner, when an American writer introduces an Eng-
lishman of the more natural sort, he never makes him speak
as an Englishman would speak ; before half-a-dozen sen-
tences have been uttered, he uses some expression which is
purely American. Thus, no Englishman ever uses, and an
American may be recognized at once by using, such expres-
sions as "I know it," or " That's so," for " It is true " ; by say-
ing " Why, certainly." for " Certainly," and so forth. There
are a great number of these^ slight but characteristic peculiar-
ities of American and English English.
Richard A. Proctor, in the Gentleman's Magazine.
DOGS OF LITERATUR.
Ci-git qui fut toujours sensible, doux, fidele.
Et, jusques au tombeau, des amis le modele.
II ne me quitte pas quand je perdis mon bien.
— C'etait un homme unique ! — Helas ! c'etait mon chien.
Epitapke d' un A mi\ par Edmond Dallibr.
" Epitaph on a pet, in a pet ! " and " Cynical ! " are the ex-
clamations which, in spite of the unpardonal)le punning, rise
6g6 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
unbidden to our lips as we reach the concluding word of our
Byronic quotation. And the sentiment embraces just as
much truth as is commonly wrapped up in sentiments that
are cynical. Like our own pessimist Crabbe, when with sim-
ilar poetic license he pictures the dog —
Tie only creature faithful to the end —
Dallier is using the teeth of the " friend of maa " for the pur-
pose of snapping at humanity ; making capital out of canine
fidelity at the expense of thos^ who had doubtless found it
hard enough to be true to him in spite of his poetic irritabil-
ity; and allowing his real grief for the death of his favorite
to rise to fictitious mountains which fall on and cover all
remembrance of past faithfulness and truth. But perhaps
we are too hard on the peculiar poet nature, " Man is the
god of the dog," sa5rs Bacon, and it may be that the dog
responds, with less variableness than any other living being,
to that craving for worship which is not least innate in
" nature's worshiper." The poet is no Actaeon ; his darlii^
thoughts are not torn in pieces by the carping Criticisnr of
his own hounds ; he himself is not " done to death by " their
" slanderous tongues." Is he sensitive, choleric, revengeful ?
Then, as says Dr. John Brown, he may " kick his dog instead .
of some one else who would not take it so meekly, and, more-
over, would certainly not, as he does, ask your pardon for
being kicked." He may read the "Scotch Reviewers " and
thank heaven for his dog. But such deductions from the
poetic and literary nature must not be pressed; these un-
hinged intervals, when choler smothers affection, and the
man is not master of his actions, must, even in p>oets, be rare ;
for, to judge from the investigations which I have made into
the history of the subject, the record of literary men and
women who have experienced and reciprocated the devotion
of their dogs, would furnish a material contribution to the
"many books" of the making of which "there is no end:"
nor.
DOGS OF LIBRA TURE. 69/
Had I e'en a hundred tongues,
A hundred mouths, and iron lungs,
could I venture to recite the innumerable passages in which
well-known writers have used their pen to the glory of
The joy, the solace, and the aid of man.
Seldom, indeed, do we light upon any revelation of antipa-
thy. Macaulay, however, seems to have been bored as much by
a dog as by a bad listener, or by any person or thing that aided
and abetted bad listening. His definition of a dog as " an
animal that only spoiled conversation " is quite characteristic
of that eminent and, withal, monopolizing talker, who would
most unreservedly have indorsed the parody, " One man's
pet is another man's nuisance." But Goethe's feelings had
passed the bounds of boredom ; dogs were an abhorrence to
him ; their barking drove him to distraction. Mr. Lewes tells
us of the poet's troubles as theatrical manager at Weimar,
when the cabal against him had craftily persuaded the Duke
Carl August, whose fondness for dogs was as remarkable as
Goethe's aversion to them, to invite to his capital the comedian
Karsten and his poodle, which had been performing, amid the
enthusiastic acclamations of Paris and Germany, the leading
part in the melodrama of " The Dog of Montargis." Goethe,
being apprised of this project, haughtily replied : " One of our
theater regulations stands, * No dogs admitted on the stage ' ;"
and thus dismissed the subject. But the invitation had already
gone, and the dog arrived. After the first rehearsal Groethe
gave His Highness the choice between the dog and His
Highness's then stage manager ; and the Duke, angry at his
opposition, severed a long friendship by a most offensive
letter of dismissal. He quickly, however, came to his senses,
and, repenting of his unworthy petulance, wrote to the poet
in a most conciliatory tone ; but, though the cloud passed
away, no entreaty could ever induce Groethe to resume his
post. Alfred de Musset's dislike of dogs was intensified by
unfortunate experience, for twice in his life a dog had gone
^8 ' THE LIBRAE V MA GA ZINE,
near to wreck his prospects : once, when, at a royal hunting
party, he blunderingly shot Louis Philippe's favorite pointer;
and again, when, as a candidate for the Academy, he was pay-
ing the customary visit of ceremony to an influential Immor-
tal. Just as he rang at the chateau gate, an ugly, muddy
welp rushed joyously and noisily to greet him, fawning upon
the poet's new and dainty costume. Reluctant to draw
any distinction of courtesy, at such a time, between the
Academician and his dog, he had no alternative but to
accept the slimy caresses, and the escort of the animal into
the salon. The embarrassment of his host he accounted for
by the barely defensible behavior of his pet, but when the
dog, having followed them into the dining-room, placed two
muddy paws upon the cloth and seized the wing of a cold
chicken, De Musset's suppressed wrath found relief in the
re^^.rved suggestipn — " You are fond of dogs, I see." " Fond
of r^gs!" echoed the Academician, "I hate dogs." "But
this animal he#!" ventured De Musset. "I have borne
with the beast," was the reply, " only because it is yours."
" Mine ? " cried the poet, " I thought it was yours, which was
all that prevented me from killing him ! " The two men
shouted with laughter; De Musset gained a friend; but the
dog and his kind an enemy more bitter than before.
Mr. Tennyson, again, is one of the few national poets whose
writings exhibit a striking absence of any tribute to the dog,
or indeed of any reference that is not merely passing. Take,
for instance, the brief allusion to Cavall, in his " Enid/' when
Queen Guinevere is listening for the baying of "King
Arthur's hound of deepest mouth." But the aiigument from
silence goes for nothing save to remind us that Mr. Tennyson
is essentially the poet of the deeper thoughts and intents of
the human heart.
Such exceptions, however, only bring into prominence the
rule that the majority of our masters in literature, and our
poets almost to a man, have ma3e dogs their personal friends
jk:-ii
DOGS OF LITERA TURE, ' 699
in real life, in fiction, or ii;i both. Facile princeps, among stich
true dog-fanciers reigns Sir Walter Scott. So great a fas-
cination did he exercise over dumb creatures, that even
strange dogs in the Edinburgh streets used to pay him hom-
age. Mr. Carlyle relates how a ** little Blenheim Cocker,"
*' one of the smallest, beautifullest, and tiniest of dogs," with
which he Was well acquainted — a dog so shy that it would
"crouch towards its mistress, and draw back with angry
timidity if any one did but look at him admiringly " — once
met in the street "a tall, singular, busjMooking man," who
was halting by, and running towards him began " fawning,
frisking, licking at his feet, and every time he saw Sir Walter
afterwards in Edinburgh, he repeated his demonstration of
delight.* The genius of him that set a catalogue of ships to
music would be needful in order to give, in attractive detail,
the names, description, and history of Scott*s canine associates,
since
Many dogs there be.
Both mongrel, puppy, whelp and hound.
And " dandies " of degree.
Washington Irving tells us of the " whole garrison of dogs,
all open-mouthed and vociferous," that rushed out to salute
him when first the wheels of his chaise disturbed the quiet of
Abbotsford. The " very perfect, gentle knight " is a standing
refutation of Karr's aphorism*: "On n'a dans la vie qu'un
chien, com me on n'a qu'un amour." The death of a dog, it is
true, brought keen sorrow to him. "The misery of keeping
a dog," says he, " is his dying so soon ; but, to be sure, if he
lived for fifty years, and then died — ^what would become of
me ? "t When, however, a dog did die, he vowed no per-
petual widowhood, but, after a decent interval, the vacancy
was usually and often completely filled. Of all the dogs that
live, and always will live, side by side in his memory. Camp
• See Mr. Hutton's " Scott,*' in the series, " Englbh Men of Letters."
t Lockhart's " Life of Scott," has, of course, been freely consulted.
7O0 THE LIBRAR Y MA GA ZINE,
and Maida bear the palm. Camp, a large and handsome bull-
terrier, fierce as any of his race, but with children gentle as
a Iamb, Scott speaks of as " the wisest dog " he ever had : so
marvelously did he understand spoken language, that his
master used to make him an argument for the higher educa-
tion of canine potentialities. Camp once bit the baker» was
beaten accordingly, and had the enormity of the offense
explained to him ; after which he never heard the slightest
allusion to the story, whatever the voice or tone, without
retiring into the darkest corner of the room, with a look of
the direst distress. Even amid the decay of advancing age,
his^ affection and sagacity never abated ; and whenever the
servant at Ashteil, while laying the cloth for dinner, happened
to say to the dog as he lay on the mat before the fire, " Camp,
my guid fellow, the sheriff's just coming hame by the ford," or
*' by the hill," the sick animal would immediately bestir him-
self, going to the back or the front door, according to the (ii-
rection given, and dragging himself as far as he was able, to
welcome his master. During the whole of his career he was
Scott's inseparable companion in his study and in his pro-
tracted rambles by the banks of the Yarrow ; and his deport-
ment, when the rest of the kennel added numbers but not
dignity to the company, plainly showed that he held himself
to be his master's "sensible. and steady friend," in favorable
contrast to the more freakish and locomotive members of the
" following." At his funeral the whole family stood in tears
round the grave, and Mrs. Lockhart recalls how her father
smoothed down the turf above Camp with the saddest ex-
pression she had ever seen on his face. On the evening of
the dog's death Scott excused himself from a dinner engage-
ment, alleging as his apology, "The death of a dear old
friend."
But it was Maida that gave rise to the almost proverbial say-
ing of that generation, " Walter Scott and his dog." Th^
"the grandest dog ever seen on the border since the days of
DOGS OF LITERA TURK, 701
Johnnie Armstrong," was af cross between the wolf and the
deer hound, and so huge that a Yankee, who had invaded
Abbotsford to interview its owner, declared that Maida was
** pro-di-gi-ous ! " With such a creature, dignity, one would
think, "went without saying ; ** yet that Maida's dignity had a
suspicion of cant about it, and was partly aimed at the gallery
is a fact suggested by his lack of that calm restfulness which
goes far to complete a dignified demeanor. He had a rooted
objection to remaining for long in any one place or position ;
he would lie stretched at the feet of his master as he sat wri-
ting or reading in his study chair, but would move whenever
his master moved, and lay his head across his master's knees to
be caressed or fondled. Sir Adam Ferguson tells a characteris-
tic story of Maida's spirit of unrest. He was sitting with Scott
and Maida, on one occasion, in the rough, smoking study, when
Abbotsford was still in building; outside a heavy mist
shrouded the whole landscape of Tweedside, and distilled in a
cold, persistent drizzle. But in spite of external gloom and
discomfort, Maida kept fidgeting in and out of the room,
Scott exclaiming every five minutes, "Eh, Adam! the puir
brute's just wearying to get out " ; or, " Eh, Adam ! the puir
creature's just crying to come in " ; when Sir Adam would
open the door to the raw, chilly air for the wet, muddy hound's
exit or entrance, while Scott, his " face swollen with a grievous
toothache, and one hand pressed to his cheek, was writing
with the other the humorous opening chapters of the "Anti-
quary.' "*
In the Castle Street "den," Hinse of Hinsfeldt. a venerable
tomcat, fat and sleek, would generally, when Maida was in the
room, pose himself on the top of the library ladder, looking on
with a sedate interest ; but, when Maida chose to leave the party,
and his master apprised of his desire by his thumping the door
with a huge paw, "as violently as ever fashionable footman
handled a knocker in Belgravia, rose and opened it for him
* See Fanny Kemble's ''*' Reminiscences of my Girlhood.*'
702- THE LIBRAR T MA GAZINE.
with courteous alacrity, Hinse came down purring from his
perch and mounted guard by the footstool, vice Maida absent
upon furlough." But to write a life of Maida would be almost
to write a life of Scott while Maida lived — " so pleasant were
they in their lives," so intimate and tender and unbroken was
their intercourse. Often were they companions on the same
canvas, till Scott grew " as tired of the operation as old Maida,
who had been so often sketched that he got up and walked
off with signs of loathing whenever he saw an artist unfurl his
paper and handle his brushes." Maida*s likeness became so
cosmopolitan, that once upon a time a friend of Scott's picked
up, as he passed through Munich, a common snuff-box, price
one franc, with Maida for a frontispiece, and the superscrip-
tion, " Der liebling Hund von Walter Scott '* ; " in mention-
ing which," adds Scott, " I cannot suppress the avowal of
some personal vanity." While the dog was still alive, though
failing, and only now and then raising a majestic bark from be-
hind the house at Abbotsford, a statue of him was erected at
the door. Those were the days when Scott used to stroll out
in the morning to visit his "aged friend," who would "drag
his gaunt limbs forward painfully, yet with some remains of
dignity, to meet the hand and loving tone of his master," as he
condoled with him on his being " so frail." But the end came
at Jast, and Maida died quietly one evening in his straw bed,
of sheer old age and natural decay. The epitaph Lockhart
suggested over toddy and a Cigar^necessarily in Latin, be-
cause, as Scott said, Maida seemed ordained to end a hex-
ameter—
MaldsB marmorea dormis sub ima^ne, Maida,
Ad januam domini sit tibi terra levis,
and which Scott at once Englished —
Beneath the sculptured form which late you wore,
Sleep soundly, Maida, at your master's dooiy—
has been made famous not only by its subject and its authors^
but also by its false quantity. Before many hours it became
DOGS OF LITERATURE. 703
permanent in stone, and having been likewise printed, but
not accurately, by the admiring Ballantyne in his newspaper,
gave rise to attack and even to defense — a defense including
moreover Ballantyne's gratuitous blunder of jaces for dermis.
Scott persisted in pleading guilty himself to janua, adopting
Johnson's apology for a veterinary mistake — " Ignorance,
pure ignorance, sir ; " and, though according all admiration to
the accurate knowledge of prosody which he had either never
acquired or had forgotten, he playfully wrote to Lopkhart
(whom he begged not " to move an inch in this coiftemptible
rumpus ") —
A fig for all dactyls, a fiz for all spondees,
A fig for all dunces and Dominie Grundys.
So much for Maida ; and if I nave seemed to linger unduly
upon this particular companion, let my excuse be given in
the words of Scott's biographer : " So died his faithful friend
and servant, Maida, the noblest and most celebrated of all his
dogs — might I not safely say, of all dogs that ever shared
the fellowship of man ? "
- Perhaps one or two of Scott's less conspicuous canine
favorites should not be altogether passed by; for example.
Spice, whose history demands a short prologue. An eccen-
tric Scotch farmer, named Jamie Davidson — ^the genuine
Dandie Dinmont, and, after the issue of " Guy Mannering,"
known by that name alone to all his neighbors — was the pro-
prietor of what Scott terms, "all the Pepper and Mustard
family." In order to balk the Inland Revenue, or for some
other reason not assigned, Dandie had but two names for his
score of dogs — "auld Pepper and auld Mustard, young Pep-
per and young Mustard, little Pepper and little Mustard," and
so on-^and when on one occasion the whole pack rushed out,
incontinently bewraying to a passing surveyor of taxes their
excess over Dandie's return, Dandie hurriedly brought up
the rear, with the exclamation — " The tae hauf o' them is but
whalps» man I " Dandie far out-Scotted Scott in submissive-
704 THE LIBRAR V MA GAZJNE.
ness and self-abnegation ; for " he b'lieves it*s only the dogs
in the bink, and no himser." Scott imitated his nomencla-
ture only so far as to " stick to the cruets " ; and Spice re-
mains to us as the most prominent member of a ' cruet" of
contemporaneous dandies, denominated Pepper, Mustard,
Spice, Ginger, Catchup, and Soy.
So intimately were Scott's dogs bound up with his life that,
when his last financial difficulties crowded upon him, and it
was for a time in his mind whether it would not be best to
sell Abbottsford, the thought of parting from "these dumb
creatures," moved him more than any other painful reflec-
tions ; and he could only hope " ther6 may yet be those who
loving me will love my dog because it has been mine."
Before he ^started as an invali<^ for Naples, one of his written
instructions referred to the management of his dogs; and
again and again, during his foreign sojourn, he gave strict,
tender, and minute injunctions to Laidlaw, his steward, to be
" very careful of the poor people and the dogs." He was
always thinking of them. It was during this last hopeless
journey that he spoke to the large Danish hound whick,
stranger though he was, fawned upon him at ihe Castle of
Bracclano, of his " fitness as an accompaniment to such a
castle"; but that he himself had "larger dogs at home,
though, may be, not so good-natured to sttrangers." It was
in Naples, too, where Sir William Gell's huge dog used to be
fondled by Scott, and talked to, and informed of the " dogs he
had at home " ; while he would confide to Sir William how he
had " two very fine favorite dogs, Nimrod and Bran" — " so laiige
that I am always afraid they look too large and too feudal for
my diminished income." And it was his dogs who, as the last
days drew near, came round his chair and began to fondle him
and lick his hands, while their dying master smiled or sobbed
over |;hem. " L'ami des chiens," par excellence, was Sir Wal*
ter Scott in the world of letters.
The ruling passion transferred the portraits of Scott's favo**
DOGS OF LITERA TURE, ' 70S
tes to the pages of romance and poetry. There is not a novel or
a poem, among his chief compositions, where " the inevitable
dog," in the best sense, is not instinctively allotted a place
sometimes as almost the central figure of the story; always
touched in with the loving and admiring hand of one to whom
the thought of a dog was second nature. As Adolphus re-
marked in his " Letters on the Authorship of Waverley,"
wherever it is possible for a dog to contribute to the effect of
a scene, we find there the very dog that is required, in his proper
place and attitude. " Woodstock " would be shorn of half its
glory if it were robbed of Be vis, the favorite hound of the cava-
lier. Sir Henry Lee, and the protector, tractable as bold, of his
fair daughter Alice ; always present to help when help was most
required. In the large wolf-dog, a mastiff in strength, al/nost
a greyhound in form and fleetness," when the story begins —
when the story ends " his eyes dim, his joints stiff, his head
slouched down, and his gallant carriage and graceful motions
exchanged for a stiff rheumatic hobbling gait," living still, as
it seemed, only to lie at his master's feet and raise his head
now and again to look on him — Scott has reproduced our old
friend Maida. Sir Kenneth's title to be hero of the ** Talis-
man" may be fairly disputed by his stag-hound, Roswal—
guardian, almost to the death, of the English standard, when
Sir Kenneth had been beguiled by the dwarf from his post on
St. George's Mount ; and the detector of the treacherous Con-
rade when all the Christian princes swept in long review and
unconscious ordeal before Richard and Roswal in his master's
leash : a dog which Scott has borrowed last, but not least
" nobly," from the stock of primitive Aryan tradition, and
which has found its counterpart in the dog of Montargis, the
dog of the old knight Sir Roger, in the story of Sir Triamour ;
and in other heroic dogs of earlier and later romance. Gurth,
the faithful herdsman of " Ivanhoe," would seem only half
himself without the inseparable Fangs, the ragged and wolfish-
looking lurcher, half mastiff, half greyhound, who is presented
L. M. — 23
706 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE,
to us at one time in the midst of his ludicrously misdirected
efforts' to second Gurth in collecting his~ refractory grunters ;
and, at another time, as he flies wounded and howling from
the presence of the wrathful Cedric, leaving Gurth more in
sorrow for the injury done to his faithful. adherent than for the
unmerited gyves on his own limbs, while in moody helpless-
ness he appeals surreptitiously to Wamba to "wipe his eyes
with the skirt of his mantle, for the dust offended him." And
who but a student of dogs could have told us how Juno —
though usually holding her master the Antiquary much in
awe— on one occasion, while the Antiquary was in full decla-
mation of " Weave the warp, and weave the woof," peeped
several times into the room, and, encountering nothing for-
bidding in his aspect, at length presumed to introduce her
whole person; and, finally becoming bold by impunity,
actually ate up Mr. Oldbuck's toast; subsequently, to the
accompaniament of a shake of Mr. Oldbuck's fist, and the
gibe, " Thou type of womankind ! '* scouring out of the parlor ?
But a whole paper would hardly suffice to give a worthy
account of all these friends of Sir Walter's imagination. The
jealous Wolf, the staghound of Avenel Castle, so resentful of
the love of his childless mistress for the little Roland whom
he had saved from drowning ; Wasp, the rough terrier, the
plucky, watchful alter ego of Harry Bertram in his perilous
wanderings and imprisonment ; Yarrow, the sheep dog, whom
Dinmont was "hounding in his dreams" — "Hoy, Yarrow,
man — far yaud — far yaud" — when Warp's ominous barkmg
was waking the echoes of Bertram's cell, and compelling the
angry challenge of the jailer's deep-mouthed Tear'em in
the courtyard below ; Plato, whose howling provoked Col-
onel Manne ring's somewhat testy reminder that an Academic
was not a Stoic, when the bungling ecstacy of Dominie
Sampson had spilt the scalding tea upon the favorite span-
iel; Hobbie Elliot's Kilbuck, the deer greyhound Unl
erroneously fixed his fangs in the throat of the dwmifs.
DOGS OF LITER A TURE. / 70/
she-goat, and thereby put himself and Hobbie in bodily
fear from the dwarfs dagger ; Captain Clutterbuck's
dog that quizzed him when he missed a bird ; Fitz-James's
hounds returning " sulky " from a bootless chase, or swim-
ming " with whimpering cry " behind their master's boat ;
the English deerhound that flew right "furiouslie" at the
young Buccleuch ; Lord Ronald's deerhounds, "* with shiver-
ing limbs and stifled growl " in the haunted forest of Glen-
finlas; Cedric's "greyhounds and slowhounds and terriers,
impatient for their supper, but, with the sagacious knowledge
of physiognomy peculiar to their race, forbearing to intrude
' upon the moody silence of their master " — Balder, the grisly
"wolf-dog, alone venturing to presume upon his privileged in-
timacy, but being repelled with a " Down, Balder, down ! I am
not in a humor for foolery"; the Branksome staghounds
" urging in dreams the forest race " ; Ban and Bauscar, the
deerhounds so pathetically inspired to the chase by the sweet
singing of Daft Davie Gellatley ; Stumah, " poor Stumah " !
the chief mourner at the bier when his master Duncan is laid
out for burial at Duncraggan \ " Brave Lufra,"
whom from Douglas's side
Nor bribe nor threat could e'er divide.
The fleetest hound in all the North ;
— ^all these and many more give Scott scope for some of his
happiest and most natural touches, but must be passed by
with a mere allusion.
The name of Byron suggests to us at once his dog Boat-
swain. But Boatswain was not alone ; the Newfoundland had
one or two smaller satellites, which through his master and
himself have become historical. A finely formed and fero-
cious bull-mastiff. Nelson by name, was his contemporary and
his relentless foe, being jealous of the precedence which Boat-
swain enjoyed. When the muzzle, with which it was usually
deemed advisable to " fence " Nelson's teeth, was exception-
ally remitted, dog met dog without a moment's delay ; and we
708 THE LIBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
are told how, morq than once during the stay of Byron and
Moore at a Harrogate hotel, the two friends, the valet (Frank)
and all the waiters that could be found, were vigorously
engaged in parting them ; a consummation only attained as a
rule by thrusting poker and tongues into the mouth of each.
But one day Nelson slipped his guard, and, escaping from
Byron's room unmuzzled, fastened upon the tiiroat of a horse
with a grip that would not be gainsayed. Away went the
stable-boys for Frank, who, seizing one of his/ lordship's pis-
tols, always kept in his room ready loaded, solved the knot
with a bullet through poor Nelson's brain, to the deep sorrow
of his bereaved master. But Byron's devotion to dogs was
centered mainly in Boatswain, a dog whom he has immortal-
ized in verse, and by whose side it was his solemn purpose,
expressed in his will of 1811, as Moore tells us, to be buried.
Byron appears to have been won, not merely by Boatswain's
unusual intelligence, but by his noble generosity of spirit, both
of which endowments come out in the story recorded of his
relations to Gilpin, Mrs. Byron's fox-terrier. Lest Boatswain's
unceasing assaults and worryings should finally make Gilpin's
existence impossible, the terrier was transferred to a tenant at
Newstead ; and, on the departure of Byron for Cambridge,
Boatswain, with two other dogs, was intrusted to a servant
till his master's return. One morning, to the dismay of the
servant. Boatswain disappeared, and a whole day's anxious
search did not avail to find him; at length, however, as even-
ing came on, in walked the stray dog, with Gilpin at his side,
whom he forthwith " led to the kitchen fire, licking him and
lavishing upon him every demonstration of joy. He had been
all the way to Newstead to fetch him, and, having now estab-
lished his former foe under the roof once more, agreed so
perfectly well with him ever after, that he even protected him
from the insults of other dogs, a task which the quarrelsome-
ness of the little terrier rendered no sinecure ; and if he but
heard Gilpin's voice in distress, would fly instantly to the res-
DOGS OF LITERA TURE. 7C9
cue." At Newstead Abbey Byron would often fall out of his
boat, as if by accident, into the water, whereupon Boatswain
would immediately plunge in, seize him and drag him ashore.
Boatswain's tomb is a conspicuous object at the Abbey, and
the inscription in verse is well-known, with the misanthropi-
cal bitterness of its opening couplets, and with its pathetic and
characteristic conclusion :
Ye who perchance behold this simple urn,
Pass on, it honors none you wish to mourn ;
To mark a frieud^s remains these stones arise
I never knew but one — and here he lies.
The prose epitaph, not so widely known, may perhaps be
quoted more fully : " Near this spot are deposited the remains
of one who possessed beauty without vanity, strength with-
out insolence, courage without ferocity, and all the virtues of
man without his vices. This praise, which would be unmean-
ing flattery if inscribed over human ashes, is but a just tribute
to the memory of — Boatswain, a dog."
J>Io man who went not " in and out " with his dog could
have written " The Twa Dogs." The poem is, first of all, a
tribute to Luath, Burns's favorite collie, who had been wan-
tonly killed on the night when the poet's father died; but
even the imaginary Caesar — " name of Scotland's dogs," and
" keep it for his honor's pleasure," — is drawn with the hand of
a lover; for though, as "the gentleman and scholar," he "was
o* high degree."
The fient a pride — ^nae pride had he ;
'But wad hae spent an hour caressin*
Ev'n with a tinkler-gipsy *s messin'.*
At kirk or market, mill or smiddie,
Nae tawted* tyke, though e*er sae duddie^t
But he wad stan*t as glad to see him.
Luath^ on the other hand,
was a plowman's collie.
A rhyming, ranting, raving billie,|
Wha for his friend an' comrade had him,
An' in his freaks had Luath ca'd him
♦ Small dog. * Matted. t Ragged, dowdy. % Companion,
712 . THE LIBRAE Y MA G4ZINE,
and has bequeathed to us. He belonged to Roderick, the
last king of the Visigoths, who, having escaped in the guise
of a peasant from the battlefield where he had been defeated
by Count Julian and his Moorish allies, returned to his shat-
tered kingdom after a hermit life of twenty years. Theron
alone knew him.yet not even he at once, but only after eying
him long and wistfully did he recognize at length,
Changed as he was, and in those sordid weeds.
His royal master. And he rose and licked
His withered hand, and earnestly looked up
With eyes whose human meaning did not need
The aid of speech ; and moaned as if at once
. To court and chide the long withheld caress.
The unrecognized king, withdrawing from the painful and
ineffectual interview with Florinda and Russilla his mother,
retired, followed by the dog,
Into the thickest grove ; there yielding way
To his o'erburthcncd nature, f rOm all eyes
Apart, he cast himself upon the ground
And threw his arms around the dog, and cried,
While tears streamed down : " Thou, Theron, thou hast known
Thy poor lost master— Theron, none but thou ! '*
Consciously or unconsciously Southey must have repro-
duced in some degree Argus, the friend of Ulysses, and of
Homer too. But with Argus there was no delay : straight-
way, after a like separation of twenty years.
He knew his lord — he knew, and strove to meet ;
In vain he strove to crawl, and kiss his feet ;
Yet (all he could) his tail, his ears, hb eyes.
Salute his master and confess his joys.
Sof* pity touched the mighty master's soul;
Adown his cheek a tear unbidden stole.
And the tenderness of the poet is nowhere rnore contagious
than when he goes on to tell how Argus, taking this last look
at his master, there and then let life ebb quietly away.
The nervous melancholy of Cowper found in dumb com-
panions a constant source of relief, and the debt he owed to
his sprightly spaniel Beau was no trifling one. The graceful
poem which has given Beau a lasting fame, though of no
great intrinsic merit, serves to bring Cowper within oar
DOGS OF LITER A TURE. 713
favored pale. The poet and his spaniel walking by the side
of the Ouse on a soft, shady summer's day — the spaniel, now *
** wantoning among the flags and reeds," now almost keeping
pace with the swallows "o*er the meads," now marking "with
fixt considerate face " the unsuccessful pains of his master to
reach a water-lily that " he wished his own,'* and setting his
" puppy brains to comprehend the case " ; and, at last, on their
return from the ramble, spying the lily once more, and, after
a plunge into the stream, dropping "the treasure'* at the
poet's feet — all makds a very pretty picture, and gives us an
unerring insight into the love of Cowper for his dog.
Pope, too, was a man of dogs. Every one will recall the
inscription on the collar of the dog presented by him to
Frederick, Prince of Wales —
I am his Highnesses dog at Kew ;
Pray tell me, sir, whose dog are you ?
The feeling thrown into the translation from Homer which
we have quoted above, would almost stand sponsor for his
appreciation of canine faithfulness and affection ; but we
have a real friend of Pope always with us. His dog Bounce
survives, associated, it is true, chiefly with an epitaph, yet the
epitaph speaks volumes. " O rare Bounce," firsi proposed
by Pope as a multUm in parvo eulogium on his departed favor-
ite, was. afterwards abandoned as too obviously disrespectful
in its allusion to "O rare Ben Jonson " — the words of Shakes-
peare, which an eccentric Oxfordshire squire. Jack Young,
so called, on passing one day through Westminster Abbey,
gave a mason eighteenpence to cut on Ben Jonson's tomb —
still virgin stone on account of the tardiness of the pubh'c
subscription. Belinda's Shock, on the other hand, kindles
no enthusiasm ; but the true feeling of Pope can hardly be
looked for in a mock heroic poem like the "Rape of the
Lock," where the by-play of a grand lady's lap-dog merely
sets off the company of
Puffs, powders, patches, bibles, billets^oux.
714 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
To assert that Shakespeare drew from dogs that he pos-
sessed and loved, simply because he describes the sportsman's
comrades and pastime with such technical accuracy, would be
a perilous conclusion, considering the number of pursuits to
which his apparent omniscience has consigned him ; but,
unless tradition belies him, he has a Charlcote reputation
which tends to cumulate the evidence ; and we may therefore,
without much apprehension, rest satisfied in our instinctive
conviction that none but a friend of dogs could have ling-ered
about them as he does in the " Taming of the Shrew," where
the sporting lord Charges his huntsman to " tender well his
hounds," while master and man discuss fatigues of Merriman
and of Clowder, and the exploits of Silver and Belman and
Echo, as S5rmpathetically as if these fatigues and exploits had
been their own. Equally defensible is it to persuade ourselves
thiat Shakespeare is harking back to happy memories when
Theseus promises —
My love shall hear the music of my hounds.
And mark the musical confusion
Of hounds and echo in conjunction.
And when Hippolyta recalls the " gallant chiding ** of the
hounds of Sparta, baying the bear in a wood of Crete, and
making the groves,
The skies, the fountains, every region near.
Seem all one mutual cry : I never heard
So musical a discord, such sweet thunder.
Again, it is Shakespeare, so to say, who, in Theseus's reply,
revels in the beauty of his hounds : —
Their heads are hung
With ears that sweep away the morning dew ;
Crook-knee'd, and dew-lapp'd like Thessalianrtmlls ;
Slow in pursuit, but match'd in mouth like bells
Each under each. A cry more tuneable
Was never holla*d to nor cheer'd with horn
In Crete, in Sparta, nor in Thessaly.
In the "Two Gentlemen of Verona," Launce supplies an xx\~
stance of dog-love run wild. ** To this silly semi-brute fellow "
says Gervinus, " who sympathises with his beast almost more
DOGS OF LITER A TURE, 715
than with men, his dog is his best friend." Their communion
and fellowship is so human that Launce is seriously hurt, and
indites Crab as " the sourest dog that lives," as " a stone, a
very pebble stone," and " with no more pity than a dog," be-
cause (he adds) " my mother weeping, my father wailing, my
sister crying, our maid howling, our cat wringing her hands,
and all our house in great perplexity, yet did not this cruel-
hearted cur shed a tear'; but see how I lay the dust
with my tears ! " And all this in spite of the fact that many
a time and ott Launce had sacrificed everything to Crab — had
even taken his faults upon him and submitted to stripes in
his stead. Can we doubt that a real feeling lay at the founda- ^
tion of this extravaganza, in which the force of dog-love could
no further go. ^
Smollett must have had many a merry chuckle as he de-
veloped the biography of Chowder in " Humphry Clinker."
Chowder, " a filthy cur from Newfoundland " (according to
the unsympathetic description of Jeremiah Melford), was the
treasure of Miss Tabitha Bramble, who having, in the opinion
of the same correspondent, "distinguished this beast with her
favor on account of his ugliness and ill-nature, if it was not
indeed an instinctive sympathy between his disposition and
her own caressed him without ceasing, and even
harassed the family in his service." Most whimsical is the
status of profound importance which Chowder holds in the
letters of Tabitha and her Malapropian servants — with their
detailed instructions concerning Chowder's ailments, his
medicines, and his treatment — their deep distress when he is
ill, their devout thankfulness on his recovery. For example,
Jenkins, in attendance upon the Brambles at the Bath waters,
writes to Molly Jones, the housekeeper at Brambleton Hall,
\n this strain : " As for house news, the worst is Chowder has
lan^.allen off greatly from his stomick : he eats nothing but white
^P' neats, and not much of that, and wheezes, and seems to be
tiDiJi^kiuch bloated. The doctor thinks he is threatened with a
7 1 6 THE LIBRAE Y MA GA ZJNE,
dropsy. Parson Marrofat, who has got the same disorder,
finds great benefit from the waters; but Chowder seems to
like them no better than the squire ; and mistress says, if his
ca^e dont take a favorable turn, she will certainly carry him
to Aberga'nny, to drink of goats'-whey." Elsewhere Mrs.
Jones is informed by the same writer : — " We have been all in
a sad taking here in Glostar. Miss Liddy had like to have
run away with a player-man, and young master and he would
adone themselves a mischief ; but the squire applied to the
mare, and they were bound over But what was worse
than all this. Chowder has had the misfortune to be worried
by a butcher's dog, and came home in a terrible pickle.
Mistress was taken with the asterisks ; but they soon went
off. The doctor was sent for to Chowder, and he subscribed
a repository, which did him great service. Thank God, he's
now in a fairway to do well." Whenever the dog appears^ —
whether as sitting gigantic in Jenkins's lap in a coach and
four ; or as tearing Matthew Bramble's leg and biting- the
venturesome footman's fingers to the bone when the carriage
was overturned ; or as the cause of Matthew's transport of
passion and sudden ebullition of peremptoriness with Tabitha,
which resulted in Tabitha's presentation of Chowder to Lady
Griskin ("who proposes to bring the breed of him into fash-
ion "), and in his former mistress's permanent conversion
from chronic spleen to perpetual smiling — we feel that, under
cover of farce and satire. Chowder is a real friend of Smol-
lett's, and his hearty ally in scourging the frivolities of the age.
The humor of Dickens has sometimes been compared to
that of Smollett ; and though there may be many points of
difference — perhaps to the advantage of the former — their keen
appreciation of a " funny " dog is certainly one point of union.
and may be allowed to serve as a bridge over wliich we may
now pass to writers of our own time. Dickens's interest m
dogs, Mr. Forster tells us, was inexhaustible, an3 he wejU
comed with delight any newly discovered trait in IlicJc
DOGS OF UTERATU)ftE. '7^7
character. The society of his own dogs he ardently en-
joyed. He invariably kept two or more mastiffs to guard
his house against the undesirable wayfarers who haunted the
high road hard by. Of all these his special favorite was Turk,
"a noble animal full of affection and intelligence,". who had
as his co-mate Linda, a " superbly beautiful creature,** the
scion of a St. Bernard, brought over by Albert Smith. These
two dogs happened to be with him in the walk when he fell
lame, and, boisterous companions, as they always were, the
sudden change in their master's gait brought them at once to
a standstill. As he limped home, three miles through the
snow, they crept at his side at the same slow pace, and never
once turned away from him. Dickens was greatly moved at
the time by their solicitous behavior, and often afterwards
spoke of Turk's upturned face as full of sympathy mingled
with fear, and of Linda's inconsolable' dejection. A railway
accident brought death to Turk and sorrow to his master ;
and then came Sultan, a cross between a St. Bernard and a
liloodhound, built like a lioness, but of such indomitably
aggressive propensities that, after breaking loose and well
nigh devouring a small sister of one of the servants, he was
first flogged and then sentenced to be ^hot at seven the next
morning. " He went out," says Dickens, "very cheerfully with
the half-dozen men told off for the purpose, evidently thinking
they were going to be the death of somebody unknown. But ob-
serving in the procession an empty wheelbarrow and a double-
barreled gun, he became meditative and fixed the bearer of the
g-un with his ej'^es. A stone deftly thrown across him by the vil-
lage blackguard (the chief mourner) caused him to Jook round
for an instant, and he then fell dead, shot through the heart.
Two posthumous children are at this moment rolling on the
lawn ; one will evidently inherit his ferocity, and will prob-
ably inherit the gun.*' The description of Dickens's welcome
by his dogs on his return from America— Jiow they lifted their
heads to have their ears pulled, an attention received from
7l8 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
him alone ; how Linda, weeping profusely, threw herself ou
her back that she might caress his foot with her large fore
paws ; and how the terrier, Mrs. Bouncer, b;irking furiously,
"tore round him like the dog in the Faust outlines "- — ^Will
show at once the tender relations that existed between the
great novelist and his canine friends. But we must not omit
little Snittle Timbery, a present from Mitchell, the comedian,
during Dickens's first visit to America. Timber Doodle was
the original name of the small shaggy white terrier ; but Snit-
tle Timber)'- was deemed by his new owner to be more sonor-
ous and expressive. When Dickens and Snittle both suffered
at Albaro, in Italy, the one from swarms of musquitoes, the
other from flees, the dog came off worst : there was no choice
but to shave off every hair of his body. " It is very awful,"
writes Dickens, " to see him slide into a room. He knows the
change upon him,and is always turning round and round to look
for himself. I think he'll die of grief." Dickens's sympathy
with dogs, and especially with their humor, might be further
illustrated by his story of the very comical dog that caught
his eye in the middle of a reading, and, after intently looking
at him for some time, bounced out into the center aisle and
tried the effect of a bark upon the proceedings, when Dick-
ens burst into such a paroxysm of laughter that the audience
roared again and again with him. The dog came the next
night also but met with a very different reception; for, having
given warning of his presence to an attendant near the door
by a suppressed bark and a touch on the leg, he was caught
in flagrante delicto, when with his eye upon Dickens he was
just about to give louder tongue, and was whirled with both
hands over the attendant's head into the entrance behind,
whence he was promptly kicked by the check-takers into the
street. Next night he came again, and with another dog^
whom "he had evidently promised to pass in free"; but the
check-takers were prepared. ,.
^ To turn now from Dickens's real life to his fiction, the^iM
DOGS OF LITER A TURE. 7 IQ
ways of an excitable and irrascible English terrier are no-
tvhere, I should say, more vividly depicted than in his portrait
of Diogenes; he mast surely have known some such dog
intimately. Take the absurd scene of the dog's arrival at the
pombey residence under the care of Florence's admirer, Mr,
Toots, in a hackney cab, into which Diogenes had been lured
under pretense of rats in the straw; and the description of
his frantic and ludicrous gestures in the vehicle while his
presence was being formally announced to Florence in the
drawing-room. Diogeaes was not "a lady's dog, you know"
(to use Mr. Toot's phrase) : he was as ridiculous a dog as one
would meet in a day's march — "a blundering, ill-favored,
clumsy, bullet-headed dog, continually acting on a wrong idea
that there was an enemy in the neighborhood whom it was
meritorious to bark at ; far from good-tempered, and certainly
not clever ; with hair all over his eyes, and a comic nose,-and
an inconsistent tail, and a gruff voice "; yet he was dearer to
Florence, because of Paul, than the most beautiful of his
kind. None but an affectionate observer of dogs could have
so graphically described the manners of Diogenes after his
release from the cab : how he dived under all the furniture ;
how he wound his long iron chain around the legs of the
chairs and tables at the risk of accidental death by suffoca-
cation ; how the new idea struck him of baying Mr. Totts till
he had effected that gentleman's summary expulsion ; how,
on another occasion, he viewed Mr. Toots as a foreigner, and
seized him by his expensive pantaloons when he was leaving
one of the daily carcfs ; how he would lie with his head upon
the window-ledge all through a summer's day, placidly open-
ing and shutting his eyes upon the street, till some noisy dog
in a cart roused his ire, calling for a wild rush to the door,
and a deafening disturbance, succeeded by the complacent
return of Diogenes with the air of one who had done a public
service. Even Florence Dombey could not have excelled
Dickens in the appreciation of Diogenes. Jip, Dora's black-
720 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
and-tan pet, is, at the first blush, as unwelcome as Dora ; but
all through the acquaintance, engagement, and married life of
Dora and David we feel that Jip is as much an individual as
either of them. At first, indeed, Dickens uses him to set off
Dora's exasperating childishness. She perpetually interposes
him to prevent any serious talk or "reasoning"; so that,
even when David presents himself to her as a" penniless beg-
gar," she cannot avoid reminding him that " Jip must have a
chop every day at twelve, or he will die." Not less charac-
teristic and annoying is it whe.n Dora uses the cookery book
(with which, in its new gay binding, David hopes to interest
and enlighten her ignorance) as a corner-stool for Jip to " stand
up" on, or as an unresisting prey which Jip may worry.
But as time goes on and Dora comes to see her own un-
fitness, and touchingly begs to be called the "child-wife,"
and tries to be useful to her " Doady " by at least, if she can
do no more, holding his pens for him as he writes into, the
late hours of the night — then Jip serves to set off the pathos
ot her childish love, till that affecting scene when Jip and Dora
leave the world together ; and then we see that Dickens has
loved Jip after all. Bull's-eye, Sykes's dog, in " Oliver Twist,"
likewise sets off his owner's character; but in the treatment
of a character so dark there is no room for humor save of the
grimmest order. That is a master-stroke, however, when the
Dodger, describing BulPs-eye as the " downiest of the lot "
in Fagin's establishment, adds : " He would not so tnuch as
bark in a witness-box for fear of committing himself; no, not
if you tied him up in one and left him there without wittles
for a fortnight." Bull's-eye is a miracle of immovable canine
faithfulness. This white dog, first introduced to us as k^
skulked into Sykes's room with his face scratched and ton
in twenty different places, should have^had as his badge tii0
" badge of sufferance.'* Growls, curses, kicks, flying pew^li^ j
and other visitations of Sykes's savagery whenever it loo|U|A- j
round for a butt, never provoked reprisal, broke his
JPOGS OF LITERATURE. 721
stunted his devotion ; even when he was so cruelly assaulted
with poker and clasp-knife, the anger of his snapping and bark-
ing, which preceded his flight by the opening door, meant no
harm to his master, but was only the safety-valve which at
other times let off the steam by crushing through an occupied
boot or biting like a wild beast at the end of a poker. In
spite of all that he endured, one word or even a look from
Sykes, and he was " ready, aye, ready " to serve him. When,
after the murder of Nancy, Sykes sought to put one risk out
of the way by drowning him, Bull's-eye showed no malice —
he only slunk reproachfully away ; and the pathetic and fatal
endeavor of the returned and forgiving dog to leap from the
parapet to the shoulders of his hanging master, — so that,
however unpleasant to Bull's-eye had been their lives, in
death they were not divided, — is the cro\tn and consummation
oi the dog's unwavering and unrewarded loyalty.
It would be like an amputation to regard Lytton's " What
will he do with it ? " apart from Sir Isaac, the accomplished
French poodle which "Gentleman Waife," after a long period
of unfulfilled desire, was at last enabled to purchase with
the three pounds obtained by his supposed grand-daughter,
Sophie, for a sitting to Vance the painter. The original name,
Mop, had been instantly discarded by Waife as too trivial ;
and the various experiments to discover what more appro-
priate title would be agreeable to Mop, and the successive
failures betokened by successive lugubrious howls, till Isaac,
the name of his first master, was unwittingly hit upon, with
the expletive Sir prefixed, because Waife had intended to
draw upon the name of an equally intelligent calculator — form
one of the best scenes in the book. To the name Newton
alone Mop declined to respond, but Isaac was a joyful memory
to him ; and for the sake of the Isaac he let the Sir pass. Sir
Isaac and Waife are one throughout the story : the fortunes
of the one rise and fall with those of the other ; and, when
"Gentleman Waife" is restored to his true position at last*
Sir Isaac is " there to see.'*
\
722 THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZWE.
Washington Irving has left us a possession, perhaps fot
ever, in Rip van Winkle and his dog Wolf, a possession in-
creased in value by the impersonation of Mr. Jefferson, with
his pathetic, half-humorous, half-despairing inquiry, " Did you
know Schneider? 'Cos he was my dog." This Wolf (or
Schneider) " was as much henpecked as his master ; for Dame
van Winkle regarded them as companions in idleness, and
even looked upon Wolf with an evil eye, as the cause of his
master's going so often astray. True it is, in all points of
spirit befitting an honorable dog he was as courageous an
animal as ever scoured the woods; but what courage can
withstand the ever-enduring, all besetting terrors of a wcmian's
tongue ? The moment Wolf entered the house his crest fell,
his tail drooped to the ground or curled between his leg-s ; he
sneaked about with a gallows air, casting many a sidelong
glance at Dame van Winkle ; and, at the least flourish of a
broomstick or ladle, he would fly to the door with yelping
precipitation." The pity which Rip and Wolf felt for the
" dog's life " led by both — ^the vow of friendship whicli with
mutual expressiveness they swore — ^the climax of loneliness
that burst upon the exile, returning after his twenty years'
absence, when a half-starved cur, prowling near Rip's roofless
dwelling, snarled, showed his teeth, and passed on, wringing
from him the cry " My very dog has forgotten me ! " — ^are all
graphic touches which reveal to us that Wolf had another
friend besides Rip, and that was Washington Irving.
Tartar, in " Shirley," is the Keeper that occupies so promi-
nent a position in the life at Haworth Parsonage, and is Char-
lotte Bronte's tribute to her dead sister Emily's favorite, as
" Shirley " is to Emily, herself ; and all the scenes in which
they figure are taken from real life. This huge animal, half
mastiff, half bull-dog, was faithful to the depths of his na^it|BW
Mr. Gaskell tells us, so long as he was with friends, but^
struck him with a stick or a whip roused the relentless nl
of the brute in him, and brought him to his .assailvit's tlir3
I>OGS OF -LITERATURE-' 723
forthwith, where he held fast till one or other was at the point of
death. This trait in Tartar's character gives scope to a most
ludicrous scene in "Shirley, "'In course of which Mr. Malone
and Mr. Dorine seek ignominious refuge in various illegal,
though fortunately unoccupied, rooms, while JShirley, coming
to the rescue, "exhibits that provoking coolness which the
- owners of formidable-looking dogs are apt to show when
their animals are all bustle and fury," begging Mr. Malone, as
he re-appears over the banister, to release his friend Mr.
Donne and inform him that she prefers to receive him in a
lower room. Emily Bronte's fearless bravery cannot be more
vividly realized than from the account Mr. Gaskell gives, how,
in fulfillment of a resolution taken in spite of all warning and
a full knowledge of Keeper's ferocity, she dragged him from
his favorite and forbidden place of voluptuous repose — a deli-
cate white counterpane — and jnet his spring at the foot of the
dark staircase with her clenched fist, till " his eyes were
swelled up, and the half-blind, half-stupefied beast was led to
- his accustomed lair, to have his swollen head fomented and
cared for by Emily herself." Yet Keeper owed her no grudge,
In " Shirley" we see the " tawny lionlike bulk of Tartar ever
stretched beside his mistress, one of her hands generally
resting on the loving serfs rude head, because if she took it
away he groaned and was discontented." Keeper walked side
by side with old Mr. Bronte at Emily's funeral ; and there-
after, to the day of his death, slept at her room door, snuffling
under it, and whining every morning, till he in his turn was
mourned over by " Currer Bell."
Mary Russell Mitford approaches Scott in the number and
unbroken succession of her dogs, but not, as a rule, in their
individuality or in the attractiveness of their history. In
writing of her canine companions she is rather pleasant than
striking, and is not altogether free from the gushing and the
commonplace. But her devotion to them is undeniable: she
jiever failed to make some dog or dogs (almost always of the
7^4 ^^-^ LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE, -
greyhound type) an integral element of her life, and there is
scarcely a letter of hers in which she does not refer to them.
Perhaps the most distinctive • are — ^Toney, the little j^rey-
hound that in the absence of his mistress, then aged thirteen,
had a finger, or rather a paw, in laying the foundation-stone
of Bertram House ; Marmion, whose death is the subject of a
farewell poem ; Tray, who was stolen from her, and after
whom she dispatches verses of anxious inquiry, and of ex-
hortation to " Revolt, resist, rebel ! '* ; Mayflower, a beautiful
and symmetrical greyhound, with "the hue of may-blossom,
like marble with the sun on it " ; Dash, a stray dog originally,
of whom we are told in " Our Village " that, in spite of his
ugliness, he was taken up and forced upon the family by May-
flower, and that his head revealed to Dr. Dowton, the phren*
ologist, greater combativeness than he had ever found in any
other spaniel — his victory in twenty pitched battles (includ-
ing contests with two bulldogs, a Dane, and a Newfoundland)
acquiring him the undisputed kingdom of the street, and jus-
tifying Dr. Dowton's reading of his characteristics ; and lastly.
Flush, a pretty little brown spaniel, first of all a servant's prop-
erty, whose broken leg led on Miss Mitford through the suc-
cessive stages of pity, nursing, and love, and who in the end
took a place in the hearts of the household never afterwards
filled by any canine successor.
Mrs. Barrett Browning's Flush was a puppy son of the elder
Flush, and was bestowed by Miss Mitford on his mistress. In
the footnote to Mrs. Browning's poem on this her faithful
friend, she tells us that Flush belonged to a beautiful race of
dogs rendered famous by Miss Mitford in England and
America. "The Flushes," she adds, "have their laurels as
well as the Caesars — the chief difference (at least the very head
and front of it) consisting, perhaps, in the bald head of the
latter under the crown." The verses of Flush's mistress give
us a perfect word picture of what Flush must have been, w^
his "startling eyes of hazel bland," his "silken ears** «fld
''silver-suited breast," his body "darkly browp/* ■..*-..
DOGS OE LITERA TURK, 7^S
Till the stmshlne, striking thU,
Alchemise its dullncbs,
When the sleek curb manifold
Flash all over into gold
With a burnished fulness.
But Flush had better service to fulfill than the mere pleas-
ing of the eye : —
Other dogs may be thy peers
Haply in those drooping ears
Ana this glossy fairness.
But of thee it shall be said.
This dog watched beside a bed
Day amd night uaweary ;
Watched within a curtained room,
Where no sunbeam brake the gloom
Round the sick and dreary.
Other dogs in thymy dew
Tracked the hare, and followed through
Sunny moor or meadow ;
This dog only crept and crept
Next a languid cheek that slept,
Sharing in the shadow.
And this dog was satisfied
If a pale thin hand would glide
Down his dew-laps sloping, —
Which he pushed his nose within,
Alter platforming his chin
On the palm left open.
Flush, Mr. Browning tells me, " lies in the vaults under
Casa Guidi, dying as he did at Florence in extreme old age."
Of such a dog, the subject of such a poem, we may confidently
say, " His body is buried in peace, but his fame shall live for
evermore,"
The picture of Charles Kingsley at home would show a
serious gap if his dogs were not in the foreground. His love
for them, and for animals generally, was strengthened, it ap-
peals, by his belief in their future state, a belief he shared
with John Wesley and other historical names. Kingsley had
a wonderful power of attracting the affection of dumb crea-
tures, and likewise of quelling their fury. He was known to
|iave more than once driven large savage dogs, quite strange
to him^ back into their kennel by nothing beyond eye, voice
726 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
and gesture, cowing them still with his look as, they growled
and moved uneasily from side to side ; and on one occasion,
after having thus forced an infuriated brute to retreat into
his lair, he even pulled him out again by his chain. Muzzie
>Vas his dog at Magdalen, a clever, sedate-looking gray Scotch
terrier: Kingsley was devoted to him. We hear of Dandie,
Sweep, and Victor at the Eversley Rectory. Mr. John Mar-
tineau, who spent eighteen months at Eversley as Kingsley's
pupil, thus concludes his description of the study : — " On the
mat perhaps, with brown eyes set in thick yellow hair, and
with gently agitated tail, asking indulgence for tlie intrusion
— a long-bodied, short-legged Dandie Dinmont, wisest, hand-
somest, most-faithful, most memorable of his race.'* How
well established was the position of Dandie in the King^sley
household may be gathered from the reminiscence of an
American visitor : — " Still I see Dandie lying lazy, smiling- anS
winking in the sun." He was Kingsley's companion \tv his
parish walks, attended all the cottage lectures and school les-
sons, and was his and his children's friend for thirteen years.
Victor, a favorite Teckel, given him by the Queen, had
Kingsley for ah unsleeping nurse during the last two suffer-
ing nights of the little creature's existence. Sweep, a mag-
nificent black retriever, finds a niche instinctively in the sur-
roundings which young Mr. Kingsley recalls after his father's
death : — " I can see him now, on one of those many summer
evenings, as he strode out of the back garden-gate with a
sorrowful " no, go home, Sweep " to the retriever that had fol-
lowed us stealthily down the garden walk, and wlio now' stood
with an ear cocked and one paw up, hoping against hope that
he might be allowed to come on." And there lie the dc^;^
buried side by side under the great fir-trees on the rectory*
laWn — Dandie, Sweep, and Victor— with the brief but telling
inscription on the head-stone, " Fideli Fideles.'* i
Thus have I endeavored to renew the acquaintance of my J
readers and myself with dogs that have shared the faoae of I
J)OGS OF. LITERATURE. 72/
their literary friends; in some cases I may venture to hope I
" have perhaps aided in swelling the number of the friendships
these dogs have hitherto been able to claim. For in a sense,
they are all ours — Maida, Luath, Boatswain, Diogenes — even
as those are ours whose possessions or creations they were.
But it goes to my heart that so many dogs of worth are per-
force passed over in my chronicle. Time and space would
fail me to tell of Skovmark, the comrade of Sintram in his
wild wanderings — of the dog that for sixteen years soothed
the solitude of Robinson Crusoe — of Bras, the Princess of
Thule's deerhound, the only reminder in unkindly London of
Sheila's Highland home — of George Eliot's Mumps in the
" Mill on the Floss " — of Faust in *' Lewis Arundel " — of Bustle
in the "Heir of Redclyffe"— of Snarleyyow in Captain Mar-
ryatt's " Dog Fiend " — of Royal in " Blair Castle," a book which
Mr. Ruskin has summarized as " the best picture of a perfect
child and of the next best thing in creation, a perfect dog;''
over whose cruel death I have known listening children shed
floods of tears — of Isla, Puck, the dog of Flanders, and the
many dogs, real and fictitious, associated with the name of
Ouida — of the Druid of " Barbara's History," the Vic of Rhoda
Broughton's " Nancy," the Huz and Buz of Mr. Bouncer in
" Verdant Green," of Punch's immemorial Toby, and that cher-
ished childish memory the * poor dog ' of Mother Hubbard —
of the " Matthew Arnold " that intensifies the comicality of the
" Old Maid's Paradise " — of Cartouche, the title and the hero
of as charming and pathetic a dog story, " Cartouche, or only
a Dog," as I have ever read ; a dog alike of humor, of tender-
ness, and of courage •. ludicrous, as he dashes -suddenly into
the thick of a " proposal " ; gentle, as he watches at the bed of
his dying mistress ; brave, as he rescues a cottager's cradled
child from the flooded Tiber ; self-forgetful, as he turns back
to save his struggling master's Hfe, and to lose his own.
" And a peasant woman, so ends the tale, in a southern coun-
try, has taught her children to love animals and be good to
728 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
them ; for one of them was saved by a dog. The children
listen, thrilled by the familiar story. ' Eccolo ! ' cries a little
girl, pointing; and they all turn to look up where, over the
door, is a carved figure of a dog with a date." And no article
on the dogs of literature would in this generation be complete
without some passing reference, at least, to " Rab and his
Friends." " Horae Subsecivae *' with its Rab, Toby, and their
compeers, is however so well known that Dr. John Brown's
perfect story, which has so often been read with laughter and
with tears, needs no fresh telling. " Lives there a man with
soul so dead," who having, once made Rab his own, is content
not to know and to love him more and more } As for all to
whom Rab is as yet undiscovered, let them search for him as
for hid treasure.
Dogs of myth and of legend — dogs of history, such as the
dog of William the Silent — dogs of art, such as Hogarth's
Pompey and Crab, the dogs of Landseer and Ansdell, or the
Chang with whom Du Maurier has made us so familiar — ^and
all those dogs whose mere instinct, intelligence, or courage
has constituted them the heroes of so many books and anec-
dotes— ^would be altogether beyond the scope of the present
article. My aim has been to re-awake the associations, not of
dog and hero, dog and gun, dog and horse, or dog and dog
lover generally, but of dog and pen ; and to put on record
how widespread, in the range of English literature at any rate,
has been the friendship of the writer and his dog. ^
From Temple Bar.
THE BRITISH CENSUS OF 1881.
The Census of 1881 has been taken^ and the result of the
labors of the Registrar-General and his vast army of enumera-
tors has been embodied in a preliminary report, which has i
been presented to Parliament. ' I
^9^ I
The census, as taken nowadays, is a very elabons^t^ WA\ '
•- "Si** J
THE BRITISH CENSUS OF laSi. 729*
far as human ingenuity and patience can make it, a very-
accurate numbering of the people. The- Doomsday Book of
William the Conqueror was perhaps the first crude attempt in
these islands of keeping a record of the numbers and condi-
tions of their inlhabitants, and, at best, it was but an imperfect'
undertaking. It was not until the year 1753 that a formal pro-
posal to take a census was made in the House of Commons,
and it was then opposed as ^ project which had for its object
the violation of an Englishman's rights and liberty. It was
considered by many that the knowledge thus obtained would
lead to acts of oppression, such as compulsory service in the
army and navy, the exaction of unjust taxes, and many other
things of a like arbitrary nature ; and one minister was actu-
ally indiscreet enough to hint that the census would be used
for conscription purposes in the case of a long war. The- bill
passed the House of Commons by large majorities, but was
injected by the House of Lords. Fifty years later there came
a scare of another kind, in consequence of many people
thinking that the population was increasing beyond the means
of subsistence, and a bill was passed in 1801 for the taking of
a census ; which was duly effected.
The census of 1881, which is the ninth decennial enumera-
tion of the population of the United Kingdom, was taken on
4th of April last ; and so vast are the figures involved in this
great national roll-call, that, even with the assistance of a
large staff of clerks, it took the Registrar-General three
months to ascertain the result. The report embodying the
result, and from the pages of which we derive our statistics,
is only a preliminary one, dealing with the actual numbers of
the people. In addition to the work of abstracting the totals
from the enumeration books and arranging the tables for pub-
lication, the whole of the superintendent-registrars', regis-
trars*, and enumerators' claims had to be examined and
checked, and the payments made ; and when we mention that
there were six hundred and thirty superintendent-registrars
730 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
of districts, about two thousand seven hundred registrars of
sub-districts, besides thirty-five thousand enilmerators, our
readers will scarcely be surprised to learn that the time ab-
sorbed in this work alone was six weeks. The sum of money
paid away for this part of the census was over eighty thous-
and pounds.
This portion of the work was performed by the Accounts*
Branch of the Registrar-Greneral's Department, with such
accuracy of detail, that not a single mistake of any magnitude
occurred in the payments in question. For the taking of the
census Parliament last year voted the sum of one hundred
and thirty-five thousand pounds. And by way of comparison
it may be interesting to note here that the cost of the Amer-
ican census is seven hundred thousand pounds. ,
TJie grand total of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom
living at midnight on the 3d of April last, including the army
and navy and the Channel Islands, was thirty-five millions two
hundred and forty-six thousand five hundred and sixty-two ;
the preponderance of females over males being no less than
seven hundred and thirty-eight thousand six hundred and
sixty-eight. The corresponding total for the whole kingdom
in 1 87 1 was thirty-one millions eight hundred and forty-five
thousand three hundred and seventy-nine : which, when sub-
tracted from the other — ^allowing, of course, for the decrease
in Ireland and in the Channel Islands, and the Isle of Man
— shows an increase of three millions four hundred and one
thousand one hundred and eighty-three. This is equivalent
to an average daily addition of nine hundred and thirt3r-ooe
persons to the population throughout the ten years { the
daily increase in the preceding decade having been seven hu|i-
dred and five.
The population of England and Wales on the night of Aplil
3d was twenty-five millions nine hundred and sixty-Qig|lt
thousand two hundred and eighty-six; being an increa$|| fit
three millions two hundred and fifty-six thousand and.|w<l
THE BHITISff CENSUS OF f^%i. Jil
oVer the number of 1871 ; and showing further an excess of
females over males of seven hundred and eighteen thousand
seven hundred and seventy-eight. To each one hundred males
enumerated there were thus 105.7 females ; and the proportion
of females to males has, it appears, been steadily increasing at
each census since 1851. England alone has a population of
tweixty-four millions six hundred and eight thousand three
hundred and ninety-one ; exhibiting an increase of three milr
lions three hundred and thirteen thousand two hundred and
sixty over the figures of 187 1.
By manipulation of these figures, we find that the density of
thp population of England and Wales is now about four hun-
dred and forty persons to the square mile, or nearly six times
as many as in the days of " Good Queen Bess.*' In 1871 there
were 390 persons to the square mile in England and Wales ;
so that there is an increase of fifty to this small area in the
past ten years. There is, however, plenty of breathing-room
left yet to each inhabitant ; for it is calculated that an area of
six thousand nine hundred and fifty-five square yards could
1)6 allotted to each person in^ England and Wales.
The great improvements in sanitary science during the past
decade are shown by the fact that the annual death-rate has
decreased to such an extent, that no less than two hundred
and ninety-nine thousand three hundred and eighty-five per-
sons are now living, who, with the previous rate of mortality,
would have died.
Scotland contributes to the grand total three millions seven
hundred and thirty-four thousand three hundred and seventy,
or nearly one hundred thousand less than the population of
London ! Therens an increase for Scotland over the census of
1871 of three hundred and seventy-four thousand three hund-
red and fifty-two. This is, however, not the case with the sister
isle ; for Ireland exhibits a decrease of two hundred and fifty-
two thousand five hundred and thirty-eight ; the present total
being five mtllions one hundred and fifty-nine thousand eight
hundred and thirty-nine.
732 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
The population of the Isle of Man is fifty-three thousand
four hundred and ninety-two ; being a decrease of five hun-
dred and fifty under the figures of 1871 ; and the Channel Isl-
ands eighty-seven thousand seven hundred and thirty-one,
with a decrease of two thousand eight hundred and sixty-five.
The army, navy, and merchant service- give an aggregate
return of two hundred and forty-two thousand eight hundred
and forty-four; being an increase of twenty-six thousand
seven hundred and sixty-four.
Eight English counties have fallen off in their numbers
since 1871 — Cornwall showing the large decrease of thirty-
two thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine! Cambridge, Rut-
• land, and Westmoreland have also decreased to the extent of
over one thousand each ; and Dorset, Hereford, and Hunting-
don by over tour thousand. Shropshire has been nearly
stationary, with a slight decrease of one hundred and eighteen.
Lancashire stands first on the list of the counties whose
numbers have increased, with a difference in her favor of six
hundred and thirty-four thousand seven hundred and thirty.
Yorkshire comes next, with an yicrease of four hundred and
forty-nine thousand nine hundred and fifty-four; Middlesex
next, with a difference of three hundred and seventy-nine
thousand and forty-nine ; and Surrey with three hundred and
forty-four thousand two hundred and seven. Five other
counties— Durham, Essex, Kent, Stafford, and Warwick —
exhibit an additional force of over one hundred thousand ;
while Buckingham, Devon, Norfolk, Oxford, Somerset, Suf-
folk, and Wilts have an increase in each case of less than ten
thousand — ^the first-named being only about four hundred.
Wales shows a total population of one mtilt6n three hundred
and fifty-nine thousand eight hundred and ninety-five,of which.
like England, the majority are of the fair sex. Of the Wel^
counties, six show an aggregate increase of one hundred tfrf
iifty-two thousand one hundred and twenty-three. These wspj
Carmarthen, Carnarvon, Denbigh, Flint, Glamorgan, zsA i
THE BRITISH CENSUS. OF i88i. 733
ioneth ; the last-named but one taking the hon's share, namely-
one hundred and thirteen thousand eight hundred and thir-
teen. The other six counties show an aggregate decline of
nine thousand three hundred and sixty-three.
Wherever we find the county areas densely populated, it may
be taken for granted that the industries connected therewith
are in a thriving state ; while those counties which fall below
a certain maximum have generally either small manufacturing
agencies in operation, or are for the most part, if not entirely,
agricultural. For instance, we may take it that a density of
two hundred to the square mile would be fair evidence of the
presence in such counties of large manufactures or mines;
whilst a scarcity of population would denote the absence of
such works. Lancashire and Middlesex show a density
respectively of one thousand seven hundred, and one thous-
and three hundred, to the square mile, these counties being
those in which the greatest industrial activity is developed ;
while six other counties exhibit a density of over five hun-
dred to the same limited area.
, Amidst all these totals, however, the most remarkable is
that of London, which now stands at the astounding figure
of three millions eight hundred and fourteen thousand five
hundred and seventy-one ; thus heading the other towns in
the kingdom with the enormous increase of five hundred and
sixty thousand three hundred and eleven ; which in itself is
' more than the population of Liverpool, and is equal to the
aggregate increase in thirteen of the largest towns in England
during the same period. Of this immense total of nearly four
millions of human souls^ the fair sex predominates to the
extent of two hundred and twenty-six thousand three hun-
dred and fifty-nine ; there being thus in the Great Metropolis
nearly a quarter of a million more women than men. The
population of London exceeds that of Scotland by eighty
the jsand two hundred and one. Its increase alone is a little
less than the whole population of Hampshire, and about the
- 734 THE LI BRA R V MA GAZINE.
same as of extra-Metropolitan Middlesex and Hertfordshire
taken together, more than half as much as Staffordshire, and
iour times as much as Herefordshire and Radnorshire com-
bined.
The necessity of having public parks and open spaces in
London for the benefit of the health of its inhabitants, is
clearly shown by the astonishing fact, that there are no fewer
than thirty-two thousand three hundred and twenty-six
persons to the square mile, or about fifty to the statute acre ;
the three portions of the Metropolis situated in Middlesex,
Surrey, and Kent having respectively eighty, forty-four, and
thirteen to the acre.
The City of London, according to what, for the sake of
comparison only, we will term the Imperial Census, contained
on the night of Sunday, April 3d, fifty thousand five hundred
and twenty-six souls ; but, dissatisfied with this manner of
reckoning the inhabitants of the world's mart, the Corporation
determined upon having a Day Census taken ; and this was
actually done about three weeks after the government enu-
meration. The result, which took the city officers three months
to arrive at, shows that the commercial and mercantile popula-
tion of the city on the day in question was two hundred and
sixty thousand six hundred and seventy. This is an increase
over the total of 1866, when a Day Census was also taken, of
forty thousand and eleven. The Imperial Census shows the
resident population of the city to have decreased by twenty-
four thousand six hundred and seventy-seven. This is, of
course, accounted for by its merchants and others now pre-
ferring suburban residences to those situated among factories
and warehouses.
The metropolis is divided into twenty-nine districts ; and
of these, Islington, Kensington, Lambeth, and Pancras stood
highest as regards numbers in 187 1 ; and now exhibit an in-
crease of thirty-two, twenty-four, seventeen, and seven pey
cent respectively, each having, more or lesS/ a population of
THE BRITISH CENSUS OF 1881. 735
about a quarter of a million. Eight mfitropolitan districts
show a decrease during the past ten years; while Fulham,
which was not regarded as a distinct district until 1879, ^^is the
remarkable growth of seventy-four per cent.
The population of London has nearly doubled itself in forty
years, and now displays the extraordinary fact, that out of the
entire population of England and Wales, a proportion of one
person in every seven resides in the *' Great City."
London contains four hundred and eighty-six thousand two
hundred and eighty-six inhabited houses, with an avenige of
about eight persons to each; while there are thirty-seven
thousand uninhabited dwellings, and eight thousand in course
of erection. The area which may be apportioned to the in-
habitants of London gives about ninety-five square yards to
each person ; but each inhabitant has in the Surrey portion
of the metropolis twice as much room as in the Middlesex
part, and in the Kent portion nearly nine times as much as in
Middlesex.
Liverpool, the next largest city in England, has a popula-
tion of five hundred and fifty-two thousand four hundred and
twenty-five, and shows an increase in the ten years of fifty-
nine thousand and twenty. Birmingham comes next with
over four hundred thousand, and an increase almost as large
as Liverpool ; and Leeds with three hundred and nine thou-
sand one hundred and twenty-six, and an increase of about
fifty thousand, Sheffield and Bristol have an aggregate in-
crease of seventy thousand; and Nottingham shows the
enormous growth of one hundred and fifteen per cent on the
return for 1871. Manchester, strange to say, shows a falling-
off in her population of nearly ten thousand during the de-
cade.
For the convenience of enumeration, England and Wales
was divided into eleven divisions, the metropolis being one
of them, the divisions into counties, the counties into dis-
tricts, and these again into sub-districts ;^ and amongst the
Ti^ THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
interesting and valuable results to be derived from the census
we miiy mention : (i) The age and sex of the people, the dif-
ferences in which regulate the strength and development.of the
nation. (2) The mean age of the population. (3) The actual in-
crease in numbers. (4) The successive numbers in a genera-
tion, or those born between two consecutive censuses whose
gradual growth as a body can be accurately judged. (5) Th€
conjugal condition of the people. (6) The various occupations,
etc., in which the population is engaged, and the number to be
ascribed to each.
It is the actual numbers of the population, showing the
proportion of each sex to the whole, and the increase or de-
crease of the population, which is 4:he subject-matter of the
Registrar-General's rec6nt report; and the totals were ab-
stracted from the census papers as quickly as possible, for
the information of Parliament and the country.
The Registrar-Greneral's second and more voluminous
report will not be made until the close of the census, which
takes nearly three years to complete, although about one
hundred and twenty clerks are daily employed on the work.
The magnitude of the task may be imagined when it is stated
that there were upwards of seven millions of schedules issued,
and that each schedule contains eight columns of information.
all of which must be examined, checked, corrected, abstracted,
compared, and tabulated with the utmost care and precision.
in order that the statistics to be deduced therefrom may be
rendered valuable by being absolutely reliable. It must also
be remembered that each of these schedules contains a dif-
ferent style of writing, much of it being so bad as to be
scarcely readable, while in many instances the most astonish-
ing blunders have been made ; such, for instances, as a wife
appearing as head of the household, and described as a " male %"
while the husband occupies the second place and i& described
as a *' female." " . .
Many hitherto unheard-of occupations have also been &^
THE. BRITISH CENSUS OF i%%\: 737
covered by the clerks engaged on the revision, and the
strangest possible misconceptions of what was required in the
geographical and infirmity columns have been to them a
source of considerable amusement.
The secretary and the gentlemen who superintend the work
at the Census Office are clerks of the General Register Office,
or Registrar-General's Department at Somerset House — a
department which has become famous for the reliable and
therefore valuable nature of its health statistics and sanitary
observations — records that have made the title of " Registrar-
General of England " known wherever the English language
is spoken.
It is a noteworthy fact, though it is not mentioned in the
report which we have had under review* that not a single
case of prosecution for refusing information has occurred in
connection with the taking of the census of 1881 ; and, as far
as can be ascertained, very little vestiges remain of the old
prejudices which existed in connection with the subject, and
especially with that section of it which dealt with the ages of
the fair sex. On the contrary, the work of the enumerators
was everywhere lightened by the fact that the lapse of a hun-
dred years has created a radical change in the minds and
manners, in the feelings and prejudices of the English people ;
while the spread of education has enabled the nation to
measure its own strength, and to fling aside any childish fears
of invasion or oppression, knowing full well, as the humblest
workingman does, what would be the fate of any minister, or
ministry, who ever attempted, by means of the census, to
violate the first principles of the Great Charter.
We have thus far, then, given our readers an epitome of the
results of the recent numbering of the people in these islands,
and the nation may be fairly congratulated on the fact that
it is still making a steady advance in the path of prosperity ;
for growing numbers must mean, to a certain extent, increase
of wealth, and of that natural and physical strength upon
L. M. — 24
738 THE LfBRAR Y MA GAZINE,
which the happiness and n^aterial progress of a great empire
mainly depend.
From Chambers's Journal.
THE GREAT DISCOVERY IN EGYPT.
It would not be easy to exaggerate the importance of thq
discovery, announced a fortnight ago, of thirty royal mum-
mies in the " Gate of the Kings,'* near Thebes. Some details
have since been published in the daily papers, and it is now
possible to judge what revelations in Egyptian history are
about to be made. Unfortunately, the apathy which is shown
to all things Egyptian by English scholars, and the rarity
among us of people able to read^ hieroglyphics, will throw
upon other countries the duty and honor of making krrown to
the world the historical facts which these newly-found re-
mains may be expected to give us. Our overworked officials
at the British Museum are taken up with " Assyriology '^ rather
than " Egyptology,'* these departments of knowledge being
united, to the great detriment of both, in the only national
institution in which such subjects are studied. Our univer-
sities ar3 content to leave such uninteresting and unimpor-
tant branches of learning to self-taught men, whose time
should be devoted to arrangement rather than reading. The
Egyptian collections in the British Museum are but half cat-
alogued, and cannot be said to have any intelligible arrai^Ch
ment. The recent move to the old geological galleries has
not led to any improvement in a condition of things to which
we have already more than once called attention. But ao
improvement can be expected until the double labor ib^
cated above is removed from the shoulders of* the ofiu^ail.
It is unreasonable to expect of Dr. Birch and his very lew S
sistants that they should at once perform the work of %
THE GREAT DISCOVERY IN EGYPT, 759
versity and of a Museum, and that, too, in subjects so widely
apart and in themselves so recondite. To expect the same
man to be equally well acquainted with cuneiform inscrip-
tions, Egyptian art, early metal work, and the detection of
forged carvings, to say nothing of a general knowledge of the
Coptic, Hittite, Accadian, and Hebrew languages and their
cognates is manifestly absurd. We expect the guardians of
our public collections to do not onfy the practical and par-
tially mechanical work of their departments, but also to fulfill
the duties of professors in a kind of unchartered university. '
It would not be easy to point to many of the learned teachers
of our great academical bodies who have done work so gene-
rally interesting and important as that performed by the com-
paratively unlearned officials of our museums. A single
name will serve to illustrate this point. We purposely avoifl
mention of living scholars in this direction; but the example
of the late Mr. George Smith is only one among many which
could be adduced to prove that it is not to the universities
that we must look for original research and useful as opposed
to merely ornamental learning. There are, however, certain
indications that one of the Universities, at least, in the per-
son of an eminent professor, is about to show some interest
in Egypt, though few of us will, in all probability, live to see
chairs founded in England, as in all Continental countries,
for the study of the arts and learning of the cradle of civili-
zation.
Rumors have been current for some years as to the exist
ence of a vast storehouse of antiquities amongst the rocks
and caves of the Theban Mountains. Every one who has as-
cended the Nile as far as Luxor will remember the long nar-
row defile at the end of which the tombs of the kings are
situated. Most people who have threaded the Bab el Malook
will remember how short the distance seemed between its
innermost recess and the Dier el Bahari on the other side of
the mountain and facing towards the open plain. We climb
740 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE,
. over the summit of a narrow ridge, and have on bur left the
Valley of the Shadow of Death, with its yawning tombs, and
on our right, almost under our feet, the rock-cut temple of
Queen Hatasoo. It has long been suspected that within this
ridge there was probably some great excavation — nay, among
the travelers* tales of the last few years were to be heard
stories of an untold treasure, which might be revealed to any
one who was armed first with a firman permitting him to
search and with a very heavy sum for backslieezh in addition.
It may be asked why, if this cavern was known to exist, the
natives did not penetrate to it and bring forth something
more valuble than the few strings of beads and such-like obP-
jects which have been offered to travelers for sale ; but it
must be remembered both that the Arab is extremely super-
stitious, and also that, even if he dared to penetrate into a
cavern so full of afreets as this must have been, his mechani-
cal appliances for removing great weights from a gallery 200
feet long, Smd a secret passage leading to a pit thirty-five feet
deep, would be utterly insufficient. Nevertheless, some one
bolder than the rest seems last June to have made the ven-
ture. By this time the hordes of tourists had ceased to infest
the Nile valley. The discovery was made too late for much
profit to be got out of it ; and Daood Pasha, the Governor of
the district, had his attention called to the abundance and
cheapness of the objects with which the antika market was
suddenly flooded. On inquiry the pit was pointed out to
him; and, with commendable promptitude, he telegraphed
for Herr Emil Brugsch, the assistant curator of ,the Boulak
Museum. Every Egyptologist must envy Herr Brugsch for
the good fortune which awaited him when he arrived in the
Bab cl ^lalook. The thirt}'^ mummies which he found were,
as he could read at a glance, although he must have felt it
difficult to believe his eyes, those of all the most illustrious
monarchs of the most glorious epoch of Egyptian histofj*
There lay, side by side. Queen Hatasoo, King Thothmes tli^i
THE ORE A T DISCO VER V IN EGYPT, - 741
and King Rameses IL, the great Sesostris himself. Of kings
-of minor note were nearly all. those of the Eighteenth Dyn-
asty, together with the father and grandfather of Rameses,
and his daughter, whose name, Mautnejem, is new to us. But
here the reports may be in error, and the name bean unusual
form of Maut-notem, the grandmother of Pinotem. The
earliest mummy found is that of Raskenen, a king of that ob-
scure dynasty which preceded the Eighteenth, and which is
sometimes reckoned as the Thirteenth and sometimes as the
Seventeenth. The latest body is that of Pinotem, the third
king of the Twenty-first Dynasty, who reigned as nearly as
possible a millennium B. c. In addition to the royal mum-
mies, a multitude of objects bearing cartouches will throw
great light upon the succession of these kings ; and the tent
of Pinotem, of leather, embroidered and colored, and covered
with hieroglyphics, cannot fail to clear up some historical
difficulties as to the priest-kings of Thebes. It has been sug-
gested that the mummy reported to be that of Thothmes III.
is in reality that of the son of Pinotem, whose name, Ramen
Kcper, is the throne name or title of the great Eighteenth
Dynasty monarch ; but until all the inscriptions are read this
must remain matter of doubt.
, The significance of this remarkable discovery will be of a
double character. We shall perhaps have our knowledge of
a brilliant period greatly increased by the direct evidence of
inscriptions and payyrus rolls. Moreover, there may he
found some record of the circumstances which led to the
concealment in one place of so many of the illustrious dead
whose tombs had already been prepared for them in the Val-
ley of the Kings. The coffin, for example, of King Seti I. is,
as everybody knows, in the Sloane Museum, his tomb having
been opened and explored by Belzoni. But his mummy is
among tjiose which Herr Brugsch has taken to Boulak. Of
nearly all the other kings the sepulchers are also well known.
rio\^carae they, then, to have been placed in this cavern ?
742. THE LIBRAR V MAGAZINE,
It is evident that it must have been soon after the close of
the reign of Pinotem, and it is more than probable that some
great and terrible disaster was impending, when the priests of
each deceased king — for every king was reckoned as a god —
hurriedly took the precious bodies from their graves, where
they lay too much exposed, and placed them in the secret
cavern where they have now been found. If we consult Dr.
Brugsch and Canon Rawlinson as to the history of the time
of Pinotem, we find a ^erious discrepancy between the two
latest authorities. Dr. Brugsch's view seems to accord best
with the circumstances revealed by his brother's discovery.
He describes a great Assyrian attack upon Egypt, which
Canon Rawlinson cannot accept. Such an attack, coupled
with the fact that we find Pinotem's successor on the throne
soon after its supposed occurrence, might account for the
concealment of these, the most precious of the royal remains
of old Egypt. Reverting to the name of Raskenen, it cannot
be but that the discovery of his body will throw some' light
upon that most interesting, but most obscure, period when
the petty kings of the South commenced their struggles with
the shepherd kings of the North, and when the first of a line
of Pharaohs who knew not Joseph arose to drive out the for-
eigners. Perhaps we may even recover the full text of that
precious fragment of papyrus which describes the beginning
' of the war between Raskenen of Thebes and Apophis the
Hyksos king. We must not, however, be too sanguine as to
the contents of the newly discovered rolls, as it is probable
that they are all funereal, as no others were ordinarily buried
with mummies. Still, a storehouse which contained a tent
may well have contained some portions of a library — apart
from mere " Books of the Dead." The reign of Queen Hata-
soo will receive fresh attention, and the recovery of her body
— if indeed it is her body, and not that of one of the numer-
ous princesses of her line who bore the same name — ^may
enable us to form some conclusion as to the events which
may |
ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE. 743
placed her brother Thothmes III. upon the throne. In short,
there is hardly any question respecting the great middle
period of Egyptian history, including the Captivity and the-
Exodus of the Israelites, whicli may not receive its answer
through this amazing discovery. It is, indeed, sad to think
that we have in England no school of young hieroglyphical
students whom we might send out to take part in the long
and anxious labors of decipherment. There is much yet to
be done in the translation and publication of the earlier rec-
ords. The number of words of the Pyramid period still re-
maining unread is very great. But every discovery like the
present increases our vocabulary; and though, so far, our
adoption of an absurd system of transliteration, borrowed
from the French, stands in the way, we must hope that be-
f pre long English teachers may be found who can train a com-
petent class of students in what is the most fascinating of all
Oriental languages, and in some respects the easiest.
From The Saturday Review.
ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE.
What a horrible place must this world appear when re-
garded according to our ideas from an insect's point of view.
The air infested with huge flying hungry dragons, whose gap-
ing and snapping mouths are ever intent upon swallowing the
innocent creatures for whom, according to the insect, if he
were like us, a properly constructed world ought to be exclu-
sively adapted. The solid earth continually shaken by the ap-
proaching tread of hideous giants — moving mountains — ^that
crush out precious lives at every footstep, an occasional
draught of the blood of these monsters, stolen at life-risk, af-
fording but poor compensation for such fatal persecution.
Let us hope that the little victims are less like ourselve?
744 THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
than the doings of ants and bees might lead us to suppose ;
that their mental anxieties are not proportionate to the op-
tical vigilance indicated by the four thousand eye-lenses of
the common house-fly, the seventeen thousand of the cabbage
butterfly, and the wide-awake dragon-fly, or the twenty-five
thousand possessed by certain species of^still more vigilant
beetles. \
Each of these little eyes has its own cornea, its lens, and a
curious six-sided, transparent prism, at the back of which is a
special retina spreading out from a branch of the main optic
nerve, which, in the cockchafer and some other creatures, is
half as large as the brain. If each of these lenses forms a
separate picture of each object rather than a single mosaic pic-
ture, as some anatomists suppose, what an awful army of cruel
giants must the cockchafer behold when he is captured by a
schoolboy!
The insect must see a whole world of wonders of which we •
know little or nothing. True, we have microscopes, with
which we can see one thing at a time if carefully laid upon the
stage ; but what is the finest instrument that Ross can produce
compared to that with twenty-five thousand object-glasses,
all of them probably achromatic, and each one a living instru-
ment with its own nerve branch supplying a separate sensa-
tion ? To creatures thus endowed with microscopic vision, a
cloud of sandy dust must appear like an avalanche of massive
rock fragments, and everything else proportionally monstrous.
One of the many delusions engendered by our human self-
conceit. and habit of considering the world as only such as we
know it from our human point of view, is that of supposing
human intelligence to be the only kind of intelligence in ex-
istence. The fact is, that what we call the lower animals have
special intelligence of their own as far transcending our intel-
ligence as our peculiar reasoning intelligence exceeds theirs. »
We are as incapable of following the track of a friend by the
smell of his footsteps as a dog is of writing a metaphysical
treatise.
ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE. 745
So with insects. They are probably acquainted with a whole
world of physical facts of which we are utterly ignorant. Our
auditory apparatus supplies us with a knowledge of sounds.
What are th^e sounds ? They are vibrations of matter which
are capable of producing corresponding or sympathetic vibra-
tions of the drums af our ears orthe.bonesof our skull. When
we carefully examine the subject, and count the number of
vibrations thajt produce our world of sounds of varying pitch,
we find that the human ear can only respond to a limited
range of such vibrations. If they exceed three thousand per
second, the sound becomes too shrill for average people to
hear it, though some exceptional ears can take up pulsations
or waves that succeed each other more rapidly than this.
Reasoning from the analogy of stretched strings and mem-
branes, and of air vibrating in tubes, etc., we are justified in
concluding that the smaller the drum or tube the higher will
be the note it produces when agitated, and the smaller and the
more rapid the aerial wave to which it will respond. The drums
of insect ears, arid the tubes, etc., connected with them, are so
minute that their world'of sounds probably begins where ours
ceases ; that what appears to us as a continuous sound is to
them a series of separated blows, just as vibrations of ten or
twelve per second appear separated to us. We begin to hear
such vibrations as continuous sounds when they amount to
about thirty per second. The insect's continuous sound prob-
ably begins beyond three thousand. The blue-bottle may
thus enjoy a whole world of exquisite music of which we know
nothing.
There is another very suggestive peculiarity in the auditory
apparatus of insects. Its structure and position are something
- between those of an ear and of an eye. Careful examination
of the head of one of our domestic companions — the common
cockroach or black-beetle — will reveal two round white points
' somewhat higher than the base of the long outer antennae,
and a little nearer to the middle line of the head. These white
74^ THE LIBRA R Y MA GAZINE,
projecting spots are formed by the outer transparent mem-
brane of a bag or ball filled with fluid, which ball or bag rests
inside another cavity in the head. It resemble;^ our own eye
in having this external transparent tough membrane which
corresponds to the cornea, which, like the cornea, is backed
by the fluid in the ear-ball corresponding to our eye-ball, and
the back of this ear-ball appears to receive the outspreadings
of a nerve, just as the back of our eye is lined with the out-
spread of the optic nerve forming the retina. There does not
appear to be in this or other insects a tightly stretched mem-
brane which, like the membrane of our ear-drum, is fitted to
take up bodily air-waves and vibrate responsively to them.
But it is evidently adapted to receive and concentrate some
kind of vibration or motion or tremor.
What kind of motion can this be ? What kind of perception
does this curious organ supply? To answer these questions
we must travel beyond the strict limits of scientific induction
and enter the fairyland of scientific imagination. We may
wander here in safety, provided we always remember where
we are, and keep a true course guided by the compass-needle
of demonstrable facts.
I have said that the cornea-like membrane of the insect's
ear-bag does not appear capable of responding to bodily air-
waves. This adjective is important, because there are vibra-
tory movements of matter that are not bodily but molecular.
An analogy may help to make this distinction intelligible. I
may take a long string of beads and shake it into wave-like
movements, the waves being formed by the movements of
the whole string. We may now conceive another kind of
movement or vibration by supposing one bead to receive a
blow pushing it forward, this push to be communicated to the
next, then to the third, and so on, producing a minute running
tremor passing from end to end. This kind of action may be
rendered visible by laying a number of billiard balls or marbles,
in line and bowling an outside ball against the end one of the *
ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE, 747
row. The impulse will be rapidly and invisibly transmitted
all along the line, and the outer ball will respond by starting
forward.
Heat, light, and electricity are mysterious internal move-
ments of what we call matter (some say *' ether," which is but
. a name for imaginary matter). These internal movements are
as invisible as those of the intermediate billiard balls ; but if
there be a line of molecules acting thus, and the terminal one
strikes an organ of sense fitted to receive its motion, some sort
of perception may follow. When such movements of certain
frequency and amplitude strike our organs of vision, the sen-
sation of light is produced. When others of greater ampli-
tude and smaller frequency strike the terminal outspread of
our common sensory nerves, the sensation of heat results.
The difference between the frequency and amplitude of the
heat waves and the light waves is but small, or, strictly speak-
ing, there is no actual line of separation lying between them ;
they run directly into each other. When a piece of metal is
g-radually heated, it is first "black-hot"; this is while the
waves or molecular tremblings are of a certain amplitude and
frequency ; as the frequency increases, and amplitude dimin-
ishes (or, to borrow from musical terms, as the pitch rises),
the metal becomes dull red-hot; greater rapidity, cherry red ;
g-reater still, bright red ; then yellow-hot and white-hot ; the
luminosity growing as the rapidity of molecular vibration in-
creases.
There is no such gradation between the most rapid undula-
tions or tremblings that produce our sensation of sound and
the slowest of those which give rise to our sensations of
gentlest warmth. There is a huge gap between them, wide
enough to include another world or several other worlds of
motion, all lying between our world of sounds and our world
of heat and light, and there is no good reason whatever for
supposing that matter is incapable of such intermediate activ-
ity, or that such activity may not give rise to intermediate
74^ i THE LIBRARY MAGAZINE.
sensations, provided there are organs for taking up and sensi-
fying (if I may coin a desirable word) these movements.
As already stated, the limit of audible tremors is three to
four thousand per second, but the smallest number of tremors
that we can perceive as heat is between three and four mil-
lions of millions per second. The number of waves producing .
red light is estimated at four hundred and seventy-four mil-
lions of millions per second ; and for the production of violet
light, six hundred and ninety-nine millions of millions. Thfee
are the received conclusions of our best mathematicians, which
I repeat on their authority. Allowing, however, a very large
margin of possible error, the world of possible sensations ly-
ing between those produced by a few thousands of waves and
any number of millions is of enormous width.
In such a world of intermediate activities the insect prob-
ably lives, with a sense of vision revealing to him more than
our microscopes show to us, and with his minute eye-like ear-
bag sensifying material movements that lie between our world
ol sounds and our other far-distant worlds of heat and light.
There is yet another indication of some sort of intermedi-
ate sensation possessed by insects. Many of them are not
only endowed with the thousands of lenses of their compound
eyes,. but have in addition several curious organs that have
been designated " ocelli *' and " stemmata." These are gener-
ally placed at the top of the head, the thousand-fold eyes be-
ing at the sides. They are very much like the auditory organs
above described — so much so that in consulting different au-
thorities for special information on the subject I have fallen
into some confusion, from which I can only escape by sup-
posing that the organ which one anatomist describes as the
ocelli of certain insects is regarded as the auditory apparatus
when examined in another insect by another anatomist. All
this indicates a sort of continuity of sensation connecting the
sounds of the insect world with the objects of their vision.
But these ocular ears or auditory eyes of the insect arq not
ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE, 749
his only advantages over us. He has another sensory organ
to which, with all our boasted intellect, we can claim nothing
that is comparable, unless it be our olfactory nerve. The
possibility of this I will presently discuss.
I refer to the antennce which are the most characteristic of
insect organs, and wonderfully developed in some, as may be
seen by examining the plumes of the crested gnat. Every-
body who has carefully watched the doings of insects must
have observed the curiously investigative movements of the
antennae, which are ever on the alert peering and prying to
right and left and upwards and downwards* Huber, who de-
voted his life to the study of bees and ants, concluded that
these insects converse with each other by movements of the
antennae, and he has given to the signs thus produced the
name of *' antennal language.** They certainly do communi-
cate information or give orders by some means ; aud when
they stop for that purpose, they face each other and execute
peculiar wavings of these organs that are highly suggestive
of the movements of the old semaphore telegraph arms.
The most generally received opinion is that these antennae
are very delicate organs of touch, but some recent experi-
ments made by Gustav Hansen indicate that they are organs
of smelling or of some similar power of distinguishing objects
at a distance. Flies deprived of their antennae ceased' to dis-
play any interest in tainted meat that had previously proved
very attractive. Other insects similarly treated appear to be-
come indifferent to odors generally. He shows that the de-
velopment of the antennae in different species corresponds to
the power of smelling which they seem to possess.
I am sorely tempted to add another argument to those
brought forward by Hansen, viz., that our own olfactory
nerves, and those of all our near mammalian relations, are
curiously like a pair of antennae.
There are two elements in a nervous structure — the gray
and the white ; the gray or ganglionic portion is supposed to
7 so THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE.
be the center or seat of nervous power, and the white me-
dullary or fibrous portion merely the conductor of nervous
energy.
The nerves of the other senses have their ganglia seated
internally, and the bundles of tubular white threads spread
outwards therefrom, but not so with the olfactory nervous
apparatus. There are two horn-like projections thrust for-
ward from the base of the brain with white or medullary
stems that terminate outwardly or anteriorly in ganglionic
bulbs resting upon what I may call the roof of the nose, and
throwing out fibers that are composed, rather paradoxically,
of more gray matter than white. In some quadrupeds with
great power of smell, these two nerves extend so far forward
as to protrude beyond the front of the hemispheres of the
brain, with bulbous terminations relatively very much laiiger
than those of man.
They thus appear like veritable antennae. In some of our
best works on anatomy of the brain (Solly, for example) a
series of comparative pictures of the brains of different ani-
mals is shown, extending from man to the cod-fish. As we
proceed downwards, the horn-like projection of the olfactory
nerves beyond the central hemispheres goes on extending
more and more, and the relative magnitude of the terminal
ganglia or olfactory lobes increases in similar order.
We have only to omit the nasal bones and nostrils, to con-
tinue this forward extrusion of the olfactory nerves and their
bulbs and branches, to coat them with suitable sheaths pro-
vided with muscles for mobility, and we have the antennae of
insects. I submit this view of the comparative anatomy of
these organs as my own speculation, to be taken for what it is
worth.
There is no doubt that the antennae of these creatures are
connected by nerve-stalks with the anterior part of their su-
praaesophageal ganglia, i. e. the nervous centers correspond-
•ng to our brain.
ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE. 75 1
But what kind and degree of power fnust such olfactory
organs possess ? The dog has, relatively to the rest of his
brain, a much greater development of the olfactory nerves
and ganglia than man has. His powers of smell are so much
greater than ours that we find it difficult to conceive the pos-
sibility of what we actually see him do. As an example 1 may
describe an experiment I made upon a bloodhound of the fa-
mous Cuban breed. He belonged to a friend whose house is
situated on an eminence^ commanding an extensive view. I
started from the garden and wandered about a mile away,
crossed several fields by sinuous courses, climbing over
stiles and jumping ditches, always keeping the house in view ;
I then returned by qmite a different track. The bloodhound
was set upon the .beginning of my track. I watched him from
a window gajloping rapidly, and following all its windings
•without the least halting or hesitation. It was as clear to his
nose as a graveled path or a luminous streak would be to
our eyes. On his return I went down to him, and without
approaching nearer than five or six yards he recognized me
as the object of his search, proving this by circling round me,
baying deeply and savagely though harmlessly, as he always
kept at about the same distance.
If the difference of development between the human and
canine internal antennae produces all this difference of func-
tion, what a gulf there may be between our powers of per-
ceiving material emanations and those possessed by insects !
If my anatomical hypothesis is correct, some insects have
protruding nasal organs or out-thrust olfactory nerves as
long as all the rest of their bodies. .The power of movement
of these in all directions affords the means of sensory com-
munication over a corresponding range, instead of being
limited merely to the direction of the nostril openings. In
some insects, such as the plumed gnat, the antennae do not
appear to be thus movable, but this want of mobility is more
than compensated by the multitude of branchings of these
7S2 THE LIBRAE Y MA GAZINE,
wonderful organs whereby they are simultaneously exposed
in every direction. This structure is analagous to the fixed
but nwiltiplied eyes of insects, which, by seeing all around at
once, compensate for the want of that mobility possessed by
others that have but a single eyeball mounted on a flexible
and mobile stalk ; that of the spider, for example.
Such an extension of such a sensory function is equivalent
to living in another world of which we have no knowledge
and can form no definite conception. We, by our senses of
touch and vision, know the shapes and colors of objects, and
by our very rudimentary olfactory organs form crude ideasx>f
their chemistry or-composition, through the medium of their
mateiial emanations; but the huge exaggeration of this power
in- the insect should, supply him with instinctive perceptive
powers of chemical analysis, a direct acquaintance with the
inner molecular constitution of matter far clearer and deeper
than we are able to obtain by all the refinements of laboratory
analysis or the hypothetical formulating of molecular mathe-
maticians. Add this to the other world of sensations produ-
cible by the vibratory movements of matter lying between
those perceptible by our organs of hearing and vision, then
strain your imagination to its cracking point, and you will
still fail to picture the wonderland in which the smallest of
our fellow-creatures may be living, moving, and having their
being.
W. Mattieu Williams, in Belgravia,
INDEX.
PAOB
Account of the Remoral of the Bodies of Cromwell, Bradshaw, and Ireton 821
Accuracj necessary 40
A Day with Liszt in 1880. H. R. Haweis 106
.Snefd. The, inferior to Homer 293
^Esthetics, The, in Parliament. Justin H. McCarthy 87
Agricultural Settlers, The United States as a Field for. The Earl of Alrlie 33 1
Alexander Stralian. Sir David Brewster and Sir John Herschel 421
AlUngrhara, William. TheFirst English Poet 549
Alphabetical! and English Expositor. Henry Cockeram 604
Among the Clouds 266
Among the Dictionaries. Comhill Magazine 592
Amusement the Sole Aim of some Writers. 844
••^An Alvearie." John Baret , 6U0
Ancient Use of Cuneiform Writing 661
Anecdotes of Bibles. Chambers's Journal 541
A i^ight on Mount Washington. Prof . G. W. Blaikle 257
Archaisms removed and Proper Names consistently translated 418
Arnold in History 54
Art 17
A Vermont Buskin. The Spectator 17
Bad Novels do Irretrievable Harm 849
Beaconsfleld. Fame of ; 457
Beauties of the Poetiy of Homer 290
Beethoven greeting Liszt , 114
Beyond. David Swing , 11
Bible, The 859
The "Breeches".. 544
The "Treacle** ^ 544
The "Vinegar" 544
Bibles. Anecdotes of . Chambers's Journal 541
Birthday of Shakespeare 125
Blackwood's Marazlne. "Gil Bias" , 173
BlHikleiProf. G. W. A Night on Mount Washington 257
Blake, William. Frederick Wedmore 615
Bonaparte. J. R. Seeley / 552
Personality of s 568
Power of, with the Revolution 554
Bondage, Distinctions between 221
Books, How to read. John Dennis »>6
How to use 3r)7
must beloved wisely 8G9
Suitable 853
Bookworm. Gossip of an Old. W. J. Thoms 637
Boyhood of Carlyie 4i4
Bret Harte, Francis. M.S. V.de V m.
Brewster, Sir Divld, a Contributor to Magazines 427
Brotherhood of Science 85
Browni^ig's. Mrs. Barrett, verses on "Flush" -. ?M
BUlowand Rubensteln .\ 116
Bundle of Words. Cotgrave 601
Bunker Hill Monument Association 869
William Prescott ajt. Robert C. Wlnthrop 889
Byron in Greece. Temple Bar 271
Byron's Dogs— Boatswain and Nelson. 707
754
INDEX,
PAcri
Cnnludct. (JlmUfl* . * . . -*-,. J49
Cjii'ljJe JMa Bciy.^.. ,. 4M
aa a Lecturer ..* .*,.^,,.^* 288
HlA OfTvUJivct Haiiner -. 204
niii SuduitAs, ........ .p 206
fip^nltK Dn DlvjDaiJon 287
Jameft, By TJioiiias Carlyle..,^.* -. 190
^']!].i]iii.Hah llrH. olttihanc. 187
Tlioinas, E,url> Uffior J. A. Fpoude 491
Carlyle'9 LcL'^tiirefi on tht' PwrloUs of European Culture. Prof. Edward Dowden.. 288
Sk«i;tM>f hlBWlfit 194
Cattle'ft.'ar(i)ff In tin? tJDited Btateis. OT
CtnstiiR, Tho Brltlwh. of \^\..... 728
Cb^Lrk^Dlvkeiis Lu thi^Edlwr'eCitalT. Qentleman's Magazine 496
Chtjice nf Ph)fes.Hlan, Reajiou* for,, 178
ChHfitiftU ft y rMvi^aJii tlie Dignity of Human Sorrow 2M
CJ,4vlmH of itrL't Harte to Pat^uiarlty 687
Ciltu!B ri^tlnurl'ina «-«^><4 23
Clli3«e df CiirlyliV!» Am>rfiitic{.''bihipH«.H ..«.. 888
CoHL'ht^eon Mount Wftslilngr^n........... 268
Cufil, EiEHl AirtfHca, IjifluGn(.-e of^ on Engliond » 588
CitkirnrlOi i.^neAEs of ,., * 838
Qokmdoatid Denver. Bevelopm^nt of,^ 88S
Oom e< ties of Shiifet^Hi ware,... .♦......, 180
Q^umXwXvXi^Xixn Eilltlon of ffciw Testament— the first printed 406
CimfijUTiiUiiR On(? Word wkk another avoided 420
Coil lervnt rum of tlhc Sr^uth, ., , ,..*,.,.*. - 751
ConsUlcratlon to AutTsiirs dlsplajeHj br Uickens 448
Uonxvnv, MrW. Tin* Flmt Prtniefl Bnok Jtnown «, 898
tTr„i,,,s-,.!l riijv.^r "u vt.-,ri»""^ H"!--Lr>i 816
^\ hrL ' ' ''dyof? Gentleman's Magasine 811
Crom well's Burial-place 814
Crosby, Joseph. The Study of Shakespeare 121
Cuneiform writing. W. O. Sproull, Ph.D 661
Donrlnff-^thfuol Brtll .►. 308
DUDte rntitrfii^U'cl wlith Hume ., •. 806
Ht« artmfncas of Heart ftit^T fntellpct 297 •
P^nnlRn John. How to rear! Hoolrs,,,, — 856
Dfucrfptlnn fff Jfltnefl CaTlylt-. Thomnft Harlyle 499
I>k't[onaHt'H, AinoTi^ the. CoruhlU Jla^^^izlue 0B3
" Dk'tlOTiaiT-" Johfi Mlnfthf^u ., 6l«
nifTeTPTiee between Humor \\\\(\ Wft , 299
TftffkTf-nt Klndftof r*nnfi|frtrn] ^rlrlnir 666
lfI(Ti'iPiitinit<jn, rolltJtr.al. Herbert Spentjer 215
Ii"ii;:q iif I.lrcrfii^iirp. THmplt; Ear... 695
iKm jLjjin Antfink* Llorenre, im "Gil Bla*" 155
Hn wdon^ Ptof. 1£A WfiK], Cariyli-'s l.*ctu res on the Periods of European Culture 28S
DoTo!opy to tbo Lord^A Pmyer, Evidence against the a 413
Dryilen. Rapidity of TlioiiKhC nf , 140
Dut1«'Blncoml>HF*nt nil Kvery Wrltflr.n.** 180
]>y4pt^pflla, Its EffiH^Lson Carlyte,.,,,. 521
EArlof AlHlP. TtipOnitpfl Stfttes aa a Field for Agricultural Settlers 887
£^rly Hl:st0ry ofthe Cnrlyli?! Family.... *., 491
Ltfe of ThumfiB Cnrlyla J. A. Ffoude 491
SpttlPFft of f hii Routh . . . , , . , 6S
iCcpTrfofhFvn, tht- Birth-plflt't? of Tlionias Carlyle 493
E-ntoT'A ChA.lt. Ch^rie!' Dlclirnn In the. (^enUeman's Magazine 486
Fiittf'iitloT]— Fi Prkf^.^lfhn In Scotland., 494
Jlirym, Thp Gre,it OlRfoverv In. Tlie Snturrtoy Review 788
Klectir^t Syfltem of Ei^cland cr^Utdi by Blaraeli 460
F.nilirrnntHK Opporttmttie-^ for. «,,.,^.., S39
P.tiL't'iTifl, PoptiHtInn of.. .,,.... .'. \ 730
J^dTisllfiJi and AmrrlpaTi KnBr!i>;h+ Elchard A. Proctor €70
Eti«l)sbirT>fin, Tbf>, a j^urEit AnTmal 65
KnuMRh Npw Ti?!(rarn{>iit, Buviiiriri y(trft(nn cif the. Alexander Roberts, D.D 408
EinjllflhfirthoftTTipliv. F. A. >Tftrcb.T.L.D .., 33
Foot, The First. Wllllain ALUnBhiun 510
INDEX, 75 s
PAOK
Entering the Unirerslty.... 500
Erasmus as Translator 403
Errora in the Eariv Bibles 642
Escape of Byron from being captured 279
European Culture, Carlyle's Lectures on tlie Periods of the. Prof. Edward
Dowden 283
Everett, A. H. "Gil Bias" 156
Exercitium super Pater Noster , 896
Facts and Fancies of Mr. Darwin 426
Faith, Newman's Ideas of 84
False Doctrine 83
Familiar Americanisms, Examples of 692
Favorable Position occupied by England 586
First Printed Book known. M. W. Conway 893
First Regular Battle of the American Revolution 882
Franceson, Charles Frederic. Essay on " Gil Bias" 162
Francis Bret Harte. M. S. V.deV 631
Fraudulent Land Agencies 840
French Revolution, The, the Most Frightful Phenomena EverSeen 808
Froude. J. A. Early Life of Thomas Carlyle.. 491
Reminiscences of the High Church Revival 74
Freeman, Edward A. Study of History 82
Fust, John,Bibleof 547
Oenlns and Method. Temple Bar 136
•* Gil Bias"? Who wrote. Henri Van Laun 151
" aiossograpbia Angllca Nova," published in 1707 606
" Glossographia," by Thomas Blount 604
Gossip of an Old Bookworm. W. J. Thorns 637
Grain, Prices of , in Different States 834
Great Writers, Methods of 146
Greece, Byron in. Temple Bar 271
Hamlet, Fascination of . .^ 128
Harleian Miscellany— Account of Burial of Cromwell 817
Hdweis,H. R. A Day with Liszt in 1880 106
Heroic Lives, lived not written 296
Herschel, Sir John, Contributor to (Jood Words 431
Hli^h Church Revival, Reminiscences of the. James Anthony Froude 74
Hildebrand not a Proud Man 295
History a Practical Science 52
How to be studied 67
of a Sonnet 139
Study of. Edward A. Freeman 82
the Study of Man 45
Homer, The Poetry of 289
House of Commons, Vote passad In 319
How to read Books. John Dennis .- 856
remember what is read 866
write a Novel 845
Hiieffcr, Francis. Modem Italian Poets 236
Hume as a Historian , 806
Hunt, William Morris. Ci^ticlsmof his Paintings 20
Xde alism, or Imagination 12
Xlliteracy a Pressing Danger 23
Imperfections In English Spelling 23
Influence of the Norman Conquest on the History of London 584
In J ustlce of the Carthaginians 292
Interest In Dogs shown by Charles Dickens .^ 717
Irving and Carlyle give up Teaching ^. 517
receiving Carlyle 50i>
Trving'fl Friendship for Carlyle 536
I taliuu and Belgian Bells 110
Poets, Modern. Francis Huefter 2;)6
JTacobln ism. Overthrow of ^^^^ ^56
Tourney to Greece, Byron's :T^. 273
jrustica to Beaconsfleld 496
756.
INDEX.
PAOI
Last Poem by Byron 26S
Le Sage's Farce 152
l£xin$ton, Concord, and Bunker Hill 373
Life of Chopin. P. Liszt 118
LlaztjaDavwith, Inl880. H. R. Hawels H«
asaMuslcian lU
Literature as a Trade 61
Dogs of* Temple Bar €95
London, Main Elements of, at the Present Time SBl
Population of , 'kZ
The Orlaln of. Comhlll Magazine Sil
Lope de Vega— His Literary FccunOlty 143
Luther, Cariyle's Estimation of ^ 810
Luthel"8 Table Talk 118
Macbeth, Traits of 1?7
McCarthy, Justin H. The ^Esthetics In Parliament 87
" Manlpulua Vocabulorum," printed in 1570... 966
March. F. A., LL.D. English Orthography 2S
MentalTraltsproducedby Exercise of Power J27
Method and Qenlus. Temple Bar i 186
of declining Offered Manuscript 440
MUton, John, as a Reviser 18ft
too sectarian 908
Mistakes In New Testament Grammar rectified 417
Modern Italian Poets. Francis Hueffer 281
Mouey necessary for Successful Emigration , 890
MorgaUjDanlel, with William Prescott : 887
Mount Washington, A Night on. Prof . G. W. Blalkle 907
Description of SH)
Railroad Vi
View from 9tt
Necessity oflMedltation and Toll 187
Necrol glum VIrldls Vollis aM
New England's Mountains 2G8
Ne w En gla nd. Young Women of 968
Newman, John Henry 74
as a Preacher \ 81
Newman's Oratory 88
New Testament Company, Constitution of VA
"New World of Words," by Edward Phillips €05
Novel-making not an Impulse 84S
Novelsand Novel-makers. Good Words Sfi
OfBceof Charles Dickens 487
Old Bookstores M8
Oliphant, Mrs. Thomas Carlyle 187
Omissions In the Revised Version, Evidence In Favor of 413
Origin of Early Names 5Sf
London. Comhlll Magazine 8Q
Orthography, English. F. A. March, LL.D , 99
Pafranlnl's Performances .^ IM
Peculiarities of Charles Dickens 4S
Phouetle Journal, Isaac Pitman's 94
Plantation Library, A : 81
Life a Hindrance to Mental Activity 87
Foot, The First English. William Allingham 50
Political Differentiation. Herbert Spencer IB
Pomei lum Splritnale , ' 4V
Poor Copy an Offense to All M?
Positive Mistakes of the Greek corrected IM i
"Poshema," by Lorenzo Stecchetti \
Pratra,E.nilio : , L_ ,
Prayer-Books, Anecdotes of i 90
Preseott's Battle |M I
Preston, Margaret J. Literary Profession In the South \\\, m\
Prices of Western Lands M
Printed B>>oJ£, The First known.* * M.'w. Conway *
INDEX. 757
PAOS
Printing-press, Th© Earliest known i 403
Profession, Jjlterary , In the South. Manraret J. Preston 60
of Letters, The Morality of the. Robert Louis Sterenson 176
" Promptorlum Parvulorum," the First Dictionary ., 597
Pronunciation, Changes in 678
Public Opinion or Feeling 179
Beading aloud 867
A Plan for 863
wlthaPurpose 861
Religion a Personal Matter 80
Benilnlscences of the High Church Revival. J. A. Froude 74
Revised Version of the English New Testament. Alexander Roberts, D.D 403
•Richelieu, The Fate of 812
Rip Van Winkle and his Dog Wolf 722
Ruskln, A Vermont. Spectator ^... 17
Sainthlll^ Remark upon 'Cromwell 824
Seeley, J. R. Bonaparte , 552
Shakespeare and Ejiox 808
Power of 135
TheStudyof. Joseph Crosbv 121
The Epitome of the Age of Elizabeth 802
** Shorte Dlctlonarle in Latin and English, verle profitable for yong Beginners.". 599
«hort Meditations on Oliver Cromwell 822
Sir David Brewster and Sir John Herschel. Alexander Strahan 424
Sixpenny Box at a Bookstall '. 643
Skepticism, The Consummation of 807
Skull of Cromwell, its History . . '. 825
£lavesan Incldentof War ; 217
Social Position, Inequalities of 284
Bongs of Experience, bv William Blake 628
Innocence, '^ " *' 623
eouthey*s Poem on the Dog Theron 712
Specimens of Carlyle's Letters 502
Spencer, Herbert. Political Differentiation 215
Steel losing Its Position 462
Stevenson, Robert Louis. The Morality of the Profession of Letters 176
etudy of History. Edward A. Freeman 82
gwlnbume's Sympathy 183
Swlnc, David. Beyond 11
fSword and Gun compared 4'^
of Wm.Prescott 892
The. Blackwood's Magazine 461
Talbot, The Pate of 812
Thames, The, gives Conditions necessaiy for Commerce 576
The Literary Prof esslon in the South. Margaret J. Preston 60
Morality of the Profession of Letters. Robert Louis Stevenson 176
Study of Shakespeare. Joseph Crosby 121
Sword. Blackwood's Magazine 461
United States as a Field for Agricultural Settlers. The Earl of Alrlle 827
Thomas Oarlyle. Mrs. OUphant 187
Towle, OeorgeM. Justice to Beaconslleld 456
TwoClassesof Agricultural Emigrants 828
Words explained— Literature and Culture 860
tJlrlch Hutten— A Straggler .,, 801
Universal Etymological English Dictionary, by Nathan Bailey 607
Valley of the Shadow of Frederick 196
Van den Bosraert, Prior of Groenendael 894
Van Laun, Henri. Who wrote "GU Bias"? 151
Varieties of Swords 479
Virgil's Method of Work 148
"Woflmeras a Visitor , 113
"Waiter Scott's Two Dogs— Camp and Malda : . 699
War, The Horrors of, greatly reduced. 472
758 INDEX.
^hcHo^^ ity j:,< ^vC-<^v
_^ PAOB
Warren, Joseph, at Banker Hill .• 880
Waverley Novels, Judgment of the 866
Wedmore, Frederick. William Blake 615
What became of Cromwell? Gentleman's Magazine SIl
is to be the Fate of the Revised Version? 421
Whlmsof Writers ^ .» 149
Who wrote " Gil Bias "? Henri Van iAun 151
Why should the Capital of the British Empire be at Westminster? 57
William Blake. Frederick Wedmore 615
Prescott at Bunker Hill. Robert C. Winthrop 369
the Conquerorand Henry the Eighth 50
Winthrop, Robert C. William Prescott at Bunker Hill 369
Women, Conditions of 215
of India 13
WordSiJthe Different Us^ of , in England and America 686
^b be Changed , 27
World, Another, down Here. W. Hattleu Williams 748
Writers, Suggestions tOjby Charles Dickens 444
Writing, Cuneiform. W. O. Sproull, Ph.D 661
t**^
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